It warns that any increase in hostilities could wipe out the impact of the aid commitments pledged at Gleneagles in 2005 and that violent conflict in Africa "severely challenges" the achievement of the United Nations' millennium development goals.
"Preventing and ending conflicts will do more to create a climate for poverty reduction than any amount of costly aid programmes," the Commons international development committee said.
It praised the Department for International Development's pledge to develop a conflict policy, but warned that the government had not taken sufficient action to deter British companies from participation in trading resources such as diamonds or oil from war zones.
It argued that hostilities are intensified and prolonged because combatants see war as an opportunity to make money and urged ministers to work with the United Nations to develop an international agreement on the definition of "conflict resources".
The MPs, who visited Sierra Leone, Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo during their inquiry, added: "One of the lessons common to all three is that conflicts are not always contained within state boundaries. If this fact is ignored, aid given to one country may end up fuelling conflict in a neighbouring country.
"How a country deals with its neighbours and its role in regional tensions must form part of DfID's consideration about how much and what type of aid is suitable."
The report cites an estimate putting the average cost of a civil war for a low-income country at around £29bn, against the total global aid budget in 2004 of £42bn.
Malcolm Bruce, the committee chairman, said: "Poor states tend to be weak states and so they need economic aid to reduce the risk of descending into conflict.
"However, some conflict-prone states are rich in resources which can sustain warlords, encourage foreign adventurism and lead to the failure of the state and increased poverty for the many as the few get rich.
"If the government prioritised the link between conflict and development it would do more to create a climate for poverty reduction in these countries than any amount of costly aid programmes."
Mr Bruce added: "We believe that the Department of Trade and Industry should work harder to ensure that UK companies working in Africa follow the OECD guidelines for multinational enterprises.
"We intend to take evidence from DTI on its role in monitoring the actions of such companies working in conflict-prone and conflict-affected states."
Claire Hickson, head of advocacy at Saferworld - which works to prevent armed violence, said: "Next year marks the halfway point for the millennium development goals. They will not be reached unless more effort is made to prevent and resolve violent conflict.
"If the UK government is to play its part in ensuring they are achieved, it needs to act fast on these recommendations and concentrate more effort on conflict-afflicted countries."
Thank you very much for resurrecting this important
debate and for bringing your linguistic and religious
expertise to bear on it. Being no expert on Arabic or
Islam, I truly appreciate your very sound and informed
commentary. I defer completely to your expertise, and
I accept your illuminating insights in the spirit in
which they have been offered: that of intellectual
enlightenment.
I do, however, have a few points of disagreement with
your list of sacrifices and prices incurred by Arabs
in the service of the Afro-Arab alliance. Let me point
out that I agree with most of the items on the list
and I thank you for drawing our attention to the ways
in which Arab persons and states have supported and
continue to support African causes. Sometimes these
facts can get lost in the heat of debate.
I am not entirely sure that Africa and Africans should
forget about past and ongoing Arab atrocities against
black Africans because of the good deeds done by Arabs
in support of African causes. To do that would be to
be seduced or bought over by Arab generosity.
Relationships are strengthened not by ignoring or
looking past unpalatable pasts and present injustices
but by resolving them through open, unfettered
discussion. Fortunately, most Africans, including
yourself, recognize this necessity even when most
Arabs tend to resist this and to deny that Arab racism
against Africans is a reality.
This said, let me point out my few disagreements: You
wrote:
"For almost 50 years now, Egypt and Saudi Arabia have
opened educational doors to African students,
providing scholarships in subjects ranging from
engineering to theology."
This is true, but the religious selectivity of these
educational recruitments and the religious-diplomatic
calculations which underlay such gestures indicate
that these are far from altruistic undertakings in the
service of Afro-Arab alliance.
You wrote:
"In terms of the economic partnership between the two
entities, as Mwalimu Mazrui puts it, the Arabs have
been more "the giver" and Black Africa more "the
receiver."
I humbly disagree with this. To subscribe to this
would require one to exercise a convenient amnesia
regarding the millions of Africans who were taken from
the continent by Arabs and deposited in Middle Eastern
domains as slaves, and on whose backs the great
medieval Islamic civilizations of the Arab world were
built. It would also erase the reality of almost a
thousand years of MUTUALLY BENEFITTING trade and
exchange between Africans and Arabs--a trade in which
Africans gave as much as they received.
You wrote:
"President Muammar Qadaffi of Libya not only ardently
supported the anti-apartheid forces financially and
militarily, he continued to provide financial support
to Black South Africans even after the racist White
Christian regime was ousted from power. For example,
when President Nelson Mandela wanted his ex-wife,
Winnie, to have the best possible defense against
charges of kidnap and assault of Stompie Seipei and
five others in December of 1988, it was Qadaffi and
the Swedes that paid the heavy cost of the trial in
1991."
Qadaffi's support for African nationalist causes
should be recognized and praised. But his more recent
involvements in West Africa have been more destructive
than constructive. The destabilization of the
Sierra-Leone-Liberal--Ivory Coast-Burkina Faso-Guinea
axis is a legacy of some of Mr. Qaddaffi's recent
imperialist engagements in West Africa. In these
engagements, Africans have featured only as expendable
tools and pawns to be used, discarded, and sacrificed
on the alter of Qaddaffi's fleeting imperial
fantasies. Let's also not forget his misadventure in
Chad in the 1980s, in which he cared very little for
innocent black African lives.
Thank you again for a very rich and educative
contribution.
--- Abdul Bangura <ban...@american.edu> wrote:
> *The Debate on Arab Racism against Africans
> Revisited*
>
> Indeed, some scientists have been questioning the
> validity of racial
> classifications based on biological characteristics.
> They posit that
> placing people in various racial categories is often
> arbitrary and
> perpetuates inaccurate and damaging stereotypes.
> Yet, others have
> disagreed, arguing that racial differences are facts
> of nature that can
> be studied objectively. This latter group, however,
> concedes that the
> number of races identified--estimates range from
> three to over 30--is a
> Muslims--Black, White, and
> others--cherish the blessing of being Allah's
> morpheme (a suffix)--perhaps the same that occurs in
> "ardor," "rigor,"
> "terror," "vigor, " and other words--and the "-est"
> /siyar/, was a division of
> the world into two categories: (1) /dar-al-Islam/
> (the Abode of Islam)
> and (2) /dar al-harb/ (the Abode of War). The Abode
> of Islam is the
>
=== message truncated ===
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Mwalimu Bangura
I beg to differ about the tensions between dar-al-Islam, dar-al-harb and dar-al-sulh. To my understanding, the tension between dar-al-Islam and dar-al-harb is perpetually hostile. Until the abode of war is turned into the abode of Islam this tension will continue to exist and its solution is the objective of Dawat al-Islamiya. As long as the forces in dar-al-harb are insurmountable it makes sense to maintain dar-al-sulh, i.e. to sue for peace until conditions are conducive for the realization of the main objective of dawat-al-Islamiya, that is to make the entire world dar-al-Islam or the abode of peace. Of course, I stand to be corrected and further enlightened.
The reference to the Prophet Muhammad being descended from Ishamel, the son of Hagar, an African woman, is problematic to me. I would be glad if you can explain the genealogical connection more clearly. What I have read in the Bible is that not only was Hagar Egyptian (hence African) – which makes Ishmael a half caste (for lack of a better term). But when Ishmael wanted a wife, the Bible says his mother got him a woman from Egypt (an African), so Ishamel’s immediate descendants were also half caste but two-thirds African. What makes the Prophet’s connection with Ishmael problematic to me is my understanding that he was a Qureysh Arab who are Semitic rather than African. Can you enlighten me on this? Sincerely it is something I have grappled for quite some time.
Best,
Lawrence Mbogoni
Wayne, New Jersey