No way out : Hong Kong’s revolution, born of despair and ennui, meets a crushing reality (Tom Grimmer)
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to Post WSMDiscuss, Post Social Movements Riseup, Post Crisis of Civilisation and Alternative Paradigms, Post Activism News Network, Post Debate, JS
Saturday, August 17, 2019
Hong Kong in movement…, China in movement…, Movements
in movement…
[A great - if depressing - essay, and reflection. Only one question : This is the view and
understanding, as the writer himself says, of a 60-year-old expat. Again, what is the movement thinking ?
[Though what the subheading – summarising a key point in article
– says :
“This city’s youth are fed up
with an economy they see as rigged and a political system that’s taken their
freedom. But as their uprising spirals out of control, the city carries on with
business as usual
to
my ears anyways, rings so true, of the context and times where I have primarily
worked in and struggled through with others (Calcutta in the 1980s), and / but
also of the times we are today living through…
But this is what movements do : They threaten to break out of this
vicious cycle – and to take us with them -, and some manage to do so. On this, this article – sadly – is not hopeful,
but my sense is that even as we think and hope about other futures, we also have
to come to grips with the very real possibility of what he says :
“As things have spiralled out of control – into “the abyss,” in the
words of Ms. Lam – I have wondered about that pair from the pub. They may have
been at the airport, or gassed and beaten in that subway station. Will they, in
28 years when Hong Kong reverts fully to Chinese rule, tell their kids about
these heady days of rebellion? Perhaps like the anti-establishment Western
youth of the sixties, they will simply succumb to economic reality and forge a
compromise with the future. They might watch from afar, from say Sydney or
Toronto. Of course, it’s very hard to say where China itself will be
politically by then, but chances are those two will know one thing for sure:
They witnessed free expression as we knew it die in Hong Kong.”
No way out : Hong Kong’s revolution, born of despair
and ennui, meets a crushing reality
This city’s youth are fed up
with an economy they see as rigged and a political system that’s taken their
freedom. But as their uprising spirals out of control, the city carries on with
business as usual
Hong
Kong, Aug. 5: A protester throws bricks at the police after they fired
tear gas during one of several simultaneous rallies in a general strike.
Isaac LAWRENCE/AFP/Getty Images
Tom Grimmer is a Hong Kong-based consultant and writer.
On
Aug. 5, the day of Hong Kong’s first general strike in 50 years, I took
an evening walk down to government headquarters in the Admiralty
district, which has been a focus of the protests since they began in
early June. It was already 9 p.m., most of the demonstrations in the
area were finished for the night, and black-shirted protesters were
rapidly draining out by bus and subway. So instead of watching a siege, I
settled for a beer in a nearby pub.
There
were two customers in the otherwise empty bar, twentysomethings dressed
in the standard Hong Kong protester kit: black clothes, sneakers and
knapsacks. While they sipped IPAs, the young man played Candy Crush on
his phone, nodding and half-listening as his girlfriend nattered and
posted pictures on Instagram. They chatted in Cantonese, but the young
woman addressed the Nepalese waitress in flawless English.
What struck me about this was its ordinariness. Two kids, just out of their teens, enjoying a drink on a summer’s eve.
On
another day, in another year, they might have spent the afternoon at
the beach. It was hard to picture them throwing Molotov cocktails at a
police station.
In
a broader sense, it was also reflective of what Hong Kong is like these
days. In recent weeks, there have been sporadic scenes of extreme
behaviour otherwise alien to the city: a large fire burning outside a
police station; a cop drawing his sidearm; protesters assaulting a
Chinese journalist and seizing and zip-tying the hands of a suspected
mainland security operative at the airport.
At the same time, Hong Kong continues to go about its daily business as one of the world’s great commercial centres.
Many
of us still go to work, even if we go to work holding our breath. We
try and concentrate on our lives despite the noise. The stockbrokers
broke, the shippers ship, the taxi drivers careen around like maniacs
and the old guy on my street who has fixed small appliances from a tiny
stall for 40 years still shows up every day. I don’t know if he’s
oblivious to what’s going on or it just looks that way.
It
was only the closure of the airport – among the world’s busiest for
passengers, the leader in cargo and a crossroads for global tourism –
that really jolted the city. On Wednesday, demonstrators took the
unusual step of somewhat sheepishly apologizing for the airport chaos.
“We’re deeply sorry about what happened yesterday,” read one banner unfurled by protesters. “We were desperate and we made imperfect decisions. Please accept our apologies."
Demonstrators hold up a sign apologizing to tourists at the Hong Kong airport on Aug. 14.
Thomas Peter/Reuters
Aug. 12: Protesters occupy the departure hall of the Hong Kong international airport.
Anthony Kwan/Getty Images
Aug.
13: Medics attempt to remove an injured man, who anti-government
protesters said was a Chinese policeman, during the airport
demonstrations.
Tyrone Siu/Reuters
But back to that bar.
Not
two hours after I paid my tab, that very street in Wan Chai blew up
with a flash-mob protest, tear gas and truncheons. The young couple from
the pub may have joined in. Or they may have gone home to watch
Netflix. That’s Hong Kong right now.
I
write this on the eve of another weekend when, once again, massive
rallies are planned. With protests now in their 10th week and
increasingly violent, many of us long-term residents despair for an
uncertain future. Satellite photos of armoured personnel carriers being
massed just over the border in China don’t help.
This
is among the biggest stories in the world at the moment, so I’ll skip
rehashing how two million people filled our streets in June opposing an
ill-conceived extradition law. That mass movement – one in four citizens
– has become an amorphous, largely leaderless outpouring of frustration
by Hong Kong’s millennials and Gen Z’ers.
The
crowds are now much smaller, but the violence is exponentially greater.
And the brutality undeniable from a police force once considered among
Asia’s finest.
The proposed
legislation that sparked this is “dead,” says Hong Kong Chief Executive
Carrie Lam. But for the people on the streets now, that is too little,
too late. They want it formally withdrawn, a step that the government
has been inexplicably unwilling to take, along with any other gestures
of contrition. The black-shirts, as protesters are known, have other
demands, including an inquiry into police behaviour.
Aug.
14: A man dressed in one of the protesters' signature black T-shirts
reacts as riot police ask him to move at a demonstration in the Sham
Shui Po neighbourhood.
Vincent Yu/The Associated Press
Aug.
15: Chinese soldiers practice detaining a person on the grounds of the
Shenzhen Bay Sports Center in Shenzhen, across the bay from Hong Kong.
Thomas Peter/Reuters
I
was brusquely asked, recently, how an expat in his 60s – who has a
ticket out of here if the worst-case scenario comes to pass – can truly
understand what motivates the youth of Hong Kong. It’s true: A survey by
three Hong Kong academics conducted over the past two months revealed
that 60 per cent of protesters are younger than 30, and more than 70 per
cent have some postsecondary education. Ominously, it also revealed
that most peaceful protesters understand why some of their comrades,
facing a government that won’t budge, have resorted to violence. The
“revolution of our times,” as the students like to call it, is a mixture
of ennui, cultural rootlessness and economic despair.
The
lack of cultural identity is, in a strange way, part of being a young
Hong Konger – which means, first and foremost, not being from China
(although almost everyone in Hong Kong can trace their roots there).
Canadians should identify with this because we, too, define ourselves by
what we’re not: Americans. Many of those who have taken to the streets
were born after Hong Kong was returned to China in 1997 after a
century-and-a-half under British rule, and long after the Tiananmen
Square crackdown of 1989. In many ways, I admire their
David-versus-Goliath guts, but I also wonder if they fully appreciate
what they are up against if China is pushed far enough.
Moreover,
these youths are not sure what being “Chinese” means. Is it the culture
of their parents and grandparents – who made Hong Kong great – or the
culture of authoritarian capitalism in China? The only thing they are
sure about is they don’t want the latter. But one also gets the sense
that they are not only rebelling against Hong Kong’s impotent government
in the shadow of China, but also the Confucian traditions of
conservatism. They struggle to see what’s in it for them – and can you
blame them?
Which leads us directly
into a discussion of economic desperation, perhaps the most intractable
issue at play here. Hong Kong is supposed to be in 50-year transition to
full Chinese rule in 2047. But economically and socially, it’s already a
done deal. Hong Kong always benefited from mobile capital but static
labour. That’s no longer the case. In its core industry, finance, the
Mandarin spoken on the mainland has all but become the second language.
Socially, the mainland allows 150 people a day to emigrate from China,
in addition to the professionals who flock here to work. Naturally, Hong
Kong’s de facto official Cantonese dialect is feeling increasingly
diluted. Slowly outnumbering your hosts is the oldest colonial trick in
the book.
There’s more. Hong Kong
has the most expensive residential real estate in the world and the
second-highest (after New York) Gini co-efficient, the classic measure
of the rich-poor gap. A lot of young people in Hong Kong have little
hope of ever owning a home, and many live with their parents into their
30s and even after marriage.
They
look upon what seems to them like a rigged economic system, run by a
handful of family-controlled conglomerates and pro-China business
lobbies. They know they are at a disadvantage in what is mislabelled a
meritocracy. (It remains to be seen if their rage stays focused solely
on the government and the police, but so far there have been no broken
shop windows, overturned cars alight or willful damage to private
property despite 10 weeks of unrest.)
July
27: Hong Kong resident Fung Cheng, 25, a graphic designer, has a
five-square metre bedroom in a cramped flat with his parents and
brother. He vented his frustration at a system that he believes has
robbed him of the chance to ever have his own home.
Thomas Peter/Reuters
That
same person who upbraided me for being a dopey expat also suggested
that the young people in the streets are the “no hopers.” These are not
the kids who get a strong secondary education and then go on to Hong
Kong University or top schools abroad. I think there’s a broad spectrum
of protesters, although many are from the communities in Hong Kong’s
periphery, in both a geographic and economic sense. They must compete
not only with each other, but with the mainland kids, many of them
well-connected, who come into Hong Kong after attending universities in
the West.
These are the people with
no easy way out of here if things really go pear-shaped. Many people who
were here pre-1997 have alternatives, either through relatives who
emigrated or other back-pocket arrangements. But others have no such
option.
In a nutshell, for these
kids, the Hong Kong economic dream – work hard and you’ll succeed –
looks dead. The political dream, for a full democracy that was neither
present under the British pre-1997 nor under China now, seems more
distant than ever.
Since that night
of the strike, things have ratcheted up considerably, including the
unprecedented airport siege, the firing of tear gas inside subways
stations, and disturbing rumblings out of China about foreign “black
hands” and Hong Kong’s protests showing “signs of terrorism”. No one
knows where this is going; it is completely uncharted.
As
things have spiralled out of control – into “the abyss,” in the words
of Ms. Lam – I have wondered about that pair from the pub. They may have
been at the airport, or gassed and beaten in that subway station. Will
they, in 28 years when Hong Kong reverts fully to Chinese rule, tell
their kids about these heady days of rebellion? Perhaps like the
anti-establishment Western youth of the sixties, they will simply
succumb to economic reality and forge a compromise with the future. They
might watch from afar, from say Sydney or Toronto. Of course, it’s very
hard to say where China itself will be politically by then, but chances
are those two will know one thing for sure: They witnessed free
expression as we knew it die in Hong Kong.
Jai Sen, ed, 2018a –The Movements of Movements, Part 2 : Rethinking Our Dance. Ebook and hard copy available atPM Press
Jai Sen, ed, 2018b –The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?, Indian edition. New Delhi : AuthorsUpfront, in collaboration with OpenWord andPM Press.Hard copy available atMOM1AmazonIN,MOM1Flipkart, andMOM1AUpFront
Jai Sen, ed, 2017 –The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?.New Delhi : OpenWord and Oakland, CA :PM Press.Ebook and hard copy available atPM Press
Jai Sen, ed, 2016a–The Movements of Movements, Part 1 : What Makes Us Move ?and Jai Sen, ed, 2016b –The Movements of Movements, Part 2 : Rethinking Our Dance(both then forthcoming from New Delhi : OpenWord and Oakland, CA : PM Press), open accessADVANCE PREFINAL ONLINE MOVEMENT EDITIONS @www.cacim.net
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