A Leader Lost
to Despair
Washington Post Foreign Service
Friday, June 27, 2008; A10
HARARE, Zimbabwe, June 26 -- Morgan Tsvangirai once embodied his nation's soaring hopes. Boisterous
and bold in his trademark cowboy hat, the longtime opposition leader
would predict the defeat of President Robert Mugabe and wave a red card -- like a soccer
referee ejecting an unruly player -- to the joyous howls of
overflowing crowds.
That was three months ago, ahead of the March 29 presidential
election. Now, on the eve of a runoff vote he vowed would finally end
Mugabe's 28 years of unbroken power, the crowds are gone, along with
the cowboy hat, the red cards and the boasts. Several of Tsvangirai's
closest aides are dead, in hiding or in jail, and his party structures
are all but destroyed. Meanwhile, he is holed up in the Dutch Embassy, with no plans to appear in
public on election day.
"I'll do nothing," Tsvangirai, who is boycotting the
election despite outpolling Mugabe in the first round in March, said
in a telephone interview from the embassy that has been his home since
Sunday. "I'll come out for sunshine, nothing more."
As global support mounts for Tsvangirai, even among African leaders
long uncertain about him, he is a beaten man in his own country. The
hopes of his supporters -- of a Zimbabwe unshackled from the ruinous
misrule of Mugabe and his ruthless gang of lieutenants -- have
collapsed as well, crushed by a campaign of calculated political
brutality not seen here since the Matabeleland massacres two decades
ago.
Gangs of ruling party youths, the lethal enforcers of Mugabe's
political comeback, celebrated their presumed victory Thursday night
in the dense Mbare neighborhood of Harare, the capital. As they sang,
"ZANU-PF is back in charge!" they held aloft a coffin
covered with the opposition's open-hand insignia and the words
"Morgan Tsvangirai."
So weakened is the opposition that Tsvangirai said relief can come
only from some unprecedented initiative from the countries that have
complained about Mugabe, but never moved decisively to remove him, for
nearly a decade. There is nothing more that Zimbabweans themselves can
do, he said.
"They can't confront this regime. The regime is brutal,"
Tsvangirai said. "The fear is endemic in this country."
The change from March is palpable. Then, a wave of optimism coursed
through this once-bountiful nation, powering the opposition's historic
gains against Mugabe. Not only did a majority of voters cast ballots
for change -- Tsvangirai and an independent candidate shared 57
percent of the vote to Mugabe's 43 percent -- the opposition also
captured control of parliament.
It was the first time since Zimbabwe was born from the former Rhodesia
in 1980 that a party other than Mugabe's had won any branch of
government. Two days after the vote, one of Mugabe's cabinet ministers
opened talks with the opposition, and numerous sources close to the
president said that, at 84, he was considering stepping aside.
A younger -- and many here say more vicious -- generation of
government officials objected, many party officials have said.
Negotiations abruptly ended. Arrests began. The army deployed across
the countryside, along with the youth militias.
Zimbabweans soon faced a stark choice: attend midnight indoctrination
sessions, where ruling party supporters chanted slogans and opposition
activists were whipped and clubbed, or face similar treatment
themselves.
A poster captured the tenor of the runoff campaign. Beside a smiling
Mugabe, sporting his trademark tailored suit and a strip of facial
hair stretching from his nose to upper lip, a block of boldface
letters carried the slogan: "The Final Battle for Total
Control."
In a single section of a single province, the former Mugabe stronghold
of Mashonaland Central, at least 24 opposition party activists have
been killed, said Shepherd Mushonga, a top opposition official from
the area. Ruling party youths shot to death a newly elected local
official from the opposition last Friday, then shot the man's brother,
sister and mother before forcing them all to drink pesticide, Mushonga
said.
Opposition activists -- and their parents, children, spouses, friends,
neighbors and supporters -- have received similar treatment throughout
much of Zimbabwe. Many of those responsible for helping Tsvangirai
outpoll Mugabe in the first round are gone: hiding in frigid mountain
hollows, convalescing in hospitals, recuperating in other countries.
Others are dead or missing. Thousands of their homes have been burned
into ash.
"We have been decimated," said Mushonga, who went into
hiding last week and travels outside of a safe house only at night.
"We have been crushed to the ground."
As the official death toll has climbed past 80, a country long admired
as a beacon of peaceful progress -- blessed with a mild climate and
superior public schools -- has become the disgrace of the continent.
African leaders such as South Africa's anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela, Senegal's President Abdoulaye Wade and
Zambia's President Levy Mwanawasa broke with tradition to criticize
Mugabe in terms rarely used against fellow leaders. The normally
timid Southern
African Development Community called for postponement of the election.
Mugabe fired back Thursday, charging in a rally broadcast on state
television that the Africans had fallen under the sway of President Bush or Britain's Prime Minister Gordon Brown, critics of Mugabe.
"We still have voices coming today saying we should cancel our
elections," Mugabe said with mock surprise. "What stupidity
is that?"
Mugabe also hinted at the possibility of talks with the opposition --
years of which have failed to ease the political crisis here -- after
the vote and, presumably, his victory.
Police already have been forced to cast ballots in front of superiors,
said a 32-year-old officer who spoke on the condition of anonymity. He
voted for Tsvangirai in March but for Mugabe in a police barracks
southeast of Harare on Tuesday, along with hundreds of others. He said
he feared losing his job, or worse. "These things can happen to
you whether you are a police officer or not," he said.
Word has spread widely through Zimbabwe that those who fail to display
pinkies marked with the telltale purple ink of voters will be beaten
by Mugabe's ruling party militias. And it is widely believed that the
military and youth militias also are able to track individual votes by
the serial numbers on the ballots. Anything but a Mugabe vote will
result in violent retribution, many here believe.
"People will be led like sheep to the slaughter," Tsvangirai
said. "If you don't show your finger that you've voted, you'll be
beaten."
Tsvangirai offered little hope that the situation would change soon.
Though the party is sending a delegation to an African Union meeting in Egypt next week in hopes of building
still more diplomatic pressure on Mugabe, his optimism seemed sapped
three months after bringing his nation to the verge of a new
era.
"Winning an
election," he said, "is not the same as winning
power."
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