Byrds, Planes, and an Automobile

[Raymond]

Byrds, Planes, and an Automobile

One of the men with whom the truth may lie, concerning the JFK
assassination's links to the University of Texas, was one of UT's most
ardent supporters who happened to own the building that has become
synonymous with the assassination. His ties to UT are well known. His
numerous ties to the assassination are lesser known. One of his least
known ties, it appears, is to the UT Rambler.

Somewhat like the plot to assassinate Trotsky and most unlike the
failed assassination conspiracy against Hitler in which Allen Dulles
and Mary Bancroft participated, the plot to assassinate President
Kennedy seems to have been sophisticated, intricate, and meticulously
planned. It can be presumed therefore that, as researcher William
Weston has written, "One of the most critical elements of this plot
was the Texas School Book Depository." In addition to both the
circumstances of Oswald's employment at the TSBD, and the routing of
the motorcade by the building, Weston points out that there would have
been a need for a team of plotters to make detailed plans inside the
building well in advance of November 22, including firing angles,
planting of false evidence, and getaway plans. This could have been
done, Weston says, by six TSBD employees assigned to lay new flooring
on the fifth and sixth floors from late October until November 22.298
It is a plausible argument, which brings up the concern that any long-
term improvement to the property such as a flooring project would have
to have been of interest to, if not directly initiated and contracted
by, the building's owner.

Roy Truly, the "superintendent" who hired Oswald was "a building
manager."299 In a story published the day after the assassination,
Dallas Morning News reporter Kent Biffle referred to Roy Truly as
"Superintendent of the textbook building...."300 The floor crew was
supervised directly by William Shelly, "the assistant manager who was
in charge of the floor laying project."301 These titles imply that
they were building managers more closely associated with the landlord
than with the private textbook brokerage firm which leased the
building.302 The employment of these individuals would seem to be a
relatively easy fact for researchers verify.

Weston writes, "The electrical power for the whole building and even
the telephone stopped working about five minutes prior to the
assassination.303 How two such entirely different systems as the
electricity and the phones could go out simultaneously is beyond
explanation, unless one can assume that the interruption was
deliberate."304 Although this claim is currently in dispute, it cannot
be denied that the conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy would
have involved intimate knowledge of the TSBD building. Truly and
Shelly were possibly employed to some extent by the building's
landlord, David Harold Byrd.

Dallas oilman David Harold Byrd, born April 24, 1900, was the cousin
of Admiral Richard E. Byrd and his brother, Senator Harry F. Byrd,
"the leader of conservative opinion in the United States."305 D.H.
Byrd owned the Texas School Book Depository building from the 1930s to
the 1970s. In May 1964, he had the "Oswald window" removed and kept it
as part of his estate.306 In 1972, after Byrd sold the building to Mr.
Aubrey Mayhew, an arsonist set it on fire. It was saved, however.
Shortly thereafter Mayhew defaulted on his payments to Republic
National Bank of Dallas307 and the property reverted to the Byrd
family.308 In 1975 Byrd sold it again.309

Byrd had a close relationship with both Lyndon Johnson and John
Connally. Evidently not satisfied with being the cousin of a powerful
and respected U.S. senator,310 for D.H. Byrd, "Another goal was to
reach a rapport with the politicians who ran things, especially at the
seat of state government in Austin....Sam Rayburn, Morrie Sheppard,
John Connally, and Lyndon Johnson on the national scene were to become
men I could go to any time that I wanted action, and so were a
succession of Texas governors. Among the ablest was John
Connally...who says he's in my debt for pleading his cause...
with...Ida Nell (Nellie) Brill, Sweetheart of The University of Texas
in 1940...."311

Byrd probably also knew George de Mohrenschildt, David Atlee Phillips
and George Bush through the Dallas Petroleum Club.312 In 1945, future
club member de Mohrenschildt obtained a masters degree in petroleum
engineering after eighteen months at the University of Texas at Austin.
313 During that year he was investigated by the FBI and ONI.

That same year he worked under Warren W. Smith, president of Pantipec
Oil, owned by the parents of William F. Buckley, Jr. Smith and de
Mohrenschildt soon quit and formed the Cuban-Venezuelan Oil Voting
Trust Company. When Castro took over, this company forfeited oil
leases covering about half of Cuba. Jack Crichton of Army Intelligence
Reserve Service, mentioned earlier, had also worked under Warren Smith
at Pantipec, which sells to Sun Oil.314 By 1957, George de
Mohrenschildt had established himself in oil ventures ranging from
wildcat drilling to aerial surveillance and had begun working for the
CIA.315

It is probable that Byrd knew David Ferrie and he definitely knew the
very top Air Force brass through Civil Air Patrol (CAP). CAP Captain
David Ferrie was CAP cadet Lee Harvey Oswald's trainer.316

Byrd was a co-founder of Civil Air Patrol. Displayed in his office, at
1110 Tower Petroleum Building in Dallas, were many pictures of himself
in uniform with aviation dignitaries and Air Force Generals.317 He was
an aviation buff but could not become a fighter pilot because his
eyesight was bad.318 He co-founded CAP six days before Pearl Harbor.
319 After World War II he spearheaded the establishment of the Cadet
Program in CAP and contributed many scholarships to its cadets.320 In
Dallas on May 24, 1963, the U.S. Air Force presented to Byrd its
Scroll of Appreciation, which reads:


For rendering meritorious service to the United States Air Force from
Dec. 1941 to April, 1960. Motivated by a strong sense of patriotism,
Mr. Byrd played a major part in the successful operation of the Texas
Wing, Civil Air Patrol, throughout World War II. After the war he
assisted in the incorporation of the Civil Air Patrol and its
designation as an Auxiliary of the Air Force. Mr. Byrd helped initiate
the International Air Cadet Exchange and worked closely with the Air
Cadet League of Canada. The many scholarships established or supported
by Mr. Byrd have aided countless cadets in the attainment of
additional training and higher education. His contributions of
material and personal aircraft to the use of Civil Air Patrol
materially aided in the performance of its mission.. The distinctive
accomplishments of Mr. Byrd have earned for him the sincere gratitude
of the United States Air Force.

(Signed) - Curtis E. Le May
Chief of Staff
(Signed) - Eugene M. Zuckert
Secretary of the Air Force321

D.H. Byrd counted among his close friends one of the most famous
aviators, General Jimmy Doolittle.322 Byrd and Doolittle were hunting
buddies. Of Doolittle he wrote, "Having a fondness for being Number
One in all my undertakings, it doesn't come naturally for me to
confess that Doolittle is the one man whom I would gladly serve in any
venture as Number Two."323 On one intriguing trip without Doolittle,
Byrd went hunting in central Africa in November and December 1963. It
was his first such trip of five during his lifetime outside of the
U.S., Mexico, and Canada.324

Byrd prepared well for the trip: Temco, Inc. was an aircraft company
founded by D.H. Byrd and which later merged with his friend James
Ling's electronics company (1960), and aircraft manufacturer Chance
Vought Corporation (1961) to form Ling-Temco-Vought (LTV). Byrd became
a director325 of LTV and bought, along with Ling, 132,000 shares of
LTV in November 1963.326 Byrd then left the country to go on his two-
month safari in central Africa. He returned in January to find his
good friend Lyndon Johnson president of the United States, his
building famous, and a large defense contract awarded to LTV to build
fighter planes -- to be paid for out of the 1965 budget which had not
yet been approved by Congress.327

Mac Wallace, who received a five-year suspended sentence in the
shooting death of John Douglas Kiner in Austin on October 22, 1951,
went to work for Temco, Inc. of Garland, Texas five months after his
trial. He remained in that position until February 1961, four months
before Henry Marshall's mysterious death on June 3, 1961, when he
transferred to the Anaheim, California offices of LTV.328

The transfer required a background check by the Navy. "The most
intriguing part of the Wallace case was how a convicted murderer was
able to get a job with defense contractors. Better yet, how was he
able to get a security clearance? Clinton Peoples [the Texas Ranger
Captain who investigated the Marshall and Kiner murders]329 reported
that when the original security clearance was granted, he asked the
Naval intelligence officer handling the case how such a person could
get the clearance. `Politics,' the man replied. When Peoples asked who
would have that much power, the simple answer was, `the vice
president,' who at the time was Lyndon Johnson. Years later, after the
story broke [of Billie Sol Estes' March 20, 1984 testimony that
implicated Lyndon Johnson, Malcom Wallace, and Clifton Carter in the
death of Henry Marshall], that investigator could not recall the
conversation with Peoples but he did say no one forced him to write a
favorable report. He also added that he wasn't the one that made the
decision to grant the clearance. The whole matter might have been
solved with a peek at that original report but unfortunately, when the
files were checked, that particular report was suspiciously missing.
It has never been seen since."330

Wallace was transferred and given clearance in February 1961. "In
January 1961, the very month Johnson was sworn in as vice president,
and the month Henry Marshall was in Dallas discussing how to combat
Estes-like scams, Billie Sol Estes learned through his contacts that
the USDA was investigating the allotment scheme and that Henry
Marshall might end up testifying. The situation was supposedly
discussed by Estes, Johnson, and Carter in the backyard of LBJ's
Washington home. Johnson was, according to Estes, alarmed that if
Marshall started talking it might result in an investigation that
would implicate the vice president. At first it was decided to have
Marshall transferred to Washington, but when told Marshall had already
refused such a relocation, LBJ, according to Estes, said simply, `Then
we'll have to get rid of him.'"331

According to Craig Zirbel, author of The Texas Connection, in May
1962, "...Johnson flew to Dallas aboard a military jet to privately
meet with Estes and his lawyers on a plane parked away from the
terminal....This incident would probably have remained secret except
that LBJ's plane suffered a mishap in landing at Dallas. When
investigative reporters attempted to obtain the tower records for the
flight mishap the records were "sealed by government order."332

Still more LTV intrigues were revealed by Peter Dale Scott: "A fellow-
director of [Jack Alston] Crichton's333 firm of Dorchester Gas
Producing was D.H. Byrd, an oil associate of Sid Richardson and Clint
Murchison, and the LTV director who teamed up with James Ling to buy
132,000 shares of LTV in November 1963. While waiting to be sworn in
as President in Dallas on November 22, Johnson spoke by telephone with
J.W. Bullion, a member of the Dallas law firm (Thompson, Wright,
Knight, and Simmons) which had the legal account for Dorchester Gas
Producing and was represented on its board. The senior partner of the
law firm, Dwight L. Simmons, had until 1960 sat on the board of Chance
Vought Aircraft, a predecessor of Ling-Temco-Vought. One week after
the assassination, Johnson named Bullion, who has been described as
his `business friend and lawyer,' to be one of the two trustees
handling the affairs of the former LBJ Co. while its owner was
President."334

Another appreciative friend of Byrd's was Arthur Andrew Collins, the
founder of the Collins Radio Company. Byrd, along with John D.
Rockefeller, Jr., was a financier of his cousin Admiral Richard E.
Byrd's polar expeditions by air. A mountain range at the South Pole is
named the Harold Byrd Mountains in his honor.335 Some of that money
went for the purchase of radio equipment and technical support from
Arthur Collins. The 1933 expedition was the first big break for the
young Collins Radio Company of Cedar Rapids Iowa.336

In May 1951 Collins began an expansion program to build a one-million
dollar plant near the Dallas suburb of Richardson. A hanger was leased
at nearby Red Bird Airport to install and repair airborne equipment.
The move was due to a decentralization plan urged by the Defense
Department for security reasons.337

According to Dick Russell, "At about 1:OO p.m. on the afternoon of
November 22, half an hour after the president was shot, neighbors who
lived along the road that runs by the little Redbird [sic] private
airport began calling police. A twin-engine plane, they reported, was
out there behaving very peculiarly. For an hour it had been revving
its engines, not on the runway but parked at the end of the airstrip
on a grassy area next to the fence. The noise prevented nearby
residents from hearing their TVs, as news came over about the terrible
events in downtown Dallas. But the police were too busy to check it
out, and shortly thereafter the plane took off....

"Louis Gaudin, the government's air traffic control specialist at
Redbird [sic] airport...recalled observing three men in business suits
board a Comanche-type aircraft at about 2:00 p.m. on November 22, head
north, then return with only two occupants, where they were met by a
Dallas policeman named Haake."338

In August 1978, former Dallas Assistant District Attorney Bill
Alexander and author Anthony Summers were retracing Oswald's
movements. According to Summers, Alexander told him that the spot
where Tippit was killed was near R.L. Thornton Freeway, the route to
Red Bird airport. Alexander speculated that Oswald may have expected
to be picked up and taken to the airport.339

In 1963, Wayne January rented planes at Red Bird Airport. He told
researcher Jones Harris in 1966 and Summers in 1978 that before the
assassination he was approached by two men and a woman, who inquired
about renting an aircraft on November 22, to go to Mexico. After the
assassination he thought that Oswald strongly resembled one of the men
he had encountered.340

On November 24, 1963, FBI Special Agent Norman W. Propst was in
Witchita Falls, Texas inquiring whether a South Texas pilot named
Chuck Rogers or anyone from South Texas had been in contact with
anyone at an aircraft plant in Olney, Texas or the crop dusting
industry in North Texas in recent months.341 In 1991, Houston Police
Department Forensic Artist Lois Gibson concluded, after photographic
studies, that one of the Dealey Plaza tramps was either Charles
Frederick Rogers, the CIA pilot and CAP member from Houston, "or a
dead ringer close enough to be an identical twin."342

Rogers joined CAP in the early 1950s to learn to fly. "During his
spare time, he participated in various CAP activities, including
searches for downed pilots, which brought him into contact with other
CAP leaders and cadets in the Texas-Louisiana region."343

Raymond Broshears, the former roommate of Oswald's Louisiana CAP unit
captain, David Ferrie, told Dick Russell in 1975, that the purpose of
Ferrie's sudden trip to Houston on the night of November 22, 1963,
"was to meet a plane. He was going to fly these people on to Mexico,
and eventually to South Africa, which did not have an extradition
treaty with the United States. They had left from some little airfield
between Dallas and Fort Worth, and David had a twin-engine plane ready
for them, and that was the purpose of his mad dash through a driving
rainstorm from New Orleans."344 Ferrie told New Orleans D.A. Jim
Garrison that the purpose of his "mad dash" was to go goose hunting.
Perhaps D.H. Byrd also had reasons other than hunting for his first
trip to Africa in November 1963.

A vice president at Collins Radio in Richardson knew George de
Mohrenschildt and Oswald. Throughout the summer of 1962, de
Mohrenschildt and his wife, Jean, made almost daily visits to the home
of Admiral Henry C. Bruton. De Mohrenschildt introduced the Brutons to
Lee and Marina and solicited the Brutons' help in his attempts to
arrange and rearrange the Oswalds' lives.345

De Mohrenschildt was not only friends with Bruton, a former director
of top secret Naval communications, he was also a friend of Colonel
David L. Schurger, a Czech-born engineer who had served in Air Force
intelligence. De Mohrenschildt was a frequent guest at this same house
when it was owned by Schurger from 1954 to 1958.346

Carl Mather of Garland, Texas, a twenty-one year employee of Collins
radio at the time of the assassination, had security clearance for
electronics work and had done work on Johnson's airplane, Air Force
Two. At about 2:00 p.m. on the day of the assassination a mechanic saw
a man who looked like Oswald sitting in a red 1957 Plymouth in the
parking lot of El Chico restaurant. The license number of the car
(Texas PP 4537) was the same number issued to Mather's blue 1957
Plymouth. Mather was a close friend of J.D. Tippit's.347

Within the first year after the assassination, Kenneth Porter quit his
job at Collins Radio. Soon thereafter articles began to appear in the
Dallas papers about his dating Marina Oswald. J.H. "Bart" Bartholomew,
an employee at Collins' Richardson plant since 1955, reported that
after Porter had been working there for a while he quit "all of a
sudden." Fellow workers wondered why he quit so suddenly. According to
Bartholomew, Porter got along with everyone at the plant. No one knew
any reason why he would quit. Then the news media reported that
Kenneth and Marina were engaged. He had divorced his wife just prior
to the engagement announcement. Porter also had children and had not
mentioned any domestic problems. When news of the engagement broke,
rumors began at Collins that he was marrying Marina for her money.
Bartholomew said the talk around the plant was that the quitting,
divorce and engagement all happened very quickly in that order within
a year of the assassination.348

Bartholomew's job at Collins was inspecting work done on two-man
communications "Huts" used in Korea and Vietnam. Collins also equipped
military aircraft and ships with sophisticated top secret electronic
gear. In March 1963, Collins was awarded a two-million-dollar-plus
contract from the CIA connected United States Information Agency
(USIA) to build nine short-wave transmitters to be used in Southeast
Asia. Two weeks later, however, the work had to be postponed when
President Kennedy requested a cut in USIA funds. By October, it
appears, the contract had turned into a scandal. Assistant Secretary
of Defense BeLieu was charged with giving false data to the House
Human Resources subcommittee on a "sole source" contract awarded to
Collins. Despite his denials, subcommittee members urged that BeLieu
be dismissed if he did not give a satisfactory explanation. One week
later, however, this heated debate would be eclipsed by a bigger
scandal involving Collins Radio and the CIA.349 It also involved a
ship with sophisticated electronics -- installed while Ken BeLieu was
Assistant Navy Secretary for Installations and Logistics under Navy
Secretary John Connally.350

On Halloween night 1963, Castro's soldiers captured four CIA agents
attempting to infiltrate Cuba from a 174-foot ship called the Rex that
was based in the Port of Palm Beach, flew a Nicaraguan flag and was
being leased to the Collins Radio Company of Dallas by J.A. Belcher, a
Miami oilman. The four agents confessed on Cuban television. One of
those captured, Montero Carranzana, said he had "once landed twelve
infiltrators on the north coast of Matazzas Province from a yacht that
had a crew of American CIA agents." The U.S. government did not deny
Castro's charges. The Rex mission was not the first time Collins had
provided cover for CIA operations. Two weeks after Kennedy's death,
the Rex and another mystery ship called Leda, again left their Florida
ports.351 This paper will further explore several apparent connections
between the Rex and the UT Rambler.

Byrd was able to give Arthur Collins his "big break" in 1933 because
he had made his fortune by 1931. When he mapped out his goals he
decided, "High on my list was the University of Texas. Despite my
enforced drop-out after two years, I have nursed an abiding affection
for the "Forty Acres" and its fortunes, especially on the football
field...."352 D. Harold Byrd, as he is known on campus, donated large
sums of money to the University of Texas and its Longhorn Marching
Band. Among the things this money helped purchase was "Big Bertha,"
the largest bass drum in the world, and the construction of the Music
Building East, in which a lounge is named the "Byrd Room" in his
honor. Each year three band members receive the "Harold Byrd Awards"
for leadership.353

As mentioned earlier, D.H. Byrd knew Barbara J. Burris, a mutual close
friend and supporter of pianist Van Cliburn. "I wanted to be a welcome
member of Dallas Society." Byrd wrote, "I was an early booster and
close friend of pianists Van Cliburn and Jose Iturbi...."354 Barbara
J. is the wife of Air Force intelligence Colonel Howard L. Burris,
Vice President Johnson's military representative, discussed earlier in
this paper. Her father, Texas Governor Beauford Jester was a "dear
friend" of D.H. Byrd's.355

Thus the story of Byrds and planes comes full circle to our mysterious
automobile. Through his enthusiastic patronage of The University of
Texas, as well as through their mutual political and Air Force
friends, and mutual contacts at DeGolyer and MacNaughton Byrd knew
Harry Huntt Ransom. Ransom and UT are the key to Byrd's association
with Cecil Bernard Smith, who had sold the mysterious UT Rambler to
George Gordon Wing two years earlier. D.H. Byrd and C.B. Smith became
founding members, in 1965, of UT's Chancellor's Council created by
Harry Ransom.356



Señor Wing, su Camioneta, y el "Red Ripper"

The interrelationships previously discussed and yet to be discussed in
this paper were not the result of unaided insights on the part of this
paper's author or researchers. They were ascertained by studying what
at first appeared to be a professor's eccentric collection of old
magazines carried in his old car, and random mutilations of books on
the JFK assassination and one rather obscure reference book in the UT
libraries. Upon closer examination, however, patterns began to emerge.
For reasons to be discussed, the mutilations are believed to have been
done by a single individual whom this paper's researchers have dubbed
the "Red Ripper." This section will deal with an apparent combined
purpose behind the eccentricities of George Wing and the mutilations
of the Red Ripper.

To be explored, in this and later sections, are the probable
identification of Wing's Rambler by an eyewitness who seems to
corroborate Wing's background in Florida as predicted by a significant
detail of the mutilations; the probable identity of the Red Ripper;
and possible interpretations of the magazines and books as evidence.

In September 1988, this author began a daily reading program on the
JFK assassination in preparation for the inevitable misinformation
that would dominate media coverage of the twenty-fifth anniversary of
that event. Despite having sporadically kept up with the subject over
the years, large gaps in personal knowledge of the findings of
researchers over the previous ten years was quickly realized. The
reading continued past the anniversary and a learning curve began,
resulting in a progressively greater understanding of the facts and
history of the assassination.

By May 1989, this author was familiar enough with the Roger Craig
story and its implications to take more than a passing glance at
George Wing's old Rambler parked among the late model Honda's and
Toyota's.

Another direct result of the reading program was the attention given,
in the summer of 1989, to the mutilations of Anthony Summers' 1980
edition of Conspiracy. The annoyance of this led to a determined
effort to find what was written on those missing pages.

As mentioned at the beginning of this paper, the missing "John
Martino" pages in Anthony Summers' book were only a minor curiosity
even in 1990 after the discovery of Martino's pre-assassination visit
to Austin. This book was the 1980 edition, which was UT's only copy
prior to the release of the 1989 edition. It was still missing the
pages dealing with Martino in May 1991, despite the fact that these
pages were reported missing in April 1990 and new pages had been "on
order" since May, 9 1990.

When the second mutilation was found (Anson's 1975 book, They've
Killed the President) it was still only a bothersome inconvenience. UT
card catalog records showed a second copy in the Flawn Academic
Center, UT's undergraduate library. That copy of the book was missing,
however, and according to the librarian, had never been checked out.
That indicated it was probably stolen just after being purchased.

It was only with the discovery of a third mutilation, the testimony of
Santos Trafficante in a volume of hearings of the House Select
Committee on Assassinations, that a pattern began to emerge.

The HSCA pages were removed in a way that left marks from a red ball
point pen. The pen had been repeatedly stroked along the gutter of the
book until the page could be easily ripped out. This was the same
technique used in Anson's book and, in blue ink, in the fourth book
discovered: an obscure biographical reference work called The
Directory of American Scholars.

The only reason this book was consulted was because of attempts to
find biographical information about Professor Wing. Wing's name was
not listed, but near where his name would have been was a rectangular
hole in the page that had been cut out using a blue ball point pen.

After consulting an older edition of this same directory it was
suspected that the biography removed from this page (p. 672, sixth
ed., 1974) was that of Nathaniel Weyl, the former OSS operative who
helped expose Alger Hiss.357 Weyl was friends with John Martino358
(subject of the Summers missing pages and a "close friend" of Santos
Trafficante),359 Frank Meyer360 (friend of William F. Buckley, Jr. and
subject of Warren Commission Document 662), and William Pawley,361
who, aside from being a missing pages subject himself, wrote a letter
to the editor of Esquire defending the planners of the Bay of Pigs
invasion.362

That letter was published in George Wing's most prominently displayed
back seat magazine. After receiving an intact copy of the sixth
edition of the directory through an interlibrary loan, the suspicion
that Weyl's biography was the one removed was confirmed.

The next book found was Peter Dale Scott's Crime and Cover-Up. Prior
to discovery of The Fish is Red, Scott's was the most mutilated book.
Once again a red ball point pen had been used.

The sixth book is perhaps the most unusual. It is the only known
foreign language book to be mutilated, Wim J.F. Meiners' De
Moordfabriek: Tussen Dallas En Watergate. Little is known about this
book due to lack of access to Dutch translation services. It was
determined much later that its missing pages included a photo section.
No major significance between the photos and other aspects of the UT
mysteries has been found. However, there are portraits of the
Watergate burglars, who seem to have been of special interest to the
Red Ripper. But still, this book may not be related to the others
since there was no red ink. And the book was poorly bound which could
have easily resulted in the loss of pages. There is one fact that
makes it worth considering. The Dutch journalist, Willem Oltmans, who
is referred to on one of this book's missing pages, had not only
visited de Mohrenschildt just prior to his death, but was also talking
to Manuel Artime and William Pawley at the time of their deaths.
Artime and Pawley are prime subjects of other missing pages.363

Missing pages from The Fish is Red, again with traces of red ink along
the gutter, also included the photo section. Since it was not known at
this time that De Moordfabriek had a photo section, this was
considered the first photo section removed. It was predicted,
therefore, that there might be a significant photograph removed from
this book. A second, intact, copy of this book was soon obtained from
UT's Benson Latin American Collection. A quick perusal of the photos
revealed no obvious connection to UT, or to George Wing and his
station wagon.

A closer look, however, revealed what may be the most significant link
of all between Wing and the JFK assassination: a 1961 photo of a man
wearing a turtle-neck shirt, in Little Havana, Miami who looks like a
young George Gordon Wing. He is pictured with a group of men being
recruited by E. Howard Hunt for the Bay of Pigs invasion. Attempts
were made to obtain an enlarged print of this photograph from its
photographer, Andrew St. George. He has not responded to this author's
request to purchase his photographs.

With the chilling discoveries of the Weyl biography and possible Wing
photo mutilations, an effort began not only to analyze the known
missing pages but to search the campus libraries for others. This led
to the first indications of patterns in the contents of the various
books as well as the discovery of the remaining books.

The study and analysis of the missing pages has proven to be a lengthy
and time-consuming project. The findings concerning them are beyond
the scope this paper. A thorough analysis of the missing pages would
require another paper of considerable length. For researchers who
would like to attempt their own analysis and critique, however, a
complete list of the books, their missing pages and their discovery
dates, as well as the back seat magazines, can be found in this
paper's appendix. This paper will deal with some significant aspects
of the missing pages that led to a greater understanding of the
interrelationships previously discussed and yet to be discussed.

One of the initial themes to emerge in the missing pages subsequently
took on greater importance. It was the first section missing from
Anson (197-98). According to the index, it was about Loran Eugene
Hall. On these pages Anson tells a story derived from Warren
Commission Documents 1563 and 1179.

On September 18, 1963, Hall, "Frank" [possibly Sturgis], Celio Castro
and Gerry Patrick Hemming (Oswald's Marine buddy) arrived in Los
Angeles from Miami where Hall retrieved a rifle that he had pawned a
year before to private eye Richard Hathcock.

After picking up a trailer of arms they all headed back to Miami with
a stop in Dallas. "Frank" did not make the return trip with them.
Frank Sturgis turned up in Fort Lauderdale, Florida on September 24 to
orchestrate the mysterious Beech Travel-Air flight of September 25 by
Alex Rorke, Geoffery Sullivan and a mystery passenger.

According to Sid Marks, a witness to the retrieval in Hathcock's
office, the rifle was identical to the one shown on television on Nov.
23, 1963 as being used in the assassination. The FBI ended this
investigation on Hathcock's word that it was not the same rifle.

This activity took place just prior to Oswald's Austin visit
(September 25), the "Odio incident" (September 26) and Martino's
Austin visit (October 1). The FBI later got Hall to confess to being
one of Odio's mysterious visitors -- a story that satisfied the Warren
Commission and proved to be a complete fabrication after the Warren
Commission Report went to press.

As we will see, this Loran Eugene Hall story in Anson's book is a
major link between the missing pages and the story of Miami Rambler
eyewitness Michael Kensington. Kensington's story also has intriguing
links to George Wing's Rambler.

The other missing pages from Anson provide a good introduction to the
similarities in content of the missing pages in all of the mutilated
books. The next set of missing pages (255-58) are in Anson's chapter
nine, "The Cuban Connection." The source notes for chapter nine (notes
1-123), are also missing. These pages discuss Gilberto Alvarado ("D"),
Jack Anderson (also missing from Scott's Crime and Cover-Up), Manuel
Artime (Artime and "D" are also subjects of missing pages from the
other books), Carlos Bringuier, Rolando Cubela (a.k.a. AM/LASH,
another prime target of the Red Ripper), Allen Dulles, Peter Edelman,
Richard Helms, E. Howard Hunt, James McCord, Sixto Mesa (also missing
from Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 52, n. 20), and the Nicaragua
intelligence Service.

The missing pages after these (267-68) are also in chapter nine. They
deal with the CIA raider ship, Rex, discussed earlier in this paper.
The story of the Rex is also missing from Crime and Cover-Up. These
missing pages led this paper's author to the interrelationships
discussed earlier concerning D.H. Byrd and Collins Radio.

The next missing pages (275-76) are the first two of chapter ten, "The
Gentlemen from Langley." These pages refer to the Rockefeller
Commission Report pages 254-57, and a story from the New York Daily
News of April 23, 1975, concerning E. Howard Hunt's possible presence
in Dealey Plaza on November 22, 1963. According to Marita Lorenz, the
group who drove from a Miami safehouse in a station wagon "to kill
Kennedy" rendezvoused with Hunt in Dallas.364

Chapter eleven, "The Organization Men," contains missing pages 307-14.
They concern links between Trafficante, Meyer Lansky, Carlos Marcello,
Jack Ruby and the Mannarino brothers of Pittsburgh, (Philadelphia was
the hometown of Frank Sturgis and George Wing.) Missing page 331 is
the last of this chapter and contains only one footnote (147) which
refers to the Warren Commission Report (Bantam, 1964), page 707, and
its vague reference to "gambling acquaintances" which eluded the
Commission's attention at every turn.

Chapter twelve, "Toward a New Investigation" contains missing pages
332-34 concerning omissions by the Rockefeller Commission. Of
particular note on page 334 is "data on Sylvia Odio's father (he had
been imprisoned by Castro because he harbored two fugitives in an
assassination plot; moreover, Manuel Rodriguez, the Oswald look-alike
and Dallas Alpha 66 leader [C.D. 23.4], belonged to the same group as
Odio's father), and the Agency's apparent lie to the FBI the day of
the assassination that it had no CIA-originated material in its file
on Oswald."

Due to skepticism and perhaps some denial on the part of this paper's
researchers, the back seat magazines which were known about since
1989, were first examined closely in 1993. Once again their content
proved to be more than mildly intriguing.

A study of microfilm of the most prominent Rambler-back seat magazine
(Esquire, August 1963, Vol. LX, No.2, whole No. 357) revealed an
obvious connection to the missing pages.

The first letter to the editor on page twelve is from William D.
Pawley, Miami Florida. Pawley, Eisenhower's ambassador to Brazil and
Peru, and co-founder of the Flying Tigers, was a friend of both John
Martino and Nathaniel Weyl (subjects of missing pages). Weyl ghost
wrote autobiographies for both men. He wrote the very book John
Martino was plugging during his October 1, 1963 speech to the Austin
Anti-Communist League. Pawley himself is a subject of missing pages
from The Fish Is Red. The letter is entitled "The Cuban Story."

In the letter Pawley disputes the facts of a story about the Bay of
Pigs which appeared in the June issue: "How I Signed Up at $250 a
Month for the Big Parade Through Havana Bla-Bla-Bla" by Terry
Southern. Pawley calls it a "beatnik story" and blames the failure at
the Bay of Pigs on the Kennedy Administration's "terrible mistake of
judgement in cancelling the bomber strike on the Havana airport...",
and defends those who prepared the plans for the invasion.

He calls the publicity given the article by Esquire "a great tragedy."
He enclosed a copy of an ad "that appeared in the Miami Herald a few
days ago." He accuses Esquire of inserting it. Southern's article is
an interview of Boris Grgurevich concerning events he experienced
prior to the invasion. Pawley's letter is the longest of four in this
issue.

On the cover of the June 1963 Esquire is a photograph satirizing James
Montgomery Flagg's "I want you for U.S. Army" poster from World War I.
The satirical caption reads "The CIA wants you. Join up for the march
through Havana."

On page sixteen of the August issue is the regular column by Norman
Mailer called "The Big Bite." Continuing on page eighteen, Mailer
writes, "Given his [JFK's] virtues, suffering his huge vice, his
emptiness, his human emptiness, we have moved as a nation under his
regime, deeper into totalitarianism, far deeper than his predecessors
could have dreamed, and have been granted (by the cavalier style of
his personal life and the wistfulness of his appreciation for the
arts) the possible beginnings of a resistance to the American
totalitarianism."

A study of microfilm of the second most prominent Rambler-back-seat
magazine (Esquire January 1964, Vol. LXI, No.1, whole No. 362)
revealed no obvious connections to the Rambler or the missing pages.
However the cover is devoted to Esquire's annual "Dubious Achievement
Awards."

One photograph has become an icon in this annual humorous look at the
previous year due to its repeated appearances. This feature, which
began in 1962, has traditionally used a photograph of Richard Nixon
with his mouth wide open in laughter and the caption, "Why is this man
laughing?" This photo with this caption was displayed by George Wing
as part of a photo montage assembled on the door of his office. Also
displayed on Wing's door were four items arranged in a vertical group
in the following sequence: An old newspaper advertisement, written in
Portuguese, with the headline, "Cursos De Detetive", for a detective
school in Sao Paulo, Brazil (Academia Paulista de Investigacoes).

A handwritten notation on the ad reads "Podares Psiodicos," which is
Portuguese for "crazy powerful people." Below the ad was a cut-out
newspaper headline which read, "A four-letter word: work." Below it
was the word "Pain," cut from another source, in bold white letters on
a red background. Directly below that was a bumper sticker bearing the
AAA logo of the American Automobile Association.

Since many former Nazis reportedly settled in Sao Paulo after the war
and were involved in U.S. intelligence activities in Latin America;
and since Oswald's "work" in the School Book Depository was obtained
with the help of Ruth Paine (Pain) who, allegedly, had an automobile
(AAA) which fit the description of George Wing's Rambler; and since
Wing's Rambler carried on its back seat, one of the first publications
of the Nixon "Why is this man laughing?" photographs, associations can
be made between Wing's photo montage, his car, Ruth Paine, Richard
Nixon, and Allen Dulles. Of course, the fact that such an
interpretation of this photo montage in UT's Spanish and Portuguese
Department is possible could also be a coincidence.

Also of possible significance in the January 1964 Esquire are the
first two of twelve letters to the editor. They are both critical of
an article appearing in the November 1963 issue entitled "Apocalypse
at Dresden" by R.H.S. Crossman. The letters, by Ronald L. Richter of
Philadelphia and "Cleaver Matwaen (Don Eyles)" defend the military
necessity of the bombing against Crossman's moral and strategic
condemnation. Is this a reference by Wing to Rostow?

While a complete analysis of Crossman's article, as with most aspects
of the back seat magazines and mutilated books, must await the results
of future detailed studies, the question of whether there is any
relevance to Walt Whitman Rostow should be given a brief examination
here; especially given Rostow's previously discussed relationships.

Crossman's article does not mention Rostow despite the fact that, as
Crossman wrote, "Unexpectedly I found myself recruited to a secret
department attached to the Foreign Office, with the title `Director of
Psychological Warfare against Germany.' My main task was to plan the
overt and subvert propaganda which we hoped would rouse occupied
Europe against Hitler. But I soon found myself caught up in a bitter
top-secret controversy about the role of bomber offensive in breaking
of German morale."365

Later transferred to Eisenhower's staff, one of Crossman's
"pleasantest memories" was "the attitude of General Walter Bedell
Smith displayed a few weeks after the Dresden raid." According to
Crossman, Smith countermanded direct orders to prevent the realization
of Churchill's desire "to use terror tactics in order to panic them
out of their homes and onto the roads, and so to block the German
retreat."366

Rostow, it seems, displayed no such remorse with regard to Dresden or
the tactics of area bombing. While presenting the facade of a purely
objective approach to the subject, Rostow nevertheless displayed hints
of a lack of compassion toward Dresden's civilian destruction, which
was "far more devastating than either of the two atomic raids against
Japan that were to follow it two months later."367

In a 1943 memo to an advocate of the policy, Rostow wrote, "I see no
evidence or reason to believe that area bombing, whatever its great
virtues as a generalized drain on the structure of Germany and its
military potential, is capable of precipitating a decisive
crisis" (emphasis added).368 Even while writing in 1981, that "EOU
opposed the bombing of Dresden and Chemnitz,"369 Rostow does not give
an opinion of Berlin or Leipzig. His feelings are again hinted,
however, in his 1943 memo: "it is my private view that the rest of
Germany would take some modest pleasure in Berlin getting it."370

There is no indication in the available record that Rostow expressed
any moral objections to a target that, weeks prior to its total
destruction, "had been considered so famous a cultural monument and so
futile a military target that even the Commander in Chief of Bomber
Command, Air Marshal Sir Arthur Harris, had given it hardly a
thought."371

Also of possible relevance in the January 1964 issue is the article,
"Our Man In Saigon" by George J.W. Goodman. The deck reads, "Since
September, 1962, David Halberstam has been in the middle of the mess
in Vietnam, winning enemies and influencing America."

On page fifty-seven Goodman writes, "Now a military junta has deposed
the regime of Ngo Dinh Diem; as turbulence grows over the destiny of
South Vietnam, Halberstam and the U.S. press in Saigon almost surely
will be charged as participants and not merely observers by those who
felt the best bet for the United States was the status quo. Frank
Conniff, the Hearst columnist, has written that Halberstam's reporting
has misled the President and `is a political time bomb' like the
Times' coverage of the Cuban revolution: `Well, the good grey Times
has decreed the Diem government in Vietnam has got to go, so...brace
yourself for the emergence of an Asian Fidel Castro.'"

There may also be some significance found in the Reese Cleghorn
article on page seventy-one of the January 1964 Esquire. It is an
article in which "Five of the South's leading Segregationists speak
for themselves."

One of the most memorable moments during the study of the UT
connections to the assassination came on May 13, 1991. It was the
chance discovery of the removal of Nathaniel Weyl's biography from the
obscure reference book, the Directory of American Scholars. Four days
earlier the pages missing from the HSCA volumes had been found. The
first suspicions were already being entertained that one individual,
using, in most cases, a red ball point pen, was guilty of the
vandalism.

Nothing detailed was known at this time about the contents of the
missing pages except that one mutilation was entirely about John
Martino and the rest were about the assassination. It was known that
Martino was a friend of Nathaniel Weyl and that he claimed to know
much about Oswald's actual role in the conspiracy. It was also clear
that if the odd aspects of George Wing's car related to anything
concerning the assassination, it would have to be Oswald. Wing,
therefore became the prime "Red Ripper" suspect.

It was therefore decided to indirectly learn more about Dr. Wing. That
is the only reason this author has ever consulted the Directory of
American Scholars. And it was only the fact that it was necessary to
look in the "W" section, that the discovery was made. In the location
of Weyl's biography on page 672 was a rectangular hole cut out using a
dark blue ball point pen.

This was the first indication that there may be substantial
similarities between the missing pages; similarities which were sought
out by the Red Ripper either for the purpose of censoring the material
or allowing its discovery by others. Either way, the possibility
existed that the pages communicated something of importance to the Red
Ripper. The next step was to learn as much as possible about John
Martino and Nathaniel Weyl. The following was learned about these men
and their connections.

According to an FBI report cited by Canfield and Webberman, a few days
after the assassination, "James Buchanan, had written an article for
the Pompano Beach Sun Sentinel which quoted [Frank] Sturgis as saying
that `...Oswald had telephone conversations with the Cuban Government
G-2 Intelligence Service during (a) November 1962 visit to Miami. He
also contacted `Miami-based supporters of Fidel Castro...,' gave out
his famous leaflets and tried to infiltrate a Cuban anti-Castro group
which turned out to be the International Anti-communist Brigade [IAB].
He failed because he was outsmarted by their leader, Frank Sturgis.
When questioned about this by the FBI, Sturgis said it was just
speculation."372

An informant told the FBI that Buchanan, who according to Sturgis was
Director of Propaganda for the IAB, was trying to incite the U.S.
government to take action against Cuba. During their investigation,
the FBI learned about a fight between Oswald and members of IAB in
Miami in October 1962. The source of the alleged fight was John
Martino and Nathaniel Weyl. In October 1962 Martino and Weyl were
writing Martino's book I Was Castro's Prisoner.373

Because of this book, Martino, a "Florida electronics manufacturer,"
became "the nation's most famous former Castro prisoner." Martino
claimed he flew into Cuba by Pan-American Airways in July 1959 on "a
routine vacation and business trip...." He said he was framed by
Castro's secret police as a member of the anti-Castro underground and
accused of hauling guns in his own plane and burning sugar cane
fields. During his trial, witnesses "said he had landed a light
aircraft on a highway in the course of clandestinely entering Cuba."
Martino said, "Well, this was ridiculous."374

Martino's denials did not ring true, however, because he was a friend
of Captain William Morgan. Morgan was an early supporter of Castro but
was exposed by Cuban Military Intelligence in 1960 as an anti-Castro
triple agent. He was executed by firing squad in Havana, and became an
instant anti-Castro martyr.375

After the assassination Martino was actively spreading several false
stories that Oswald was paid by Castro to kill Kennedy.376 These false
stories and especially the story of "D" (Gilberto Alvarado) are the
subject of many of the missing pages.

Nathaniel Weyl testified before the Senate Internal Security Committee
on February 19, 1952 that he had been a member of the same Communist
"cell" as Alger Hiss. His testimony was "the only outside support
[Whittaker] Chambers' story ever received." By the time he testified,
Weyl, a freelance writer, had authored several books about treason and
espionage. Also at this time Hiss was in jail and public support was
building for a new trial.377 Even without vindication, a new trial for
Alger Hiss would have been a blow to the political career of then Vice
President Richard Nixon.

Another bit of information about Weyl, revealed by Canfield and
Webberman, was that Frank Meyer was cited as a reference for the Weyls
in CD 662. This FBI report of March 5, 1964, says that informant "T-1"
was a house guest at the Weyls' home in Florida and had long
conversations there with John Martino about Oswald's links to Castro.
At the end of the report its author added, "Frank Meyer, Woodstock,
New York, a self-admitted former member of the CP [Communist Party],
was interviewed as a reference in 1953, and stated that the Weyls
broke with the CP sometime between 1937-1939. He indicated the Weyls
have made public statements concerning their past activities and
present feelings and he feels they are both strongly, clearly and
deeply anti-Communist." This eventually became a major UT connection
because Meyer "often wrote for the National Review, the editor of
which was [E. Howard] Hunt's confidante William Buckley."378 Actually,
Meyer was more than just a writer for National Review. He became
senior editor in 1957.379

According to Canfield and Webberman, "...William F. Buckley's column
of March 26, 1964...ponders the possibility that Oswald was a Soviet
agent by citing the hypothesis of a `recently retired member of the
CIA.' This `friend,' who was `extensively schooled in espionage,' told
him that before Oswald left Russia he was recruited as an agent. Hunt
had `recently retired' from the CIA to become a `contract agent'
around this time, and was very close to Buckley. Jack Anderson
reported that William F. Buckley was `behind a defense fund to pay
Hunt's lawyers what the secret Watergate hush funds didn't cover.'"380

The possibility of a domestic right-wing conspiracy was not unknown to
Buckley but he apparently only gave serious consideration to a foreign
communist conspiracy. Soon after the assassination Buckley left the
country. He went to Switzerland to write a book that never
materialized. While there, a friend arranged a dinner party for the
Buckleys with Mr. and Mrs. Charlie Chaplin. According to Buckley
biographer John B. Judis, "Chaplin was preoccupied with the
assassination of President Kennedy...and he suggested to his guests
that it had been a plot by the CIA or Texas John Birchers.

"`I don't trust the FBI. Do you, Mr. Buckley?' Chaplin asked.

"`No,' Buckley replied. `After all, they let you get out of the
country without paying your income tax.'"381

As discussed earlier in this paper, Buckley was recruited into the CIA
and introduced to Hunt by James Burnham who could have known Michael
Paine's father as a fellow leader of the U.S. Trotskyist movement.
Buckley himself could have known de Mohrenschildt who had worked for
his parent's oil company, Pantipec. De Mohrenschildt later entered the
oil business in Cuba with Pantipec's president Warren W. Smith and
several Cubans who were to become involved in anti-Castro activities
that included Oswald. Army Intelligence reservist Jack Crichton, who
was a mutual friend of Ilya Mamantov with Ruth Paine, had also worked
for Warren Smith at Pantipec. Buckley's good friend, Hunt, was a
favorite CIA employee of Allen Dulles. Hunt worked for Dulles' other
favorite agent, Tracy Barnes, as covert action chief of Barnes'
mysterious Domestic Operations Division. It was another agent of
Barnes' division, J. Walton Moore, who encouraged de Mohrenschildt to
get to know Oswald in Dallas.

Allen Dulles, the CIA's expert on Yugoslavia, "having at one point in
his State Department career been in charge of the desk that dealt with
the affairs of that part of the world" and "apparently knew the names
of every city, town, river, bridge, railway line, and personality in
the entire country,"382 very likely knew de Mohrenschildt at least
through his CIA reports on Yugoslavia in 1957; if not through his
cousin Baron Constantine Maydell, the top German Abwehr agent in the
U.S. when Dulles began working with members of the Abwehr in attempts
to assassinate Hitler along with the Paines' close friend, Mary
Bancroft.

Moreover, Dulles' uncle, Robert Lansing, "contemplated a coup that
would put him in the White House after Wilson's breakdown in October
1919" and "tried to provoke a war with Mexico about this same
time."383 Another man who was intimately involved in these 1919
provocations was William F. Buckley, Sr.384 Lansing's fellow cabinet
members were at the top of UT's power structure. Two of them were
involved in businesses that linked directly to the Paine family
interests in the American Bell Telephone Company. Buckley, Sr. was a
former resident of UT's "Old B Hall" dormitory and shared that
distinction with Rex G. and Hines Baker (top executives at Humble Oil
with Nazi supporter William Stamps Farish, Sr.), Senator Richard
Kleberg (who launched LBJ's political career), William B. Bates
(founder of the law firm Fulbright and Jaworski), D.H. Byrd, C.B.
Smith, and Jack R. Dougherty, Farish III's fellow Beeville rancher
whose clan produced right-wing Dallas oilman Dudley Dougherty.

It was Dougherty who brought Madam Ngo Dinh Nhu to Dallas in October
1963 to be honored at General Walker's "U.S. Day" rally attended by
Lee Harvey Oswald. These Beeville connections became the most
unexpected UT-JFK assassination link to George Wing's Rambler. The
only thing about Wing's Rambler that did not seem to hint at a right-
wing/UT-connected conspiracy was an unusual bumper sticker on the rear
bumper. It was from the 1964 gubernatorial campaign of progressive
Democrat Frances "Sissy" Farenthold. Amazingly, despite her political
leanings, she turned out to be one of the Beeville Doughertys.385

It was rare to see this particular piece of political ephemera
anywhere by the 1980s -- let alone still on a car's bumper. But then
everything about Wing's Rambler, except the required license and
registration, screamed "1964" (a look that would seem to have taken
some effort to maintain some twenty-five years later). Added to that
effort is the fact that each anachronism, including the car itself,
whispered "JFK assassination."

These were not the only revelations that resulted from the Red
Ripper's removal of Weyl's biography. One of the connections that
leads directly back to George Wing's Rambler station wagon, is the
fact that William Pawley, whose letter was featured in the most
prominent back seat magazine, also knew Nathaniel Weyl. According to
Hinckle and Turner, in 1963, "The aging millionaire was working on his
memoirs with author Nathaniel Weyl, the right-wing ghostwriter whose
books in his own name included Red Star Over China and Red Star Over
Cuba. At the same time the prolific Weyl was commissioned to
ghostwrite John Martino's account of his three years in a Cuban prison
entitled I Was Castro's Prisoner."386 Through Weyl, Martino arranged
for two ex-CIA agents on Pawley's payroll to attend a meeting in Fort
Lauderdale of anti-Castro leaders designed to "find out what the CIA
was doing" and report back to President Kennedy who "didn't trust the
agency and felt he was receiving bad information." An initial meeting
had already brought Martino together with fellow anti-Castro loose
cannons Howard Davis, Eddie Bayo, and Gerry Patrick Hemming (Oswald's
Marine buddy), in the office of Miami News editor Bill Boggs, a
Kennedy confidant.387

The anti-Castro leaders did not trust the CIA either. They were using
the meeting to solicit support from Florida conservative leaders to
back a mission to smuggle two Soviet Army colonels out of Cuba who
knew where the Russians had hidden offensive missiles in violation of
the Missile Crisis settlement.388

One of the solicitors was Hemming, who would later travel to
California with Loran Eugene Hall to retrieve a special rifle. It was
Hemming's right-hand man, Howard Davis who had gotten word to Kennedy
about the Russian colonels through New York financier Theodore
Racoosin. As a result of the meeting, Senator James O. Eastland of the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee urged Pawley to help Martino
arrange the secret mission. It was called Operation Red Cross.389

Life magazine's Dick Billings accompanied Pawley, Martino, William
"Rip" Robertson, and the exile guerrillas, led by Bayo, on the mission.
390 Billings would soon be stationed at Life's temporary bureau at the
Adolphus Hotel in Dallas covering the Kennedy assassination, where he
would aid Richard B. Stolley and C.D. Jackson in the negotiations to
buy the Zapruder film.391 Rip Robertson, the former World War II
Marine frogman from Texas who helped overthrow Arbenz for United
Fruit, was the commander of the Barbara J. and one of the first two
men ashore at the Bay of Pigs.392

Former Ambassador Pawley, who founded General Chenault's Flying
Tigers, had also participated in the Guatemala coup, had co-authored
the infamous Doolittle Report with his friend Allen Dulles, had
pressured Eisenhower to give American support to the first anti-Castro
exiles, and had persuaded Clare Booth Luce to finance anti-Castro
guerrilla operations. An FBI report written years before the
assassination described Martino as a "close friend" of Santos
Trafficante.393 Bayo was reportedly involved in the July 1961 double
assassination plot against Fidel and Raúl Castro run out of the
Guantánamo Naval base. He later joined Alpha 66.394

Hinkle and Turner described the meetings that led to Operation Red
Cross this way: "It was through these show-and-tell meetings about the
CIA that the matter of the Russian missile officers would pass from
the hands of Kennedy's friends to those of his foes."395

Indeed. Snubbed by the CIA, Hemming formed his own group, Interpen, "a
kind of Dirty dozen times two." With him was Robert K. Brown, a
graduate of the counterintelligence school at Fort Holabird, Maryland.
Hemming funded Interpen with support from right-wing Dallas oilman
Clint Murchison, who was a close associate of the Cabell brothers,
Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover.396 Additional funding came from
Howard Hughes associate C. Osmet Moody, who owned the Cay Sal Bank
islands where George Bush's rig was drilling from 1957-1963397 Funding
also came from H.L.'s son Nelson Bunker Hunt, and right-wing radio
station magnate Gordon McLendon.398

McLendon owned the Dallas top-40 station, KLIF. Jack Ruby had a close
relationship with McLendon and other staff at KLIF and visited the
station several times during the weekend of the assassination.399 On
the back of an envelope found in Ruby's pocket when he shot Oswald was
the phone number (DA1-0467) of his friend, KLIF disc jockey, Russ
"Weird Beard" Knight. Ruby had even called McLendon's home the night
of the assassination.400 The high-risk Operation Red Cross, launched
in June 1963, failed when Bayo and his guerrillas disappeared in Cuba.
401

In 1975, Martino confided to his close Texas business associate Fred
Claasen that he had been a CIA contract agent and had personal
knowledge of the conspiracy behind the Kennedy assassination. He told
Claasen:


The anti-Castro people put Oswald together. Oswald didn't know who he
was working for -- he was just ignorant of who was really putting him
together. Oswald was to meet his contact at the Texas Theater. They
were to meet Oswald in the theater, and get him out of the country,
then eliminate him. Oswald made a mistake....There was no way we could
get to him. They had Ruby kill him.
Martino died soon after he talked to Classen. His widow said, "the
Company or the government picked up his body."402

Technically, Operation Red Cross could be considered part of a larger
effort underway in 1963 to once again invade Cuba. In January 1963,
Manuel Artime, "the CIA's `Golden Boy' of Brigade 2506," met with
Robert Kennedy and soon began receiving funding for Operation Second
Naval Guerrilla (SNG), the third Cuba invasion attempt after Mongoose
fizzled.403 Artime, like Buckley, would later organize a defense fund
for his friend E. Howard Hunt and the other Watergate defendants.404

SNG would depend on one of the previously mentioned assassination
plots (the AM/LASH plot) being revived just when President Kennedy was
considering normalizing relations with Cuba. Why then would Bobby
Kennedy go along? As Hinckle and Turner explained, "...underlying
RFK's genuine sympathy for the exiles was the slight edge of
extortion, for Artime knew things about the invasion that were better
left unsaid."405

Second Naval Guerrilla involved not only Artime and the CIA, but
General Edward Lansdale; General Samoza of Nicaragua; Rolando Cubela
alias AM/LASH;406 E. Howard Hunt;407 Cubela's close friend Jose
Aleman, Jr.; Haiti/Nicaragua lobbyist I. Irving Davidson; Cuba raider
Orlando Bosch; Aleman-ally and SNG-Somoza liaison Carlos Prio
Socarras; Artime's Somoza liaison Miguel de Leon; CIA/Somoza linked
United Fruit and Steamship of New Orleans; and the Lake Pontchartrain
training camp, which had Somoza's blessing and whose graduates would
be sent on to Nicaragua.408

Involved in the Lake Pontchartrain training camp were camp member
Carlos Bringuier; camp dynamite supplier and life-long friend of
Cubela, Victor Espinosa Hernandez alias "A"; camp arms cache holders
Sam Benton, Mike McLaney and his brother William McLaney; camp manager
and former leader of Sturgis' Cuban underground, Victor Paneque
Batista and his alleged uncles, camp head, Laureano Batista and his
brother Augustin Batista, who was one of several real estate investors
calling themselves the Ansan Group.409

The Ansan group laundered millions of dollars in Cuban money into Key
Biscayne real estate deals involving the Teamsters and Richard Nixon.
A principal of the Ansan group was Jose Aleman, Sr., the father of
Cubela's close friend. Aleman, Sr. was a former Cuban minister under
President Carlos Prio Socarras.410

These were the most direct participants in Second Naval Guerrilla. And
just as the Ansan Group members had links to Nixon, I. Irving Davidson
had connections through Clint Murchison, for whom he lobbied in
Washington, to Lyndon Johnson and J. Edgar Hoover. Davidson had
earlier been intimately involved in the Bobby Baker scandal which
implicated Johnson. He would later mobilize Teamster political
influence to prevent the anti-Kennedy Jimmy Hoffa from going to prison.
411

The Lake Pontchartrain training camp, as Scott said, "in short, was
part of he CIA-Artime-Cubela-Somoza plan [SNG]." SNG activities had
twice, despite warnings, "violated President Kennedy's ban on U.S.-
based guerrilla operations, and one if not both of these incidents
involved the future burglars of Watergate."412

One of these incidents was the October 1963 raid on Cuba "from a
Florida-based ship of the Somozas called the Rex, [involving] both
[Eugenio] Martinez as skipper (according to Sturgis) and very probably
Sturgis himself as well." According to Scott, "...at least four
(perhaps six) of those associated at this time with the Artime-
Nicaragua plan [SNG] disseminated similar stories [to the story of
"D"] linking Oswald (or Ruby) to Fidel Castro."413

Simply put, the missing pages appear to tell the story of Operation
Second Naval Guerrilla, participants of which were closely involved
with the activities of Lee Harvey Oswald prior to the assassination
and Marina Oswald after the assassination.

A major part of that story, involving many of the same participants,
concerns the planting of false stories linking Jack Ruby and Lee
Oswald to both Fidel Castro and the Soviet Union. Among those behind
the false stories were James Buchanan, Frank Sturgis, John Martino,
Nathaniel Weyl, William F. Buckley, Jr., Miguel de Leon, and Carlos
Bringuier, who together with his close friend Ed Butler, debated
Oswald on WDSU radio in New Orleans, exposed his defection to Russia,
and publicly released a "truth tape" of the debate right after the
assassination.414

Bringuier had been the Press and Propaganda Secretary of the CIA-
sponsored Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC) in New Orleans located at
544 Camp Street -- the address of Guy Banister's office that was
stamped on leaflets distributed by Oswald in front of Clay Shaw's
International Trade Mart.415

Butler was head of the Information Council of the Americas (INCA). He
conceived of the propaganda activity he called "truth tapes" while
serving in a special Army Unit in Alexandria Virginia. After 1963 he
sat on the Planning Committee for the Freedom Studies Center of the
American Security Council with Edward Lansdale. INCA's production
manager, Manuel Gil, was a member of Bringuier's CRC at 544 Camp
Street. Gil would later become involved with SNG's Orlando Bosch whose
anti-Castro raids included Frank Sturgis and James Buchanan's brother
Jerry Buchanan.416

Along with Lansdale, Nelson Rockefeller may have also had an interest
in INCA's pre- and post-assassination activities concerning Oswald. In
1941, Rockefeller, apparently arranged letters of credit from the
Rockefeller family's Chase Manhattan Bank for de Mohrenschildt and his
Abwehr cousin Konstantin Maydell. At that time Rockefeller was
coordinator of information for Latin America.417

Shortly after Castro's takeover, Nelson's brother David became
president of Chase which had controlled Cuba's credit for half a
century. David was also director of Punta Allegre Sugar Corporation,
the second largest producer of Cuba's primary export. Rockefeller
family advisor A.A. Berle, Jr. was chairman of SuCrest, the largest
sugar refiner on the East Coast. According to biographers Peter
Collier and David Horowitz, "When the National Security Council made
its decision to invade Cuba, five of those present were David's close
friends or associates (Secretary of State Rusk, Secretary of the
Treasury Dillon, CIA chief Allen Dulles, Presidential Assistant
McGeorge Bundy, and Berle)." While president of Chase, David
Rockefeller shared CEO responsibilities with George Champion, who had
succeed future Warren Commissioner John J. McCloy as chairman of the
board. Another of Nelson's brothers, John, Jr., had helped D.H. Byrd
buy Collins radios for Admiral Byrd's polar expeditions.418

Nelson Rockefeller's influence in the White House improved greatly
when his family's candidates Eisenhower and Nixon took office in 1953.
He was "charged with sweeping away the administrative debris of twenty
years of Democratic rule." He swept three New Deal programs under the
new Department of Health, Education and Welfare. He was then named
Undersecretary of HEW to Texan Oveta Culp Hobby, publisher of the
Houston Post and wife of Texas Governor William P. Hobby.419

Mrs. Hobby would occasionally socialize with Houston's ultra powerful
in Suite 8F of the Lamar Hotel in downtown Houston. According to
author Pete Brewton, former reporter for the Houston Post and Houston
Chronicle, "In 8F were the Brown brothers, George and Herman, the
financial backers of LBJ who owned the giant construction firm Brown &
Root; Gus Wortham, the insurance king of American General Insurance
Co.; Jesse Jones, `Mr. Houston,' lumber man, banker and publisher of
the Houston Chronicle who headed the Reconstruction Finance Corp. for
Franklin D. Roosevelt; Judge James Elkins, who founded the law firm of
Vinson & Elkins and First City Bank in Houston...."420 Hobby's fellow
Houston newspaper publisher, Jesse H. Jones, had been yet another
Texan in Woodrow Wilson's cabinet. His Houston Endowment, Inc.,
founded in 1937, is a primary beneficiary of the University of Texas
at Austin.421

George Brown, George de Mohrenschildt's mutual friend with Howard
Burris and Lyndon Johnson, was president of the CIA-conduit Brown
Foundation. A director of Brown's firm Texas Eastern Transmission,
George A. Butler, was trustee of the CIA-conduit Hobby Foundation with
Mrs. Hobby. Hobby also sat on the CIA's Cuban Freedom Committee, which
was set up for the CIA by E. Howard Hunt's future employer, the Robert
R. Mullen Agency. A supporter of the Cuban Freedom Committee was
INCA's president, Dr. Alton Ochsner who, like Harry Ransom, was a
consultant to the U.S. Air Force. Ochsner was also a director of Latin
American Reports, whose editor was William G. Gaudet the CIA agent who
was issued the Mexican travel permit immediately preceding Oswald's.
Gaudet, it is recalled, was the source of the Trotskyite link to Ruby,
and had hinted that Oswald's cousin and Rostow/Isaacs (?) associate,
Marilyn Dorothea Murret, was a CIA agent in New Orleans. In May 1963,
the similar but more paramilitary minded Committee for a Free Cuba was
formed. Its membership included Clare Booth Luce.422

Despite Nelson Rockefeller's UT/Texas connections through Oveta Culp
Hobby, this route from George Wing's Rambler to Pawley to Operation
Red Cross to SNG to the false stories about Oswald to Rockefeller's
interest in these matters, may seem to be somewhat distant from the
subject of this paper. However, these "Free Cuba" groups bring us once
again back to the story of Loran Eugene Hall's retrieval of the rifle
as told in CD 1179, a story which is a subject of missing pages. And
it is also a story which, as we will see, has an apparently direct
connection to George Wing's Rambler. Canfield and Webberman noted that
"Hathcock volunteered the information that Hall paid for the rifle
with a check drawn on `The Committee To Free Cuba.'" They go on to
explain that,


The Committee To Free Cuba, like the Free Cuba Committee, Citizens for
a Free Cuba, Crusade to Free Cuba, Crusade to Free Cuba Committee,
Cuban Freedom Committee, and the Committee for Free Cuba, was merely a
CIA front group established in order to account for funds the CIA was
pumping into various exile groups. Either directly or indirectly, they
could all be traced back to Watergate mastermind, Everette Howard Hunt.
423
Furthermore, the Free Cuba Committee was headed by David Ferrie's
friend, Eladio Del Valle, and Citizens for a Free Cuba was founded by
Guy Banister. Canfield and Webberman, bringing all of this to a focus,
point out that, "Loran Hall was an officer of the Committee to Free
Cuba -- also known as the Free Cuba Committee. So what we have here is
a CIA front group taking a rifle `out of pawn' that looked like
Oswald's a month before the assassination."424

Several officials of these groups disseminated false stories tying
Oswald and Ruby to Castro, and Castro to plots against other U.S.
officials. One of the stories was given to the Free Cuba Committee by
Andrew St. George -- the photographer who took the picture apparently
showing George Wing with E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami.425 This SNG/
false story connection to Wing will take on even greater importance
when we explore the significance of CD 1179 to Wing's Rambler. But
first, we will return to Nelson Rockefeller's connections to see where
else they lead.

Oveta Culp Hobby sat on the Cuban Freedom Committee with Peter
O'Donnell, Jr. who was president of Harry Ransom friend Karl
Hoblitzelle's Foundation and a member of the right-wing National
Advisory Council of Young American's for Freedom (NAC-YAF) with Robert
Morris. Morris was Otto Otepka's defense attorney, General Walker's
attorney, H.L. Hunt's attorney, a John Bircher, and a Naval
intelligence officer.426

Young American's for Freedom was founded in September 1960 by William
F. Buckley, Jr. "One of the YAF's leading board members by 1963,"
wrote Dick Russell, "was retired major general Charles Willoughby, who
had a daughter living in Texas."427

A Dr. Stubblefield of Parkland Hospital had helped Robert Morris get
General Walker released from the mental hospital to which Bobby
Kennedy had him committed in 1962. It was through the offices of Dr.
Stubblefield that Sylvia Odio's psychiatrist was later obtained.428 On
the NAC-YAF with O'Donnell and Morris was Russian Prince Igor Cassini
who with Bobby Baker tried to intervene in the the Kennedy sanctioned
overthrow of Trujillo -- a coup that resulted in Mafia financial
losses.429

Even if Rockefeller had known de Mohrenschildt since the war, and
created Hobby's historic governmental position and served under her,
and had extensive family ties to Cuba's economy, the Bay of Pigs
invasion, and the Collins Radio Company, are there any indications
that he would have a more direct interest in CIA-sponsored stories
linking Oswald to Castro? The answer may lie in Rockefeller's next
position in the Eisenhower administration.

Eighteen months after Nelson's appointment to HEW, C.D. Jackson
(friend and co-worker of Walt Rostow, Allen Dulles, and later Henry
Luce), resigned his post as Special Assistant to the President for
Psychological Strategy (the position which gave him the authority to
create Radio Free Europe, whose director was Norman Fredricksen's
father). Rockefeller replaced Jackson and changed his title to
Presidential Coordinator for the CIA. In that capacity he served as
the first head of a secret unit called the Planning Coordination Group,
430 a subcommittee of the Operations Coordination Board that was
abolished by Kennedy on the advise of Rostow and Bundy. After the Bay
of Pigs, Kennedy gave its oversight responsibilities to the
President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board (PFIAB).431

The little known PFIAB is currently composed of fourteen members drawn
from "outside government." It reviews all intelligence operations and
activities and reports to the president at least semiannually.432
Texas Senator John Tower, also a YAF board member, had personally
interceded in 1962 with the Immigration and Naturalization Service in
the case of Marina Oswald. Tower was chairman of Bush's PFIAB when he
died in a plane crash in April 1991. Two long-time members of the
PFIAB were Edwin H. Land of the Polaroid Corporation, and William O.
Baker of Bell Telephone Laboratories.433 Recall that Mary Bancroft's
first love affair was with Leopold Mannes, who was helping to perfect
color photography -- a man she met through the Paines. Recall also
that the Paine family and two of President Wilson's UT cabinet members
were closely associated with Bell Telephone.

Rockefeller then, was obviously working closely with Allen Dulles and
was also interacting with C.D. Jackson during the Eisenhower-Nixon
administration. It seems, therefore, that Nelson Rockefeller "an
expert on Latin America and psychological warfare,"434 had many
connections and motives indicating access to information about, if not
direct participation in, the events and propaganda preceding and
following Kennedy's assassination.

Most ominously, however, the essential theme of the false stories
spread by INCA and others, predates the assassination. The false
stories are prima facie evidence of a conspiracy to cover up the
assassination. And the fact that they predate the assassination is
prima facie evidence of the conspiracy to assassinate Kennedy.
According to Scott, "Beginning in October 1963 the CIA disseminated to
other agencies a series of CIA messages about `a man who identified
himself as Lee Oswald, [who] may be identical to Lee Henry Oswald' who
had `contacted the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City.'" These messages
alleged that Oswald was in contact with the KGB assassination
department. There is substantial evidence that Oswald was being
impersonated in this incident. Meticulous research by Paul L. Hoch
clearly shows that the CIA was devoting considerable energy to
obstructing a public resolution of this matter by the Warren
Commission. Spearheading that effort was Deputy Director of Central
Intelligence Richard Helms435 -- Howard Burris' close friend.

As of late 1992, evidence of this alleged impersonator was actively
being kept secret. Among the files yet to be released on the
assassination is a lengthy report by HSCA investigator Edwin Lopez
which reportedly shows that Oswald was being impersonated in Mexico
City. The "President John F. Kennedy Assassination Records Collection
Act of 1992" specifically excluded the Lopez report. The act began as
a bill jointly sponsored by former Warren Commission attorney Arlen
Specter, former HSCA Chairman Louis Stokes, and Chairman of the Senate
Intelligence Committee David Boren.

At the same time Helms was reportedly obstructing the truth about an
Oswald impersonator in Mexico City, he was leading the Warren
Commission on a wild goose chase. The story of "D" -- a prime target
of the Red Ripper -- alleged that Oswald was paid $6,500 by a "a tall,
thin Negro" in Mexico City to kill Kennedy. After the story failed to
hold water, "D" retracted his claim, then recanted the retraction,
then failed a polygraph test. The story first came to the Commission's
attention in a memo from Richard Helms, who never identified "D". The
FBI later discovered he was Gilberto Alvarado, an agent of Nicaraguan
intelligence -- another link to Second Naval Guerrilla and its leading
participants, future Watergate figures Bernard Barker, James McCord,
and E. Howard Hunt.436

In an incident similar to the "D" story, Miguel de Leon and Sixto
Mesa, both associated with Hunt's friend Artime, got Fernando Penabaz,
a friend of Bringuier's, to spread a story that Oswald had contacted
Cuban intelligence in Nicaragua.437 DeLeon, Mesa, and Penabaz are also
subjects of missing pages.

Thus, a cursory analysis of the missing pages seems to indicate that
an apparent purpose behind the mutilations of the Red Ripper was to
either censor facts about, or bring attention to the persons involved
in both Second Naval Guerrilla and the false stories. One particularly
noteworthy SNG/false stories connection to the UT Rambler is that some
of these individuals were closely associated with Allen Dulles, Walt
Rostow, William F. Buckley, Sr., Lyndon Johnson, and Howard Burris;
who in turn had close UT ties to Harry Ransom, D. Harold Byrd, C.B.
Smith, and the Spanish and Portuguese Department. As we will see next,
there are even stronger connections between people involved in Second
Naval Guerrilla, the false stories, and the Rambler.



Why is this Man Laughing?

It was apparently important to the Red Ripper that Watergate burglars
Frank Sturgis, E. Howard Hunt, Eugenio Martinez, Bernard Barker, and
James McCord were principal players in Second Naval Guerrilla and/or
the false stories about Oswald and Ruby. We have seen that these
persons had overlapping relationships with Lyndon Johnson and Allen
Dulles; and they in turn had links not only to Ruth Paine and her
alleged Rambler but to the UT Rambler as well.
One of them, Bernard Barker, may have been indirectly involved with
the Dealey Plaza Rambler on the day of the assassination. Whether or
not a man carrying fake Secret Service credentials aided in the
release of the Rambler's driver (a story attributed to Roger Craig),
Craig did say he reported his sighting of the Rambler to a fake Secret
Service man, who was only interested in Craig's description of the
car. Craig identified the man as Edgar Eugene Bradley.

Patrolman J.M. Smith and Deputy Constable Seymour Weitzman also
reported an encounter with a fake Secret Service agent behind the
infamous grassy knoll picket fence immediately after the shooting,
while the smell of gunpowder was still in the air. In April 1975, one
month before Roger Craig died of a rifle wound to the chest, Weitzman
identified Bernard Barker, the leader of the Watergate burglary team,
as the man who produced the fake Secret Service credentials.

Barker was E. Howard Hunt's top deputy during the Bay of Pigs, the
CIA's chief liaison to the various Cuban exile groups, and was
"paymaster" for all exile work for the Agency. Barker is also solidly
linked to Santos Trafficante (Martino's friend), and the Cuban
Revolutionary Council (whose New Orleans address was stamped on
Oswald's leaflets). Barker has admitted, as has Frank Sturgis, to
being close to Carlos Prio Socarras, the wealthy financier of Cuban
exile activities. Prio Socarras was once arrested in a gunrunning
conspiracy with Robert Ray McKeown. McKeown had been involved with
Jack Ruby in "running jeeps to Cuba" and other smuggling schemes. As
we will see, McKeown may be a key link between not only Ruby and
Oswald, but Ruby, Oswald, George Wing, and C.B. Smith. Thus Barker has
many ties to SNG (not the least of which is the fact that it was he
who exfiltrated Artime out of Castro's Cuba) and apparent ties to our
anachronistic Rambler.438

We have seen through examining the missing pages that SNG players Jose
Aleman, Sr. and Augustin Batista had financial ties to Richard Nixon.
Ten years after SNG they would all be embroiled in the Watergate
scandal, and Hunt's friends, false story propagator William F.
Buckley, Jr. and SNG principal Manuel Artime would raise funds to try
to get them out of their Watergate mess.

Assuming that the Red Ripper was trying to communicate something
important relating to George Wing's Rambler, are there more direct or
more significant links from SNG and the Watergaters to the Rambler and
the person to whom Oswald thought it belonged, Ruth Paine? It seems
there are.

Although Nixon's ties to SNG's Ansan Group members are somewhat
indirect, they take on greater importance given indications that he
had closer ties to other SNG players who were directly involved with
Jack Ruby and Lee Harvey Oswald. To examine those ties we must first
return to Ruth Paine's July 1963 trip to Naushon Island to visit her
mother-in-law -- a trip about which some still classified Warren
Commission documents may shed light;439 and we must also explore
Ruth's mutual Dallas friends with the Oswalds.

As we have seen with the close ties of Allen Dulles and Hans Gisevius
at Dresser Industries, Ruth and Michael Paine were not the
Massachusetts Paine family's only link with the city of Dallas. They
had other possibly conspiratorial associations in that city as well.
Michael's cousin Sandy Forbes belonged to an exclusive golf club with
former deGolyer associate Paul Raigorodsky, the unofficial leader of
the close knit Russian exile community in Dallas as well as a
financial patron of that community's CIA-sponsored St. Nicholas
Parish. Ruth, who spoke Russian well enough to tutor a student in
scientific Russian at an exclusive private Dallas school, interacted
with this same community. She was even a friend of Ilya Mamantov, who
co-founded the St. Nicholas Parish. Mamantov was teaching the same
subject as Ruth (scientific Russian) to a group of employees at
Magnolia Laboratories. Therefore, cousin Sandy could have had an
interest in Ruth's friend Marina, the newest darling of the Dallas
Russian community.

Likewise, Michael's uncle, Eric Schroeder, had been a friend and
investment associate of Everette deGolyer, who died in 1956, and whose
"very close friend," Antonio J. Bermudez, was listed in George de
Mohrenschildt's phone book. Even if Schroeder did not know deGolyer's
partner Lewis MacNaughton, he would have been familiar enough with him
to be interested in Ruth's new friend Marina Oswald. Marina had been
in close contact with MacNaughton's personal accountant George Bouhe.
Although he felt it was too far to drive, Bouhe would make the trip to
Oak Cliff when Marina "needed help with the baby." That insight into
the relationship between Marina and Bouhe came from Mrs. Declan Ford
(another of Marina's Dallas friends) when she testified before the
Warren Commission.440 Uncle Eric had even lived in the Dallas area for
many years, where he came to know deGolyer. As Scott says, it is "thus
worth learning whether Schroeder had anything to do with his niece's
assumption of the babysitting role formerly exercised by MacNaughton's
personal accountant, George Bouhe."441

Peter Dale Scott tells us more about Bouhe and notes the strange and
complete withdrawal of Bouhe's attention to Marina:


"George Bouhe testified before the Commission that while Raigorodsky
was the `godfather' of the group, he himself `did the organization
work' (8 H 358); others testified that he `even kept files on new
arrivals' (8 H 453). From the fact that all members of the Russian
Community were `well acquainted...with each other'. Commission counsel
Jenner elicited testimony that it was `perfectly normal' (9 H 7) for
the community to have lavished such care on the Oswalds.
"Nevertheless, from April to November 1963, the Russian community
severed all contact with the Oswalds (even when Marina was separated
and more helpless than before), and their baby-sitting role was now
temporarily assumed by the Russian-speaking American Ruth Paine, a
Quaker. Ruth Paine had her own contacts with the Russian community (9
H 107, 133), but had `accidentally' met the Oswalds through one
Russian she did not know -- Count de Mohrenschildt (R 722)."442

Along with her husband, Mrs. Declan Ford (who revealed Bouhe's
babysitting role) took care of Marina after the assassination. Mr.
Ford had worked many years at DeGolyer and MacNaughton (2 H 323, 336),
the former employer of Jack Crichton.443

As Scott reminds us, "...Crichton was simultaneously an Army Reserve
Intelligence officer and an employee of Empire Trust, one of whose
directors was Bouhe's and Ford's employer, Lewis W. MacNaughton.
(Crichton himself had been a Vice-President of DeGolyer and
MacNaughton, from 1946 to 1950). Crichton moreover had not only
intelligence but political connections: in 1964, still an army reserve
intelligence officer, he ran unsuccessfully against John Connally as
Republican candidate for Governor of Texas."444

We will return to Mr. and Mrs. Ford, but first we will turn to the
research of Peter Dale Scott to become acquainted with Mr. and Mrs.
Max Clark and some of Marina's other Dallas friends through
transcripts of tapes of her interrogations. These transcripts are
intriguing because at the November 24 questioning Marina's translator,
Peter Gregory, left out one name repeatedly. The transcriber noted
these omissions along with Gregory's deliberate changing of many of
Marina's statements. The transcriber also noted that the omitted name
Marina kept saying was unintelligible. The names which Peter Gregory
did translate on the 24th were Anna Meller, George Bouhe, and his own.

From this Scott deduces: "The first Russians mentioned by Marina in
her next substantive interview of November 28 were the Gregorys,
George Bouhe, Anna Meller, and Mr. and Mrs. Clark (CE 1792, 23 H
406-07). To the Commission she listed Gregory, Mrs. Clark, Elenor
Hall, Bouhe, and Ann Meller (1 H 7). The first four names (Meller,
Bouhe, de Mohrenschildt, Clark) supplied by Alexander Kleinlerer,
another member of the group, also suggest that the missing name, which
may or may not have been deliberately erased from the tape, may have
been Gregory's friend Max Clark, the former security officer of
General Dynamics (11 H 119)."445

What reason would there be to erase any mention of the Clarks from the
tape? Why would Peter Gregory avoid translating Marina's repeated
mention of them? And why was Mrs. Clark also left off of the Warren
Commission's list of thirty-four persons with whom Lee Harvey Oswald
may have had contact? Many of those listed had met Oswald for only a
single evening; while Mrs. Clark was the second Russian, after Gregory
himself, whom Oswald had met in Fort Worth. In fact, she was
apparently the first Russian with whom Oswald made telephone contact
in "attempts to arrange a prompt visit" (R 281) after obtaining the
names of two Russian speaking persons in Fort Worth from the local
office of the Texas Employment Commission.446 A close look at Mr. and
Mrs. Clark may provide answers to these and other questions in this
paper.

According to Scott, "There were many leads -- some obvious, some not
so obvious -- linking Lee Harvey Oswald to Peter Gregory's friend Max
Clark, former security officer for the Fort Worth plant of General
Dynamics and Jack Ruby to the milieu of General Dynamics' controlling
stockholder Henry Crown and his friend Jake Arvey."447 (There is also
a CIA connection: General Dynamics' president, Frank Pace was one of
the nine members of JFK's President's Foreign Intelligence Advisory
Board.)448

Max Clark was interviewed by the FBI after the assassination. He was
on a first name basis with the Fort Worth FBI agent who interviewed
him (Earl Haley, 8 H 349). This may be because, along with having been
a security officer for the Convair Division of General Dynamics (8 H
352), he was, according to one witness, connected with the FBI (9 H
235). In these capacities he was not far removed from a major
political scandal. Up to the time of the JFK assassination, Convair
was being investigated by a senate committee concerning the
controversial contract award to build the TFX experimental fighter
plane. Deputy Defence Secretary Roswell Gilpatric and resigned Navy
Secretary Fred Korth were under particular scrutiny in this matter.
Korth resigned because he had used his office in favor of his own
Continental National Bank of Fort Worth, which had made loans to
General Dynamics. Korth also had several Fort Worth business ties to
the Oswald family.449

Henry Crown, a director of the Hilton Hotel chain, major Democratic
contributor and the leading shareholder of General Dynamics in 1963,
was a friend and allegedly an associate in corrupt land deals, with
Jack Ruby's old political boss Jake Arvey of Chicago's 24th Ward.450
In addition to that, Crown's dealings, through the Havana Hilton,
would come to encompass individuals close to Ruby, Oswald, Syvia Odio,
Second Naval Guerrilla, CIA/Mafia assassination plotters, and possibly
George Wing.

Former Marine intelligence officer John W. Houser, who became a fellow
director with Henry Crown of Hilton Hotels International, had
negotiated with a pro-Batista Cuban faction for the casino in the new
Havana Hilton. The fact that mobster Albert Anastasia had met with
this same group, and was Meyer Lansky's rival in Cuba, may have been
one reason Anastasia was executed by the Mafia on October 25, 1957.
The hit was allegedly a consensus between Lansky and Santos
Trafficante (CIA/Mafia assassination plotter and close friend of John
Martino). Trafficante had dinner with Anastasia and then stayed in his
hotel room the day before the hit. Shortly after Anastasia's death,
Trafficante attended the Apalachin meeting with Pennsylvania mobster
Gabriel Mannarino.451

From 1952 to 1954, Pittsburgh's Mannarino brothers (Samuel and
Gabriel) were part-owners, with Trafficante of Havana's San Souci
Hotel, managed by Norman "Rough-house" Rothman, a syndicate figure in
both Miami and Havana. Rothman co-owned the nearby Tropicana with
Meyer and Jake Lansky. The man they hired to be their casino boss was
Lewis J. McWillie -- Jack Ruby's friend and idol.452

In 1959 Rothman and Sam Mannarino were arrested in connection with a
Canadian bank hiest -- the "biggest burglary in the world," according
to the FBI. Two years later, when the CIA decided to approach the
Mafia about killing Castro, Rothman, according to the New York Times,
was the go-between who contacted Trafficante, Sam Mannarino, and John
Roselli.453

Ten years after that, in 1971, Gabriel Mannarino was on trial in
federal court in New York along with John Sebastian La Rocca, boss of
the Pittsburgh organized crime family. They were charged in connection
with a Teamsters-connected kickback scheme. A star witness in their
defense was the head of the local CIA.454

Both Mannarino brothers are said to have participated in Syndicate gun-
smuggling to Castro in 1958, along with Vito Genovese's son Michael.
The Warren Commission mentions Ruby's role as middleman in the sale of
jeeps to Cuba and the release of prisoners from a Cuban prison (R
369). But the Commission ignored testimony by Nancy Perrin Rich that
she had witnessed Ruby in gunrunning negotiations with her husband, a
colonel, a Cuban, and "unless I am very much mistaken...Vito
Genovese's son." (14 H 353). Ruby's contact in these ventures (on
behalf of "a person in Las Vegas, Nevada") was Robert Ray McKeown,
"convicted in February 1958 of conspiracy to smuggle guns to the
Castro forces in Cuba (CE 1689, 23 H 159). Ruby himself was linked by
Harry Hall to the movement of `contraband' from Florida to Cuba (23 H
363); the same activity has been attributed to Meyer Lansky. Ruby also
had numerous high-level contacts in the Teamsters in Miami (Dave
Yaras, 22 H 372, cf. 25 H 295), Dallas (Dusty Miller, 25 H 244, 5 H
200), and Chicago (Barny Baker, 25 H 244); and Teamsters Pension Fund
finances were said to have played a role in financing the attempted
smuggling of planes and arms (perhaps the Mannarino arms) to the
Dominican Republic."455

Andrew St. George, the man who may have captured George Wing in his
1961 photograph of E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami, was reportedly
heavily involved with two men who were in turn connected to the
Mannarino brothers and the Havana Hilton. St. George was named by
informed witnesses before the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee as
one of three Americans who were prominent in Castro's campaign against
Batista, along with James Gentry and "gunrunning pilot Frank Fiorini
[Sturgis]." Subcommittee Counsel Sourwine described St. George as an
American double agent. According to Scott, "...U.S. intelligence
agents such as Jules Dubois of Army Intelligence and Andrew St. George
were allied with Syndicate figures such as Norman Rothman [the close
associate of the Mannarino brothers] in efforts which supported Castro
in 1958 but swiftly turned against him [by September 1959]." As
mentioned earlier, St. George, after the assassination, had given a
false story -- about Castro plots against U.S. ambassadors -- to the
Free Cuba Committee, headed by Eladio Del Valle and Loran Eugene Hall.
By 1965, St. George was serving as a publicity agent for Manolo Ray,
"the engineer in charge of the Havana Hilton, co-conspirator with
Dubois against Batista, and personal friend of Sylvia Odio."456

Considering the small world which closely links photographer Andrew
St. George to these subjects of missing pages; the Mannarino brothers'
proximity to Wing in his home state of Philadelphia; close links yet
to be discussed between Del Valle, Loran Hall, a Miami Rambler which
sounds identical to Wing's, possible Jules Dubois links to C.B. Smith
and the Miami Rambler, apparent ties between McKeown, Smith, and Wing;
and the way it all stems from Ruth Paine's mutual friends with the
Oswalds (including persons closely tied to UT's oil advisors DeGolyer
and MacNaughton) preceding and following the assassination; it seems
likely that the man in the St. George photo (which is itself on a
missing page) is indeed George Wing.

The Warren Commission avoided the subject of Oswald's initial contact
with the Clarks, as did Peter Gregory -- Max Clark's friend. The one
man on the Commission's staff who would have easily seen the red flags
in a General Dynamics employee introducing Oswald to the CIA connected
Russian community in Dallas, was assistant Counsel Albert E. Jenner.
Jenner was put in charge of investigating the possibility of a
conspiracy in the assassination. He was also Henry Crown's attorney in
1964. Considering this inexcusable conflict of interest, his
conclusion comes as no surprise. He wrote that, "Review of Oswald's
life and activities since 1959...did not produce any meaningful
evidence of a conspiracy...." Nor did the Commission's investigation
of Jack Ruby "produce any grounds for believing that Ruby's killing of
Oswald was part of a conspiracy" (R 374, emphasis added). Jenner, who
carefully chose the Warren Report's wording as one of its key authors,
was sitting on the board of directors of General Dynamics by 1970 with
his former client Henry Crown. In 1974, Nixon approved the appointment
of Mr. Jenner as minority counsel for the House Judiciary's
investigation into his impeachment.457

Whatever meaning Jenner gave to his evidence of conspiracy, and
whether or not any grounds were produced that would have changed
Jenner's beliefs about Ruby's killing of Oswald, the Warren Commission
had ample opportunity to investigate the conspiracy both through Mr.
and Mrs. Clark, and through Mr. and Mrs. Ford, who seemed to know
Lewis MacNaughton's personal accountant, George Bouhe, well enough to
know his complaints about having to babysit for Marina Oswald. As
Peter Dale Scott tells us, "Mrs. Katya Ford, who after the
assassination took Marina into her house and became her business
agent, is of the Oswalds' four Russian patrons the only one alleged to
be linked to Jack Ruby."458

She and her first husband, Stanley Skotnicki, were listed as persons
"supposed to be associates or friends of people that Mr. Ruby knew and
associated with closely" (1 H 239, 436). Mrs. de Mohrenschildt told
the Commission that Skotnicki "was too anxious to make too much
money" (9 H 306). Katya denied knowing Ruby but she and her husband
Declan Ford, "an employee of DeGolyer and MacNaughton until October
1962," (about the time Oswald met Ford and moved to Dallas) suggested
that a friend and neighbor of theirs, John M. Grizzaffi, did know Ruby
(2 H 296, 323). Grizzaffi, who was also a friend of Stanley Skotnicki,
may be the reason the Skotnickis made it onto the list of Ruby
associates. He may have been "Little Johnny Grissaffi," the hit man
hired by mobster Benny Binion to kill his Dallas gambling rival,
Herbert Noble, in 1946.459

The importance of the Fords' friend having such a relationship with
Binion is that Ruby's idol, Lewis J. McWillie, had worked for Binion
and his gambling associates Earl Dalton, Ivy Miller and J.C. Adams,
whose name was also found among Ruby's effects. McWillie had worked
for Dalton and Miller at a club in Arlington, Texas in the forties.
(Arlington is located between Dallas and Fort Worth.) Another Ruby
friend, Ralph Paul, had formerly run a bar for J.C. Adams. Paul was a
financial backer of Ruby's Carousel Club, and also owned a restaurant
in Arlington. In addition to his restaurant, Paul ran an ice cream
parlor at the Wynnwood Shopping Center in the Oak Cliff section of
Dallas with Ruby's brother Sam. Sam Ruby was in Army Intelligence
during World War II. And as discussed earlier, McWillie had been close
to the CIA/Mafia plots as Norman Rothman's casino boss at the
Tropicana in Havana. Rothman, Trafficante, Roselli, and the Mannarino
brothers were among the first CIA contacts in the Castro assassination
plots.460

So it appears that Marina Oswald's post assassination hosts, the
Fords, were friends and neighbors of a Ruby associate tied to Mafia
hits and CIA assassination plots. It is also worth noting that Benny
Binion, Ralph Paul, and Lewis McWillie had such a long history in the
city of Arlington. As we will see, C.B. Smith not only made a name for
himself in Arlington, but may have had links to the ordnance smuggling
operations of Ruby, McWillie, and Robert Ray McKeown. Smith served
with the Chief of Staff, Army Ordnance, during World War II. George
Wing had also been involved in ordnance during World War II in
Florida. And as we have seen, Andrew St. George, the man who possibly
photographed Wing with E. Howard Hunt's men in Miami, was also allied
with Rothman, Frank Sturgis, and Jules Dubois of Army Intelligence, in
these same Cuban gunrunning activities. Later we will explore how
Jules Dubois may be a key person linking C.B. Smith and a Rambler
station wagon to a CIA safehouse in Miami.

It is likely that the Fords' friend, John M. Grizzaffi, was "Little
Johnny Grissaffi" and that the Warren Commission knew it. One of
Grissaffi's accomplices in the Herb Noble hit was a man named Hollis
DeLois Green, who went by the name of Lois Green. He was "...the most
desperate, the most depraved thug that ever operated in this section,"
according to a retired Dallas police captain who was active during the
Binion era. Peter Dale Scott noted that, "The Commission went out of
its way to hear from Ruby's sister that she did not know Lois Green
personally, only by reputation (`The conversation was great about
him...he was with the rough element,' 14 H 452-53)." Apparently Ruby
himself was never asked about Grizzaffi.461

On February 24, 1964, Marina spent the day at the Declan Ford home
with the Fords, two FBI agents, her new attorney, William A. McKenzie,
and McKenzie's law partner, Henry Baer. Baer was also the secretary of
the Reliance Life and Accident Insurance Company, owned by Maurice
Carlson, "a close friend of Richard Nixon." Two directors of Reliance
Life were the brothers Bedford and Angus Wynne, of the law firm,
Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (and the Wynnwood Shopping Center). Law
partner Morris Jaffe was George de Mohrenschildt's attorney.

The Reliance Life building also housed the Dallas office of the Secret
Service. The building was owned by the Great Southwest Corporation
(GSW), a real estate investment group based in Arlington. GSW's
investors included Dallas oil man Clint Murchison and the
Rockefellers. The group owned Arlington's Inn of the Six Flags, where
Marina was taken on November 24, 1963 by Peter Gregory and his friend,
Mike Howard of the Secret Service. They, along with another Secret
Service agent named Charles Kunkel hid her there from all authorities,
including the FBI. (The name Kunkel with telephone numbers was found
in Ruby's notebook.) Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley, who represented GSW and
LTV, were also the Washington oil lobbyists named in connection with
the Bobby Baker scandals. Bedford Wynne was the oil pay-off man to
Bobby Baker and the Democrats.

Marina's new attorneys who were at the Ford home with her that
February day in 1964 had taken over her business affairs a week
earlier from James Herbert Martin. This appeared to be a change, but
Martin had been employed by GSW as the manager of the Inn of the Six
Flags. And Baer and McKenzie had recently left the law firm of GSW
(Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley).462

With this background in mind, stemming as it does from the Fords'
relationship with Marina, we now turn to Nixon's stay in Dallas from
November 20 to 22, 1963. Nixon's odd memory of this trip seems to
explain the presence of Baer and McKenzie at the Ford home. It also
shows that the Fords may represent, in addition to links between
Oswald and Ruby, ominous links between Oswald, Ruby, and Richard
Nixon. In fact many things about this trip to Dallas seem to shed
light on the subjects discussed in this paper.

Nixon went to Dallas on legal business for Pepsi-Cola (now Pepsico).
When Nixon's political career seemed to die after he lost his bid for
governor of California in 1962, Pepsi came to his rescue by offering
to give their account to the New York law firm of Mudge, Stern if they
took Nixon on as a senior partner. According to Peter Dale Scott,


This political favor by Donald Kendall, who became president of Pepsi
in September 1963, has been viewed as a quid pro quo: Kendall is said
to owe his presidency of Pepsico in part to his success (through the
good offices of Richard Nixon) in having Khrushchev pose with a Pepsi
bottle at the 1959 American exhibition in Moscow. But Kendall's
success can also be attributed to his marriage with the daughter of
Admiral Edward Orrick McDonnell, the veteran of Wilson's Vera Cruz
expedition and a former director of Pepsi, of Pan Am, and (with Henry
Crown and Frank Manheim of Lehman Brothers) of the Hertz Corp.463
Kendall was very involved in Loeb Rhoades, Empire Trust, and General
Dynamics investments with close associates of Jack Crichton, Joseph
Walker (Air America), Toddie Lee Wynne (cousin of Bedford and director
of GSW), and Robert Bernard Anderson.

Anderson, a long-time associate of LBJ and Fort Worth oil man Sid
Richardson, had been appointed, in the fifties, to the Special
Committee to Investigate Crude Oil Imports, which resulted in
mandatory oil import quotas designed by Anderson, LBJ, and Senator
Kerr of Oklahoma (of the Kerr-McGee Oil Co., from which George Bush
hired a close friend of de Mohrenschildt). Reportedly, Anderson's
reward was a phony deal concocted by Richardson in June 1957. In this
scheme Anderson would buy oil stock for one dollar, then sell it to
Toddie Lee Wynne's Dalada Corp. for $900,000. In September 1963,
Richardson's nephew Perry Bass bought Dalada, thus reacquiring the
stock for Richardson's estate. Today, Bass is a major financial
contributor to the University of Texas at Austin. Anderson's other
investment partner, Carl M. Loeb Rhoades, was described by Walter
Winchell as LBJ's top financial advisor.464

Anderson was also involved in deals with a man closer to the subject
of this paper. According to Scott, "In February 1964 Anderson's World
Banking Corp. in the Bahamas brought in the Belgian Banque Lambert,
along with Augustin Batista of Loeb-linked former Cuba Trust Company
in Havana."465

As we have seen, Augustin Batista was a member, with Jose Aleman, Sr.,
of the Anson Group, which was closely tied to Second Naval Guerrilla
and to Richard Nixon. As we will soon see, Augustin Batista's Cuban
Trust Company employed a director of de Mohrenschildt's Cuban oil
company -- a company with close ties to William F. Buckley Sr. and
possibly to C.B. Smith and a familiar sounding Rambler station wagon
in Miami.

Like Anderson, Robert H. Stewart III had financial ties to both LBJ
and Nixon. And as a prominent Dallas Republican fund raiser, director
of GSW, Braniff and Lone Star Steel (all close to LBJ), president in
1963 of First National Bank, Dallas (FNBD), and future director of
Pepsico (1964), and LTV (1970), Stewart, too, had financial ties to
the apparent conspiracy to manipulate Marina Oswald's testimony.

On November 15, 1963, Nixon petitioned to join the New York Bar. Then
on November 20 he flew, with Donald Kendall in a Pepsi plane, to a
bottler's convention in Dallas. Ten months later Pepsi announced plans
to build a multi-million dollar plant in Arlington -- thus enhancing
the value of GSW. This project must have been related to Pepsi's
intended merger with Frito Lay of Dallas (which interlocked with James
Ling's Electro-Science Investors).

This merger between Pepsi and Frito Lay was objected to by the Federal
Trade Commission in a complaint filed November 19, 1963 -- the day
before Nixon flew to Dallas. It was a complaint that must have been of
great concern that week to Wynne, Jaffe and Tinsley (GSW's law firm),
Nixon, (Pepsi's lawyer), Robert H. Stewart (director of GSW and FNBD),
and Herman Lay (of Frito Lay and director of FNBD). If these men met
that week, the meeting represented links to de Mohrenschildt (through
Morris Jaffe), post assassination links to Marina Oswald (through
William A. McKenzie and James H. Martin), the Bobby Baker payoffs
(through Bedford Wynne and Robert H. Stewart), and CIA/Cuba
connections (through Nixon).466

It was Robert H. Stewart who hired George Bush in 1977 (after
President Carter replaced him as CIA director) to be director of First
International Bankshares, Inc. (FIB, Inc.) of Dallas.467

Bush was also named a director of First International Bankshares, Ltd.
(FIB, Ltd.), FIB, Inc.'s London Merchant bank. Another FIB, Ltd.
director was W. Dewey Presley, the president and chairman of FIB,
Inc.'s executive committee.468 He is also listed in the book Who's Who
in CIA (the acronym CIA is used loosely here to mean any intelligence
related work). Presley's entry reads:


b.: 26.5.1918;
1939-42 in Magnolia Oil and Pipe Line Companies;
1942-52 Special Agent of FBI; from 1960 Vice President
of First National Bank, Dallas;
OpA [area of operation]: Dallas469
We have already explored the presence of Magnolia Oil around Oswald,
Ruth Paine, and Eugene Hale Brading. There is, however, another
intriguing individual at FIB with connections to Magnolia, George
Bush, and others discussed in this paper. He is J. Rawles Fulgham Jr.,
president of FIB, Inc. and chairman of FIB, Ltd. Fulgham was
identified in a 1982 news report as a director of Dorchester Gas Corp.
(see Nexis). Dorchester Gas was the company owned by Jack Alston
Crichton, which had D.H. Byrd as a director. It was Crichton who
selected his and Ruth Paine's friend, Ilya Mamantov to be Marina's
interpreter. And as we have seen, Mamantov was teaching scientific
Russian to the Magnolia employees who met the Oswalds at the party
discussed earlier.

It will be recalled that one of the three Mamantov students living at
the house where the party took place, Volkmar Schmidt, had lived and
studied with one of the survivors of the failed plot to assassinate
Hitler -- a fact which brings us to another intriguing connection of
FIB's president and chairman. Fulgham was identified as a director of
Dresser Industries (see Nexis), where Bush's father had been a
director and Bush himself got his first job. It is recalled that
Dresser is also where Hans Gisevius, another survivor of the Hitler
plot, friend of Allen Dulles and Ruth Paine's friend Mary Bancroft,
"spent some time in Texas."470

Given all of this, we can perhaps agree with Professor Scott that,


Mr. Nixon should be asked whether his legal efforts helped to block
this complaint [against the Pepsi merger with Frito Lay]; and if so,
with whom and how he handled it in Dallas. For it was this merger that
brought to the Pepsico board Robert H. Stewart III...for fifteen years
an acquaintance and backer of James Ling (who [with D.H. Byrd] bought
heavily into LTV and Electro-Science Investors in October and November
1963). Robert Stewart and his bank were named in the Bobby Baker
Hearings for the $250,000 loan Stewart had advanced to Baker and his
friends in 1961, for an insurance stock purchase which looked to many
like a political reward.
Stewart, like his "very good friend" Senator John Tower, and Tower's
campaign manager Peter O'Donnell, was powerful among the conservative
Republicans of Texas....In 1970 he became one of three new
directors...of LTV, along with Ling's old backer Troy Post...and
William H. Tinsley who by now was the senior partner of Wynne, Jaffe
and Tinsley.471

Nixon's flurry of activity the week of November 15 to 22, 1963, during
which he worked so intently on behalf of his rich and powerful
political allies in Dallas, would seem to have been quite memorable to
him; and even more so given the fact that the week ended with the
world shattering assassination (in that very city) of the man to whom
he lost the U.S. presidency three years earlier by the closest margin
in American history. After all, even those who were children
(including this author) have remembered that day with unusual clarity
for their entire lives. But for Kennedy's historic rival, Richard
Nixon, that seems not to be the case. Only three months after the
assassination, Nixon did not remember that he was in Dallas almost up
until the time of the assassination; despite the fact that during this
incredible lapse of memory, he did remember being invited to Dallas in
April 1963; he did remember that the purpose of that trip "never
materialized"; and he did remember not giving any consideration to
going (CE 1973, 23 H 831).472 And despite remembering these details,
Nixon called his memory of this invitation vague. Most unusual of all
is that the story of the invitation was completely false.

Let us review this. Richard Nixon's three month old memory of being in
Dallas on the most memorable day in the history of that city; the most
memorable day of their lives for most people in the world; and what
should have been, for Nixon, the most memorable day of his life, was
vague. Yet his ten month old memory of a forgettable invitation to
come to Dallas for a forgettable event which never transpired, and
about which he gave no consideration, was relatively detailed; even
though there had never been any such invitation. And Nixon called his
relatively detailed memory of this non-invitation vague.

This raises the question: who was the source of this falsehood? It
turns out that it was started on February 19, 1964 by Maurice Carlson
of Reliance Life and Accident Insurance (23 H 414, 416); a man
described by the FBI as "a close friend of Richard Nixon" (23 H 414).
The chairman of Mr. Carlson's insurance company was a man named James
H. Bond, who was also with James Ling's Electro-Science Investors (and
later with LTV). And we must not forget that the secretary of Mr.
Carlson's insurance company was Henry Baer (formerly of the Wynne law
firm which represented de Mohrenschildt, LTV, and GSW), the man who
was at the Ford home on February 24 with Marina Oswald. The
interesting thing about Mr. Baer being there that particular day is
that it was the very next day that Maurice Carlson retracted his story
about the Nixon invitation to Dallas.473

Joining Carlson in the denial of his own story was Peter O'Donnell,
the campaign manager for Robert H. Stewart's "very good friend"
Senator John Tower. It is recalled that O'Donnell is also the man who
sat on the Cuban Freedom Committee with Oveta Culp Hobby; was
president of Harry Ransom friend Karl Hoblitzelle's Foundation; and
who was a member of William F. Buckley, Jr.'s National Advisory
Council of Young American's for Freedom with Robert Morris. Morris, it
is recalled, was Otto Otepka's defense attorney, General Walker's
attorney, H.L. Hunt's attorney, a John Bircher, and a Naval
intelligence officer.474

Why then would Richard Nixon come along three days after the denial of
this story (February 28) and seem to corroborate it with his "vague"
yet detailed memory of it? Two days before Carlson's February 19
telling of the false story, Baer and McKenzie replaced Martin as
Marina's attorneys. The false story, had it been true, would have
corroborated an equally incredible story that Marina was reportedly
telling. On the same day Carlson told his story, Robert Oswald said
that "Marina had locked Lee Harvey Oswald in the bathroom the entire
day" (of Nixon's alleged April visit) to prevent him from going to
shoot Nixon (22 H 596). By February 24, it had been established that
the bathroom locked from the inside. Marina changed her story that day
saying she had held onto the doorknob and braced her feet against the
wall for three hours (23 H 511-12). When time came to testify under
oath,however, she changed her story again and said she and her husband
struggled inside the bathroom (R 188).475

Unless something came along very quickly to back up this bizarre
bathroom story, it could have cast doubt on all of Marina's testimony
which was essentially all the Commission had to convince the public
that Oswald was guilty. And more importantly, if Marina's bathroom
story had been proved false, it could have implicated a number of
people in its creation; including Henry Baer, William McKenzie, two
FBI agents, and the Fords, who were all with her the day her story
first changed to accommodate the facts about the door lock. It could
have also implicated Carlson who withdrew his invitation story the
very next day, and Robert Oswald who first reported Marina's bathroom
story. The reason her story was not proved false was because Richard
Nixon came to everyone's rescue by "vaguely" remembering the
"invitation" on February 28, three days after the whole matter self-
destructed.476 Had these people been investigated honestly, it is
extremely likely it would have led to the connections discussed in
this paper.

There are indications that the Warren Commission came quite close to
investigating those very connections. In February 1964, the same month
these desperate falsehoods about Nixon were being spread, LTV won the
Navy contract to build limited war fighter planes which resulted in
huge returns on the insightful investments of James Ling, D.H. Byrd
and others in November 1963. Also in February 1964, the Joint Chiefs
began calling for "intensified operations against North Vietnam", and
Ling was charged with misconduct by the Security and Exchange
Commission. And the Warren Commission, on February 24 (the day
Marina's story began to change), wrote a memorandum to the CIA raising
promising questions about Ruby's links to Lewis J. McWillie, Barney
Baker, Thomas Hill of the John Birch Society head office (who was in
Ruby's notebook), and "Leopold Ramos Ducos," who with Mike Singer
(both subjects of missing pages) was linked to Bobby Baker and the
teamsters (CE 2980, 26 H 467-73).477

The fact that these individuals came so close to being investigated
yet were not (because of Nixon's vague remembrance), would seem to be
reason enough for Richard Nixon to have a good laugh. He laughed all
the way to Asia twice in 1964, where he spoke to South Vietnamese
officials and Chiang Kai-shek. When he returned in April 1964 he
lobbied hard for carrying the war to North Vietnam. His second trip to
Taiwan on Pepsi business enabled him to address the National Toilers
Alliance-National Alliance of Solidarists (NTS), the Anti-Bolshevik
Nations (ABN), and assorted German right-wingers and ex-Nazis at the
Asian Peoples' Anti-Communist League (APACL) -- the colleagues of
Oswald's contact Spas T. Raikin.478

As Dr. Scott tells us, the NTS and ABN collaborated closely with the
APACL in Taipeh to establish the proposed World Anti-Communist
Conference for Freedom and Liberation. "This makes it likely," Scott
writes, "that the NTS was also in contact in Texas with the allies of
the APACL and through them with the John Birch Society and the
supporters of General Walker." Thus, these Nixon/Pepsi intrigues hit
close to home when we recall that "Jack Nichols Payton, a friend and
campaign-organizer of General Walker, described himself in Commission
Exhibit 2094 (24 H 528) as a member of both the John Birch Society and
the Austin Anti-Communist League."479 It is also recalled that SNG
veteran John Martino, who claimed to have knowledge of the
conspiratorial manipulation of Oswald, spoke at a meeting of the
Austin Anti-Communist League on October 1, 1963 -- one week after
Oswald was in Austin.

Considering these Nixon ties to the Watergaters of Second Naval
Guerrilla, Ruth Paine, Jack Ruby, and Lee Harvey Oswald, it no longer
seems as much a stretch that the Red Ripper was trying to communicate
something important about George Wing's Rambler and the JFK
assassination. But could Wing's car be an actual car used by the
conspirators? We will next explore some indications that it could.
They show that George Wing may have had good reason to pose the
question (on his office door and in his anachronistic car) of why
Richard Nixon was laughing.



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


Go to Part Four


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



Return to Main Page



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------


Citations
298. William Weston, "Collaborators of the Conspiracy", The Third
Decade, Nov., 1992, pp. 5, 10.

299. Weston, p. 6; Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 3, p. 249, cited
in Weston, p. 10. Note: This is how Truly referred to himself.

300. Dallas Morning News, Nov. 23, 1963, section 4, p. 1.

301. Weston, p. 13.

302. Hunt, The Sixth Floor..., p. 5.

303. Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 6, pp. 391, 395, 396, cited in
Weston, p. 11. Note: It was pointed out in the March 1993 Third Decade
(pp. 22-23) that the testimony cited by Weston referring to "lights
all went out and phones became dead" has two different
interpretations. While that is true, there is ample evidence that
commission attorneys altered testimony and chose language very
carefully. Weston believes "that the Warren Commission was trying to
avoid the subject." In a cover-up, this matter would be a prime target
for obfuscation.

304. Weston, p. 11.

305. Alden Hatch, The Byrds of Virginia: An American Dynasty, 1670 to
the Present, (NY: Holt Rinehart Winston, 1969.), p. xv; Byrd, I'm an
Endangered Species, p. 3.

306. Austin American-Statesman, Nov. 15, 1988, p. A5.

307. It is suspicious that this building was set on fire while this
bank carried the lien because one of the numerous CIA contacts of
Lewis MacNaughton, mentioned earlier, is that he was a director of
Republic National Gas and Republic National Bank of Dallas with Karl
Hoblitzelle, who set up the CIA-conduit Hoblitzelle Foundation. A
theater magnate and Ransom friend, Hoblitzelle donated to UT the core
of its theater collection. (Newsweek, Feb. 27, 1967, p. 26, cited in
Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 6; Frantz, p. 25.)

308. Hunt, The Sixth Floor... p. 5.

309. New York Times, Sept. 22, 1975, p. 36.

310. The esteem Lyndon Johnson held for Senator Harry Byrd of Virginia
can be seen in a 1964 photo of Lyndon Johnson kissing his hand "in a
gesture of condolence and respect...." (Hatch, The Byrds of Virginia,
photograph.) The Nov. 16, 1963 Dallas Morning News mentions Senator
Harry Byrd of Virginia, head of the Senate Finance Committee, and his
opposition to a proposed Kennedy tax cut of $11 billion, passed by the
House, while increasing spending for a proposed deficit increase to
$334 billion over the next two-and-a-half years.

311. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 37-40.

312. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 108; Jim Garrison, On the
Trail of the Assassins, (NY: Sheridan Square Press, 1989), pp. 51, 53,
286.

313. The University of Texas at Austin, Permanent Record Card, "de
Mohrenschildt, George Serguis."

314. 9 H 202, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp.
32-33; Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 29. Note:
Ilya Mamantov, whom Crichton selected as Marina's interpreter after
the assassination, was a friend of de Mohrenschildt and a Sun Oil
employee. Mamantov, with his friend Peter Gregory, altered Marina's
testimony in order to connect Lee with the alleged murder weapon. (See
Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III.)

315. Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 223-25; Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77,
180-82.

316. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 206; Beyond JFK: The
Question of Conspiracy, 90 minutes, Produced by Danny Schechter & Rory
O'Connor with Globalvision, Warner Home Video, 1992.

317. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 105; David Nevin. The Texans,
(NY: Bonanza, 1968), p. 150. Note: Amazingly Nevin even had a role in
the assassination. (See Curtis Prendergast with Geoffrey Colvin, The
World of Time Inc., NY: Atheneum, 1986, p.121.)

318. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 53.

319. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 98.

320. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 99, 100.

321. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 101-02.

322. General Jimmy Doolittle co-authored, with Allen Dulles and
William Pawley of Flying Tigers fame, the infamous Doolittle Report of
1954 which greatly empowered the CIA. (See Hinckle with Turner, The
Fish is Red, p. 45; Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 276.)

323. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 41.

324. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 105-06.

325. A fellow director of LTV was R.B. Gilmore, the president of
DeGolyer and MacNaughton, the oil firm mentioned earlier in this
paper. (See Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 20.)

326. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 37; Byrd, I'm an
Endangered Species, pp. 68-69.

327. Aviation Week, Jan. 27, 1964, p. 21, cited in Scott, The Dallas
Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 20. Note: The question is raised of the role in
this budget process of D.H. Byrd's cousin Sen. Harry Byrd, head of the
Senate Finance Committee.

328. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 115. Note: Marshall had been
a key figure in the investigation into the cotton allotment dealings
of Billie Sol Estes, a scandal implicating Lyndon Johnson. Marshall
died from five rifle wounds in what was ruled a suicide. "Wallace was
supposedly friendly with the Johnson family to the point of dating
Josefa, Lyndon's sister. During his trial, Wallace was represented by
John Cofer, the same attorney who had represented Johnson in the
famous `Ballot Box 13' voter fraud case in 1948..." (Wilson, Texas
Unsolved Mysteries, p. 115.)

329. Captain Peoples reportedly died in a one-car accident in early
1993 after announcing he was going to retire soon and tell all about
the Marshall and Kiner murders. (Interview: Mar. 7, 1993, Resident of
Franklyn, Texas, site of the Marshall murder, who whishes anonymity.)

330. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 123.

331. Wilson, Texas Unsolved Mysteries, p. 118.

332. Craig I. Zirbel, The Texas Connection, (Scottsdale, AZ: The Texas
Connection Co., 1991), p. 159, n. 17.

333. "Crichton of Army Reserve Intelligence Service, was the apparent
outsider who arranged for Marina Oswald to have the "excessive
rightist" Ilya Mamantov as her interpreter." (See Scott, The Dallas
Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 37.)

334. Steinberg, Sam Johnson's Boy, pp. 667, 626, cited in Scott, The
Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX pp. 20-21.

335. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 3, 96; Peter Collier with
David Horowitz, The Rockefellers, (NY: Holt, Rinehart & Winston,
1976), p. 193.

336. Ken C. Braband, The First 50 Years: A History of Collins Radio
Company and the Collins Divisions of Rockwell International, (Cedar
Rapids, IA: Rockwell International, 1983), p.14-15.

337. Braband, The First 50 Years: A History of Collins Radio..., p.
95. Note: Red Bird Airport is twenty-three miles south of Collins'
Richardson plant and just over five miles south of Tenth Street and
Patton where Officer J.D. Tippit was murdered.

338. Russell interview: May 12, 1992 with Mary Ferrell, FBI report of
Mar. 10, 1967, cited in Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 576,
788 n.42.

339. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 545 n. 33.

340. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 545 n. 33.

341. FBI Field Report No. DL 89-43, Nov. 24, 1963, cited in John R.
Craig with Philip A. Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, (NY: Avon,
1992), pp. 275-76.

342. Craig with Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, p. 273. Note: It
is recalled here that Col. Fletcher Prouty identified his boss, Gen.
Edward G. Lansdale, in a photo of these tramps. Lansdale's "big
patron" was Walt Rostow, a mutual friend of LBJ and Ransom with Byrd,
Burris, CIA asset Karl Hoblitzelle, and Paine family friend Everette
deGolyer.

343. Craig with Rogers, The Man on the Grassy Knoll, pp. 116-17.

344. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 475-76.

345. Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77, 183-85.

346. Epstein, Legend, pp. 175-77, 183-85.

347. 12 HSCA 40, 41, cited in Groden with Livingstone. High Treason,
pp. 238-39.

348. Interview: Mar. 30, 1991, Evelyn Bartholomew, widow of J.H.
Bartholomew. (Note: James Hayes Bartholomew, Sr., was the author's
father.)

349. New York Times, Mar. 19, 1963, p. 4; NYT, Apr. 2, 1963, p. 22;
NYT, Oct. 25, 1963, p. 14; NYT, Oct. 26, 1963, p. 10.

350. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, p. 30.

351. "Castro Says CIA Uses Raider Ship," New York Times, Nov. 1, 1963,
pp. 1, 15; "Alleged CIA Men Talk on Havana TV," NYT, Nov. 3, 1963, p.
40, Nov. 20, 1963, p. 42, Dec. 6, 1963, p. 41; Hinckle with Turner,
The Fish is Red, p. 138.

352. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 37.

353. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, pp. 48, 103.

354. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 39, with photo of Van
Cliburn, age 7, with Byrd's parents and Martha Byrd, Harold's wife.

355. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 78.

356. Byrd, I'm an Endangered Species, p. 104; The University of Texas
at Arlington, "C.B. Smith, Sr., October 24, 1967." Note: Smith and
Byrd were also both residents, during their college years, at UT's
"Old B Hall" upperclassmen dormitory, a place with strong fraternal
ties and traditions which outlasted its fifty-year existence. Smith
and Byrd had at least one overlapping year there. (See Frantz, pp.
95-109; Byrd, p. 18, 22.) Both the timing and transaction of the sale
of the Rambler from Smith to Wing have implications concerning the JFK
assassination and will be explored further in this paper.

357. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107; John
Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, (NY: Holt, Rinehart,
Winston, 1976), p. 143n.

358. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, pp. 105-06.

359. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 149.

360. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

361. Hinkle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 170.

362. Those planners were Richard Bissell, Tracy Barnes, Charles
Cabell, and Allen Dulles. On the eve of the invasion, Kennedy asked
one man to look over the plan for final approval: Walt Rostow, the
close friend of Bissell, Cabell and Dulles.

363. Gaeton Fonzi, statement made at the Second Research Conference of
The Third Decade, Jun., 20, 1993.

364. Lane, Plausible Denial, pp. 295-301

365. R.H.S. Crossman, "Apocalypse at Dresden," Esquire, Nov. 1963, p.
149.

366. Crossman, p. 149-50. Note: In 1953, Allen Dulles succeeded Walter
Bedell Smith as CIA director. (Collier with Horowitz, The
Rockefellers, p. 271.)

367. Crossman, p. 149.

368. Rostow, Memo on Area Bombing, 1943.

369. Rostow, Pre-Invasion Bombing Strategy, p. 70.

370. Rostow, Memo on Area Bombing, 1943.

371. Crossman, p. 150.

372. CD 59, cited in Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America,
p. 104.

373. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, pp. 104-05.

374. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 106; Austin
American-Statesman, Oct. 2, 1963, p. 29.

375. CD 657; New York Times, Sept. 27 and Oct. 22, 1960, Mar. 11 and
12, 1961, cited in Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p.
106.

376. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

377. John Chabot Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story, (NY: Holt,
Rinehart, Winston, 1976), p. 143n.

378. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 107.

379. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., p. 130.

380. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 143.

381. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., pp. 215-16.

382. Bancroft, Autobiography..., pp. 185-86.

383. Link, Woodrow Wilson, pp. 16-17.

384. Judis, William F. Buckley, Jr., p. 22.

385. Frantz, The Forty Acre Follies, pp. 97-100.

386. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 168-173.

387. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

388. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

389. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 161, 169-70.

390. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 172.

391. Curtis Prendergast with Geoffrey Colvin, The World of Time Inc.,
(NY: Atheneum, 1986), p. 125; Richard B. Stolley, "Four Days in
Dallas: 25 Years Later," Columbia [University] magazine, Oct. 1988, p.
58.

392. Peter Wyden, Bay of Pigs, (NY: Simon & Schuster, 1979), pp.
84-86.

393. Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 449-50. Note: Loran Eugene Hall and
Santos Trafficante had been in jail at the same time in Cuba and were
released together in July 1959. In 1963 Hall was working with Eladio
del Valle's Committee to Free Cuba. Del Valle had been a smuggling
partner of Trafficante and was also a close friend and associate of
David Ferrie. (See Summers, Conspiracy, p. 346; Anson, They've Killed
the President, p. 197; Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 230.)

394. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

395. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 169.

396. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 160; Wolfe, The
Murchisons, pp. 172-73; Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 11.

397. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 160; Interview: C. Osmet
Moody by David G. Armstrong, Mar. 23, 1992.

398. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, pp. 160-61.

399. David E. Scheim, Contract on America, (NY: Shapolsky, 1988), p.
130. Note: One of Ruby's visits was right after the midnight press
conference where Ruby corrected Dallas D.A. Henry Wade's apparent
mistake that Oswald was a member of the Free Cuba Committee. Aside
from the fact that Ruby knew it was the Fair Play for Cuba Committee,
the Committee to Free Cuba was headed by David Ferrie's close friend
Eladio del Valle. (See Scheim, p. 126; Summers, Conspiracy, p. 346;
Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 197; Hinckle with Turner, The
Fish is Red, p. 230.)

400. CE 1322, p. 730; 5 H 188, cited in Scheim, Contract on America,
p. 424, n. 66; Increase Records INCM-2007: Cruisin' 1962, long-play
recording "Featuring Russ `Weird Beard' Knight KLIF Dallas, Texas,"
1984. Note: McLendon was later named by Marcello associate D' Alton
Smith as someone lined up to assist the Mob's spring-Hoffa campaign
(Scheim, Contract on America, p. 424, n. 66).

401. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 173.

402. Claasen interview with Earl Golz of The Dallas Morning News,
1978, cited in Summers, Conspiracy, pp. 451-52.

403. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148.

404. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 256.

405. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148.

406. Hinckle with Turner, The Fish is Red, p. 148-49; Scott, Crime and
Cover-Up, p. 10.

407. Tad Szulc, Compulsive Spy: The Strange Career of E. Howard Hunt,
(NY: Viking, 1974), pp. 96-97, Church Committee, Alleged Assassination
Plots, p. 89-90, cited in Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 10-11, 52, n.
18.

408. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 12, 15, 17, 18.

409. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 17-18.

410. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 17-18.

411. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 11-12.

412. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, p. 11.

413. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 11, 20.

414. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 13-14.

415. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 13-14.

416. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 14, 56, n. 52a; Scott, The Dallas
Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 10.

417. Summers, Conspiracy, p. 224; Epstein, Legend, p. 179.

418. Peter Collier with David Horowitz, The Rockefellers, (NY: Holt,
Rinehart & Winston, 1976), pp. 193, 408, 414.

419. Collier with Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 271-72; Pete Brewton,
The Mafia, CIA & George Bush, (NY: S.P.I. Books, 1992), p. 101.

420. Brewton, The Mafia, CIA & George Bush, p. 101.

421. The University of Texas at Austin College of Communication,
Ceremony To Name The Communication Complex The Jesse H. Jones
Communication Center, Program, April 30, 1982.

422. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 7, ch. VIII, p. 15-16;
Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 14-16, 53, n. 33-34.

423. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 138.

424. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 139.

425. Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 141.

426. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. II, pp. 21-22.

427. Russell, The Man Who Knew Too Much, pp. 191, 321; Judis, William
F. Buckley, Jr., p. 188.

428. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 18.

429. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 5.

430. Collier with Horowitz, The Rockefellers, p. 272-73.

431. Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 280; William R. Corson, The Armies of
Ignorance, (NY: Dial, 1977), pp. 372-73, 382n.

432. Amos A. Jordan with William J. Taylor and Lawrence J. Korb,
American National Security: Policy and Process, (Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, third ed., 1989) p. 141.

433. Paul Brancato, Coup d'état: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy,
illustrated cards, (Forestville, CA: Eclipse, 1990), p. 25; Austin
American-Stateman, Sept. 1989; Linda Latham Welch, "A Towering Task,"
Austin American-Stateman, Sept. 3, 1992, "Neighbor" Section; Land and
Baker: Corson, The Armies of Ignorance, p. 373.

434. Ranelagh, The Agency, p. 280.

435. Scott, Crime and Cover-Up, pp. 12-13.

436. Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 255-56.

437. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 256.

438. Bernard Fensterwald Jr., Coincidence or Conspiracy?, (NY: Zebra,
1977), pp. 511-13; Canfield with Weberman, Coup d'état in America, pp.
56-57, 74, 76.

439. Garrison, On the Trail of the Assassins, p. 63.

440. 2 H 304, cited in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. II, p. 3.

441. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IV, p. 3.

442. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 10-11.

443. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. II, p. 4.

444. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 17.

445. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 22 n.

446. CE 3116, 26 H 760, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch.
III, pp. 1-2.

447. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. III, pp. 20, 21.

448. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 18.

449. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 3, 4, 5, 44, 45. Note:
Scott suggests that Gilpatric and Korth, along with the former
assistant Navy secretary for installations and logistics (under
Connally), Ken BeLieu, should have been questioned about the contracts
for installing sophisticated electronics aboard the Collins Radio ship
Rex and another ship, the Maddox, of Tonkin Gulf infamy. (see Scott,
The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. XI, pp. 30-31)

450. Ovid Demaris, Captive City, p. 230, Kenneth Lamott, The
Moneymakers, (Boston, MA: Little Brown, 1969), p. 65, cited in Scott,
The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, p. 17.

451. Hank Messick, Lansky, p. 212, Ed Reid, The Grim Reapers, p. 94,
cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 24, 25, 26.

452. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 25, 28; Anson, They've
Killed the President, p. 309.

453. Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 299, 309.

454. Anson, They've Killed the President, p. 296.

455. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, pp. 25, 28.

456. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VI, p. 35, ch. VII, p. 4;
Canfield with Webberman, Coup d'état in America, p. 138, 141.

457. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. VII, pp. 25, 26; Fensterwald,
Coincidence or Conspiracy?, pp. 549-50.

458. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 7, 8.

459. Ed Reid with Ovid Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle, (NY: Trident
Press, 1963), p. 191, cited in Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III,
p. 8; moved to Dallas: Scott, ch. IX, p. 20.

460. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. V, pp. 24-27, ch. VI, p. 25;
Anson, They've Killed the President, pp. 299, 309.

461. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. V, pp. 26, 27; Reid with
Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle, (NY: Pocket Books, 1964), p. 158.

462. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, pp. 3-6, 7, 21, 30, ch.
IX, pp. 23, 27, ch. X, pp. 16-21.

463. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 11.

464. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. IX, pp. 10-33.

465. New York Times, Feb., 9, 1964, 111, 6, cited in Scott, Government
Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

466. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 13-15, 21.

467. Wall Street Journal, Feb. 23, 1977.

468. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

469. Julius Mader, Who's Who in CIA, (Berlin: Self-published, 1968),
p. 420.

470. FIB, Inc. Annual Reports, 1977-79.

471. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 15.

472. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 16.

473. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, pp. 16-17.

474. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. II, pp. 21-22.

475 . Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18.

476. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 20.

477. Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 18, 19.

478. New York Times, Apr. 17, 1964, p. 1, Apr. 19, 1964, p. 82, cited
in Scott, Government Documents..., ch. X, p. 13.

479. Scott, The Dallas Conspiracy, ch. III, p. 15.

http://www.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_issues/17th_Issue/rambler3.html

[kylek...@gmail.com]

who wrote this please

> interpretation of this photo montage in UT's ...