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Nadarajah Thirugnanasothy

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May 20, 2022, 11:50:08 AM5/20/22
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Subject: Digest for nakkee...@googlegroups.com - 1 update in 1 topic

Veluppillai Thangavelu <atha...@sympatico.ca>: May 19 07:49PM -0700

UK’s House of Lords debates on SL crisis
https://www.themorning.lk/uks-house-of-lords-debates-on-sl-crisis/
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The Need of the Hour: A Nelson Mandela
<https://groundviews.org/2022/05/11/the-need-of-the-hour-a-nelson-mandela/>
 
https://groundviews.org/2022/05/11/the-need-of-the-hour-a-nelson-mandela/
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Scraping the barrel
 
https://www.sundaytimes.lk/220515/business-times/scraping-the-barrel-482543.html
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Parliament Of Monkeys
 
https://www.colombotelegraph.com/index.php/parliament-of-monkeys/
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Shireen’s death exposes fascist nature of imperialists’ foreign policy
 
https://www.dailymirror.lk/opinion/Shireens-death-exposes-fascist-nature-of-imperialists-foreign-policy/231-237346
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*The Tamil Struggle, the Aragalaya and Sri Lankan Identity
<https://groundviews.org/2022/05/15/the-tamil-struggle-the-aragalaya-and-sri-lankan-identity/>*
 
*Ambika Satkunanathan
<https://groundviews.org/author/ambika-satkunanathan/> ** Groundviews 15
May 2022*
 
May 18, 2009. The end of the war.
 
Of the many horrific visuals of the end of the war the one that is etched
in my memory is of people crossing the Mullaivaikkal bridge. At the time it
was not possible to watch it without crying. Even now, it is difficult to
watch without feeling emotional, if not cry.
 
Why?
 
*Violence, loss and pain: the open wounds of 2009 and long before *
 
In the video you see people who have been battered, suffered violence of
horrific proportions, subjected to unspeakable indignities and seen
unimaginable horrors. But what makes you cry is not just that. What makes
you cry is seeing people who have been broken by the violence and brutally
robbed of their dignity.
 
The months that followed were similarly harrowing. The appalling conditions
at the camps for internally displaced persons, the government refusing to
allow people to leave the camps thereby making it a place of mass detention
and collective punishment. The struggle faced by humanitarian agencies to
obtain access to the camps. The arrests from the camps and allegations of
many human rights violations. Even now, reading a Magistrate Court order
dated April 27, 2009, which states, to date, 30 starvation deaths had taken
place and on average five deaths took place daily makes one shudder. The
order further states that on April 27, 2009 14 deaths of the elderly were
registered at the Chettikulam welfare centre and on April 26, 2009 3 deaths
registered at Kadirgamar Nagar.
 
The memories of those days are of constant struggles with the state, with
and within the United Nations, with and within international
non-governmental organisations (INGOs), with and within civil society
organisations and between all these entities.
 
Those who were in government then are in government now. The Rajapaksas.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the then Secretary, Ministry of Defence, who claimed
credit and is hailed as the mastermind who ended the war, stands accused of
grave violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. He is
now president.
 
Imagine the fear and anxiety of the Tamil community when Gotabaya Rajapaksa
was elected president in November 2019. Many in the South do not have to
imagine the fear and anxiety anymore because more than two years after he
was elected, people in the South like those in the North and East are
experiencing the Rajapaksa brand of violence, albeit in different ways and
of a lesser intensity. The result – the protests. The aragalaya (the
struggle).
 
*How do you solve a problem like the state?*
 
The state response to the aragalaya, although not of the proportions as the
response to the Tamil struggle, has been the close-to-standard state
response to dissent. Its response has been violence and repression both by
abusing the law and ignoring the law. The president abused the law by
declaring a state of emergency and issuing emergency regulations that
restrict many rights and bestow additional powers upon the military when
such a declaration was not justified. The regime ignored the law by failing
to prevent the attacks on the protestors and then has done nothing to hold
the attackers accountable.
 
Many younger protestors may not be aware the Tamil struggle began decades
ago before the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) came into being and
is continuing years after the LTTE was defeated militarily. Just as the
pre-LTTE peaceful Tamil struggle was subject to state violence, the
post-LTTE peaceful Tamil struggle was and is being subject to state
violence.
 
The problem is hence the state. The Sinhala Buddhist nationalist state,
which made cannon fodder of young rural Sinhala men, who flocked to the
armed forces as they had no other livelihood options, for its
ethno-nationalist majoritarian project.
 
Historically, the structural violence unleashed by the state which leads to
counter violence, often in self defence, has been ignored. Violence is part
of a continuum and to prevent violence in any form, the violent nature of
the state has to be addressed. Yet we ignore the structural violence and
address only the symptoms and expect change. We are then surprised when
very little changes and the cycle of violence continues.
 
*Unity: the natural outcome of respect and equality*
 
During the last few weeks, I have been repeatedly asked, especially by
international media, whether the “unity” that came into being as a result
of the protests will withstand the resolution of the economic problems. The
assumption being, there is unity now.
 
There is as yet no unity in the manner conceived by those asking the
question. What do I mean? There is no common Sri Lankan identity around
which all citizens coalesce because the Sri Lankan identity is often
conceived, certainly conceived by the state and definitely the Rajapaksas,
as one in which the diverse and plural nature of Sri Lanka is erased. An
identity modelled largely on a Sinhala Buddhist identity.
 
There is no unity because issues that have affected certain parts of the
population, such as plantation workers and the Tamil community, are not
part of the demands of current protests. This is not surprising because the
genesis of the protests lies in the economic crisis. There is only one
common demand of the protests – that the president and his family should
step down. There are two other demands around which there might be general
consensus, i.e., the abolition of the executive presidency and addressing
corruption.
 
At the same time, there is growing awareness and space to speak of issues
previously thought not possible. Militarisation, war crimes, the Channel 4
documentary, racism. One hears people say, “if they are doing this in the
South, imagine what they must have done in the North and East”. There are
some who realise that the state is now using in the South strategies it
used to perpetrate violence against the Tamils in the North and East for
decades.
 
It is this realisation which must be grasped, since it is because
successive governments were allowed to perpetrate violence, not only
unquestioned but also cheered on by large sections of the Southern public,
that the Rajapaksa regime is able to act with impunity now. It is this that
can be the beginning of the acknowledgment of historical violence and
heeding and addressing calls for truth, justice and equal citizenship.
Perhaps this could be the initial steps towards a plural and diverse Sri
Lanka where you do not have to divest your ethnic or religious identity to
be Sri Lankan.
 
*May 18: the test*
 
On 18 May, Tamils will mark the end of the war and memorialise those killed
during the war. The state response to memorialisation has consisted of
different forms of violence. Even during Yahapalana there were initial
attempts to curtail memorialisation activities. In response, the Human
Rights Commission of Sri Lanka wrote to the president reiterating the right
to memorialise and the importance of memorialisation to rebuild
inter-community trust and deal with the past.
 
In May 2022, while Gotabaya Rajapaksa has brought armoured personnel
carriers and the military to Colombo, there are indications that the
military is stepping up its surveillance and intimidation in the North and
East to prevent memorialisation activities. Regrouping of the LTTE is a
narrative that has been often revived to curtail memorialisation on 18 May.
Even those in Colombo are anxious about what could possibly happen in the
North and East, the North in particular, with one friend expressing concern
about people joining the commemoration activities with expressions of
caution such as, “don’t go”, “be careful” and “if you are photographed
there will be problems”. Even now, even in Colombo, there is fear for the
safety of those who participate in these activities.
 
In this context, will those who are part of the aragalaya show solidarity
with Tamils? How will they respond to the ongoing violence of the state?
 
Demanding accountability for grave violations of humanitarian and human
rights law is an act of countering the violence of the state.
 
Demanding demilitarisation is an act of countering the violence of the
state.
 
Speaking of the violence the state has perpetrated on Tamils is an act of
countering the violence of the state.
 
Showing solidarity is an act of countering the violence of the state.
 
Countering the violence of the state benefits us all. That is the lesson to
be learnt.
 
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