第十一章：克劳狄斯的统治以及击败哥特人（第三节）

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第十一章：克劳狄斯的统治以及击败哥特人

第三节
在成功的击退亚细亚哥特人的劫掠之后，帕尔米拉王回到叙利亚的埃梅沙城。尽管在战场上战无不胜，他却在这里因国内叛乱而人头落地，而且起因是他最喜欢的娱乐活动——狩猎，至少是在狩猎时亡命的。（56）据称他的侄子马奥纽斯，在他面前投掷标枪时；尽管他一再纠正他的错误，马奥纽斯却依然傲慢如故。作为一个君主，同时是一个运动爱好者的奥登纳图斯被激怒了，下令夺走了他的坐骑——这在野蛮人中被视作是侮辱——并给这个鲁莽的青年一个短期禁闭的惩罚。对君主的冒犯很快就被淡忘了，而惩罚的耻辱却被铭记于心；马奥纽斯纠集几个敢死之士，在一次大狩猎的过程中刺杀了他的叔叔。奥登纳图斯的儿子希律——一个性情温和柔弱的年青人，虽然并非季诺碧亚所生，也和他父亲一起死于非命。（57）然而，马奥纽斯得到的仅仅是由血腥的行为带来的复仇的快感。他还没来得及僭称“奥古斯都”的称号，已经被季诺碧亚当作祭奠她丈夫的祭品给处决了。（58）
注释56：参照Hist. August. p. 192, 193. Zosimus, l. i. p. 36.
Zonaras, l. xii p. 633.
结局是清楚可信的，其他的则晦暗不明难圆其说。Syncellus的文本，如果并非以讹传讹的话，绝对是胡言乱语。
注释57：奥登纳图斯和季诺碧亚对他溺爱有加，让他免于敌人的攻击，给他许多许多快乐无比的珍宝和古玩。
注释58：有些不公正的怀疑将目光投向季诺碧亚，认为貌似她是其丈夫死亡的同谋者。
Chapter XI: Reign Of Claudius, Defeat Of The Goths.

Part III.

After a successful expedition against the Gothic plunderers
of Asia, the Palmyrenian prince returned to the city of Emesa in
Syria. Invincible in war, he was there cut off by domestic
treason, and his favorite amusement of hunting was the cause, or
at least the occasion, of his death. ^56 His nephew Maeonius
presumed to dart his javelin before that of his uncle; and though
admonished of his error, repeated the same insolence. As a
monarch, and as a sportsman, Odenathus was provoked, took away
his horse, a mark of ignominy among the barbarians, and chastised
the rash youth by a short confinement. The offence was soon
forgot, but the punishment was remembered; and Maeonius, with a
few daring associates, assassinated his uncle in the midst of a
great entertainment. Herod, the son of Odenathus, though not of
Zenobia, a young man of a soft and effeminate temper, ^57 was
killed with his father. But Maeonius obtained only the pleasure
of revenge by this bloody deed. He had scarcely time to assume
the title of Augustus, before he was sacrificed by Zenobia to the
memory of her husband. ^58

[Footnote 56: Hist. August. p. 192, 193. Zosimus, l. i. p. 36.
Zonaras, l. xii p. 633. The last is clear and probable, the
others confused and inconsistent. The text of Syncellus, if not
corrupt, is absolute nonsense.]
[Footnote 57: Odenathus and Zenobia often sent him, from the
spoils of the enemy, presents of gems and toys, which he received
with infinite delight.]
[Footnote 58: Some very unjust suspicions have been cast on
Zenobia, as if she was accessory to her husband's death.]

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在她最可信赖的朋友们的协助下，季诺碧亚迅速登上了空缺的王位，并在帕米拉、叙利亚和东方国家贵族辅佐下，强有力地统治了五年以上。到奥登纳图斯死后，罗马贵族院和赋予他的独享的私人权威和荣耀随之结束；然而，他的好战的遗孀却藐视贵族院和皇帝加列努斯的权威，迫使从罗马派来反对她的一位将军损兵折将、威风扫地的退回到欧洲。（59）丝毫没有通常困扰女性统治的柔弱，季诺碧亚在最明智的政策之下进行了稳固的管理和统治。如果宽恕是权宜之计，那么她就会压制心中的怒火；如果惩罚是必要的，那么她会对求情的声音置之不理。她严苛的经济政策被指责为近乎贪婪；然而她总是不失时机地表现出她的雍容华贵和宽宏大量。邻国阿拉伯、亚美尼亚和波斯都惧于她的权威，请求和她结盟。奥登纳图斯时代的版图自幼发拉底河延伸至卑斯尼亚境内，而他的遗孀则在先王的遗产上又增加了人口众多而富饶的埃及王国。（60）罗马皇帝克劳狄斯承认她的美德，并对她追击哥特人、捍卫帝国在东方的尊严感到十分满意。（61）然而，季诺碧亚的行为却让人捉摸不透；不只是她毫不掩饰自己树立敌对、独立王国的意图。她掺杂了罗马王公的亲民风格，以及亚细亚富丽堂皇的浮夸风气，并要求她的臣民像崇拜居鲁士的继承人那样崇敬她。她让她的三个儿子（61）接受拉丁文的教育，同时经常让他们一起检阅装饰有皇帝仪仗的军队。她自己则保留着女王的桂冠，一个辉煌但令人生疑的“东方女皇”的头衔。
注释59: Hist. August. p. 180, 181.
注释60：参照Hist. August. p.
198,奥里琉对她美德的陈述；关于征服埃及，参照Zosimus,
l. i. p.
39,
40.（这似乎非常可疑。克劳狄斯在他的整个统治时期，在像章上被描绘成历山大大帝的样子，这一点非常普遍。如果季诺碧亚在埃及拥有任何权力的话，那可能只是在皇帝奥里琉统治初期。同样的情况使得她征服加拉提亚的说法站不住脚。也许季诺碧亚是以克劳狄斯的名义管理埃及，受到奥登纳图斯王子死亡的激发，将它划归自己治下。）
注释61：Timolaus, Herennianus, and
Vaballathus.据称前两个在战争前已经过世。奥里琉以国王的头衔将最后一个儿子封在亚美尼亚的一个省；他的像章现在仍然可以找到。参照Tillemont,
tom. 3, p. 1190
With the assistance of his most faithful friends, she
immediately filled the vacant throne, and governed with manly
counsels Palmyra, Syria, and the East, above five years. By the
death of Odenathus, that authority was at an end which the senate
had granted him only as a personal distinction; but his martial
widow, disdaining both the senate and Gallienus, obliged one of
the Roman generals, who was sent against her, to retreat into
Europe, with the loss of his army and his reputation. ^59 Instead
of the little passions which so frequently perplex a female
reign, the steady administration of Zenobia was guided by the
most judicious maxims of policy. If it was expedient to pardon,
she could calm her resentment; if it was necessary to punish, she
could impose silence on the voice of pity. Her strict economy
was accused of avarice; yet on every proper occasion she appeared
magnificent and liberal. The neighboring states of Arabia,
Armenia, and Persia, dreaded her enmity, and solicited her
alliance. To the dominions of Odenathus, which extended from the
Euphrates to the frontiers of Bithynia, his widow added the
inheritance of her ancestors, the populous and fertile kingdom of
Egypt. ^60 ^* The emperor Claudius acknowledged her merit, and
was content, that, while he pursued the Gothic war, she should
assert the dignity of the empire in the East. ^61 The conduct,
however, of Zenobia, was attended with some ambiguity; not is it
unlikely that she had conceived the design of erecting an
independent and hostile monarchy. She blended with the popular
manners of Roman princes the stately pomp of the courts of Asia,
and exacted from her subjects the same adoration that was paid to
the successor of Cyrus. She bestowed on her three sons ^61 a
Latin education, and often showed them to the troops adorned with
the Imperial purple. For herself she reserved the diadem, with
the splendid but doubtful title of Queen of the East.
[Footnote 59: Hist. August. p. 180, 181.]

[Footnote 60: See, in Hist. August. p. 198, Aurelian's testimony
to her merit; and for the conquest of Egypt, Zosimus, l. i. p.
39, 40.]
[Footnote *: This seems very doubtful. Claudius, during all his
reign, is represented as emperor on the medals of Alexandria,
which are very numerous. If Zenobia possessed any power in Egypt,
it could only have been at the beginning of the reign of
Aurelian. The same circumstance throws great improbability on
her conquests in Galatia. Perhaps Zenobia administered Egypt in
the name of Claudius, and emboldened by the death of that prince,
subjected it to her own power. - G.]

[Footnote 61: Timolaus, Herennianus, and Vaballathus. It is
supposed that the two former were already dead before the war.
On the last, Aurelian bestowed a small province of Armenia, with
the title of King; several of his medals are still extant. See
Tillemont, tom. 3, p. 1190.]

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当奥里琉开始进入几乎被遗忘的亚细亚地区，反对一个单从性别就让人心生疑惑的对手时，皇帝的御驾亲征重新赢得了帝国卑斯尼亚省的效忠，而这一效忠原先因为季诺碧亚的军队和阴谋已经岌岌可危了。（62）在军团进军的过程中，奥里琉身先士卒，经过旷日持久的围城之后，在城内叛民的帮助下，他接受了Ancyra的投降，并被允许进入泰雅那（Tyana）城。脾气暴烈的奥里琉居然慷慨地把叛变者交给了愤怒的守城士兵；一种迷信式的敬重使得他对待大哲学家阿波罗尼奥斯的乡民异常温良慈悲。（63）当皇帝的军队逼近时，安提俄克守军弃城而逃，直到他下达宽恕令，对胁从而非自愿为帕尔米拉女王效命的大众既往不咎，逃亡者才陆续返回。
这种出乎意料的怀柔政策安抚了叙利亚的民心，直到大军抵达埃摩萨（Emesa）之前，民心所向使得皇帝的军队兵不血刃。（64）
注释 62: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44.
注释63: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217)
提供了一封奥里琉的亲笔信件和一个令人疑惑的版本。泰雅那城的阿波罗尼奥斯大约和耶稣基督同时出生。他的一生（前者）太多的是由他的信徒以一种难以置信的方式讲述的，因此我们无法弄清他到底是圣徒、欺世盗名者还是一个狂热分子。
注释 64: Zosimus, l. i. p. 46.
When Aurelian passed over into Asia, against an adversary
whose sex alone could render her an object of contempt, his
presence restored obedience to the province of Bithynia, already
shaken by the arms and intrigues of Zenobia. ^62 Advancing at the
head of his legions, he accepted the submission of Ancyra, and
was admitted into Tyana, after an obstinate siege, by the help of
a perfidious citizen. The generous though fierce temper of
Aurelian abandoned the traitor to the rage of the soldiers; a
superstitious reverence induced him to treat with lenity the
countrymen of Apollonius the philosopher. ^63 Antioch was
deserted on his approach, till the emperor, by his salutary
edicts, recalled the fugitives, and granted a general pardon to
all, who, from necessity rather than choice, had been engaged in
the service of the Palmyrenian Queen. The unexpected mildness of
such a conduct reconciled the minds of the Syrians, and as far as
the gates of Emesa, the wishes of the people seconded the terror
of his arms. ^64

[Footnote 62: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44.]

[Footnote 63: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) gives us an
authentic letter and a doubtful vision, of Aurelian. Apollonius
of Tyana was born about the same time as Jesus Christ. His life
(that of the former) is related in so fabulous a manner by his
disciples, that we are at a loss to discover whether he was a
sage, an impostor, or a fanatic.]

[Footnote 64: Zosimus, l. i. p. 46.]

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如果季诺碧亚草草地让来自西方罗马皇帝军队挺进到她首都一百英里以内，那么她就会盛名难副了。两场大战役决定了东方的命运；而和几乎所有的情形类似，我们很难将二者截然分开，除了一点：前者是在安提俄克进行的，（65）而后者则在埃摩萨附近。（66）两次战役中，帕尔米拉女王都亲临战阵以鼓舞士气，并授予因征服了埃及、军事才能早已声名雀起的扎布达斯（Zabdas）执行女王命令的全权。季诺碧亚的庞大军队大部分由轻装弓箭兵和身着铁甲的重骑兵组成。奥里琉的摩尔和伊利里亚骑兵难以抵挡敌方重骑兵的冲锋。于是他们纷纷佯装混乱地败退，诱使帕尔米拉人疲于追赶，并不时地回兵骚扰，最终扰乱了这支坚不可摧但是又笨重无比的重装骑兵部队。与此同时，轻装弓箭兵由于用尽了弓箭，又缺少对近身攻击的防卫，将他们的弱点完全暴露给了罗马军团。奥里琉早已选好了一只身经百战的劲旅，他们常年驻守在上多瑙河地区，并经历了阿勒曼尼战争的严酷考验。（67）在埃摩萨战败之后，季诺碧亚发现也无法再拼凑起第三支应战的军队了。一直到埃及边境，原先臣服于她的帝国的民族纷纷倒向征服者的权威，皇帝派遣他最勇猛的将军代他占领了埃及行省。帕尔米拉成了奥登纳图斯遗孀的最后可资利用的资源。她退守到首都的城墙之内，开始全面地准备强有力的抵抗，并以女英雄式的大无畏精神宣称：她的生命将和她的帝国一同坚持到最后一刻。
注释65: 发生在一个叫做艾米（ Immae）的地方. Eutropius,
Sextus Rufus,
and Jerome, 仅仅提到了第一次战役。
注释66: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217)
仅仅提到了第二次战役。
注释 67: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44 - 48.
他对两场战役的计划清楚而周详。
Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation, had she
indolently permitted the emperor of the West to approach within a
hundred miles of her capital. The fate of the East was decided
in two great battles; so similar in almost every circumstance,
that we can scarcely distinguish them from each other, except by
observing that the first was fought near Antioch, ^65 and the
second near Emesa. ^66 In both the queen of Palmyra animated the
armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of her orders
on Zabdas, who had already signalized his military talents by the
conquest of Egypt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted for
the most part of light archers, and of heavy cavalry clothed in
complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were
unable to sustain the ponderous charge of their antagonists. They
fled in real or affected disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a
laborious pursuit, harassed them by a desultory combat, and at
length discomfited this impenetrable but unwieldy body of
cavalry. The light infantry, in the mean time, when they had
exhausted their quivers, remaining without protection against a
closer onset, exposed their naked sides to the swords of the
legions. Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops, who were
usually stationed on the Upper Danube, and whose valor had been
severely tried in the Alemannic war. ^67 After the defeat of
Emesa, Zenobia found it impossible to collect a third army. As
far as the frontier of Egypt, the nations subject to her empire
had joined the standard of the conqueror, who detached Probus,
the bravest of his generals, to possess himself of the Egyptian
provinces. Palmyra was the last resource of the widow of
Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital, made
every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and declared, with
the intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her reign
and of her life should be the same.
[Footnote 65: At a place called Immae. Eutropius, Sextus Rufus,
and Jerome, mention only this first battle.]

[Footnote 66: Vopiscus (in Hist. August. p. 217) mentions only
the second.]
[Footnote 67: Zosimus, l. i. p. 44 - 48. His account of the two
battles is clear and circumstantial.]

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在荒芜的阿拉伯沙漠中，极少的可耕种的土地如同沙海中升起的岛屿。甚至是从泰德摩（Tadmor）或者帕尔米拉（Palmyra）名字的叙利亚语和拉丁语的意义来看，它仅仅指得是一片可供庇荫和生息的棕榈树林形成的气候适宜区域。在这里空气很清新，而且土壤因宝贵的泉水的灌溉而得以生产果实或者谷物。此地拥有了如此独一无二的优势，再加上位于波斯湾和地中海之间的便利位置（68），很快成为商队从印度向欧洲运输昂贵商品的中转站。帕尔米拉自然而然地逐渐形成一个富饶而独立的城市，成为连接罗马帝国和帕提亚王国的贸易站，然而却因保持中立，其发展一直受到制约，直到后来图拉真征服之后，这个弱小共和国才并入到罗马的版图，并开始兴盛起来，超过了其过去作为附庸却极其光荣的一百五十年的聚居点的历史。我们从现有的少量的碑文的记载中可以判断，正是在那段平静的时期，帕尔米拉人建造起了庙宇、宫殿、希腊建筑风格的廊柱，它们的遗迹分散在几英里的范围之内，值得我们的寻奇的旅行者大饱眼福。奥登纳图斯和季诺碧亚的崛起正好反映了这个国家和帕尔米拉的辉煌灿烂，尽管在这段时间，它不幸成为罗马的对手：然而这种竞争却是致命的，为了短暂的荣耀，却牺牲了几个世纪的繁荣昌盛。（69）
注释68：按照普林尼的测量和它对帕尔米拉位置的精彩而简短描述，它距塞琉西亚537英里，距叙利亚海滨最近点为203英里。（Hist.Natur.v.21,）（注：泰尔摩或者叫帕尔米拉，在早期极有可能是连接提尔和巴比伦的商业重镇，Heeren,
Ideen, v. i. p. ii. p. 125.
泰德摩极有可能是所罗门王所建立的商站。Hist. Of Jews,
v. p. 271 - M.）
注释69：上个世纪末，一些来自阿勒颇的英国旅行者发现了帕尔米拉遗址。自此以后，我们的好奇心得益于Messieurs
Wood和Dawkins的惊人发现而得以满足。关于帕尔米拉的历史，我们可以参考Halley博士的精彩哲学论文：Lowthorp's
Abridgment, vol. iii. p.
518.
Amid the barren deserts of Arabia, a few cultivated spots
rise like islands out of the sandy ocean. Even the name of
Tadmor, or Palmyra, by its signification in the Syriac as well as
in the Latin language, denoted the multitude of palm-trees which
afforded shade and verdure to that temperate region. The air was
pure, and the soil, watered by some invaluable springs, was
capable of producing fruits as well as corn. A place possessed
of such singular advantages, and situated at a convenient
distance ^68 between the Gulf of Persia and the Mediterranean,
was soon frequented by the caravans which conveyed to the nations
of Europe a considerable part of the rich commodities of India.
Palmyra insensibly increased into an opulent and independent
city, and connecting the Roman and the Parthian monarchies by the
mutual benefits of commerce, was suffered to observe an humble
neutrality, till at length, after the victories of Trajan, the
little republic sunk into the bosom of Rome, and flourished more
than one hundred and fifty years in the subordinate though
honorable rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful period,
if we may judge from a few remaining inscriptions, that the
wealthy Palmyrenians constructed those temples, palaces, and
porticos of Grecian architecture, whose ruins, scattered over an
extent of several miles, have deserved the curiosity of our
travellers. The elevation of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to
reflect new splendor on their country, and Palmyra, for a while,
stood forth the rival of Rome: but the competition was fatal, and
ages of prosperity were sacrificed to a moment of glory. ^69
[Footnote 68: It was five hundred and thirty-seven miles from
Seleucia, and two hundred and three from the nearest coast of
Syria, according to the reckoning of Pliny, who, in a few words,
(Hist. Natur. v. 21,) gives an excellent description of Palmyra.

Note: Talmor, or Palmyra, was probably at a very early
period the connecting link between the commerce of Tyre and
Babylon. Heeren, Ideen, v. i. p. ii. p. 125. Tadmor was
probably built by Solomon as a commercial station. Hist. of
Jews, v. p. 271 - M.]

[Footnote 69: Some English travellers from Aleppo discovered the
ruins of Palmyra about the end of the last century. Our
curiosity has since been gratified in a more splendid manner by
Messieurs Wood and Dawkins. For the history of Palmyra, we may
consult the masterly dissertation of Dr. Halley in the
Philosophical Transactions: Lowthorp's Abridgment, vol. iii. p.
518.]

[我爱玫瑰]

捉一个小虫：

His nephew Maeonius presumed to dart his javelin before that of his
uncle

指的是马奥纽斯没让叔叔先投掷标枪而抢了先，大约等于曹操抢在汉献帝前射箭，当然让Odenathus很不爽。

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呵呵，多谢指教。应该是你所说的那样是抢了先。