This is a significant intervention,
and it would be good to have a text, including a transcript of the answers to
questions, to enable closer study. Just as in those 19th century editions
of John Locke's foundational texts of British empirical philosophy that included
extracts from his letters answering critics and enquirers, so the answers to
questions here show both nuances and clarifications of Yaron's developing
positions that confound simple-minded or static objections to his
positions.
This lecture provides a relatively concise
overview of where Yaron has got to in his ongoing transition from pillar of
European Romani Studies and policy to radical critic of the European Romani
Studies and policy establishment, and includes one of the most devastating and
concise critiques of the policy of the European Union and the Council of Europe
that I have ever heard. The tone is not polemical - he acknowledges the value of
the pressure of these transnational bodies on national governments, but shows
this is often a matter of form and not of substance, with ruthless logic and a
clear use of evidence.
Second, it is interesting to see how Yaron is
shifting his presentation of the origins of Roma and the Romani language. He
actually says, in answer to one questioner: "Romani is the Indic language that
formed in Europe". He does argue that one can trace the roots of Romani much
earlier to Indian developments, but he no longer treats the consolidation of
particular elements in the precursors of the Romani language as identical
to ethnogenesis, but rather suggests that the linguistic evidence suggests a
relatively rapid migration from India to Anatolia of the core of the ancestors
of those who would create modern Romani, even if some of the migrant groups from
India, some of whom might have married into the Romani speaking population,
might have arrived much earlier. So even if Yaron does not have yet a
coherent social theory or hypothesis about Romani ethnogenesis, he now clearly
at least senses the need for one.
So, although probably neither professor would
like the comparison, it is possible to see echoes in the radicalisation of
Yaron's position, and the accompanying epistemological changes about how
linguistic evidence can be used in conjunction with that from other disciplines,
of the changes which accompanied Ian Hancock's process of radicalisation which
began 15-20 years ago. In both cases that radicalisation is not born of
optimism, or any sense of the inevitability of progress, but out of a deep but
defiant disappointment and pessimism about the situation of Roma, and about the
way the complexity of reality is regarded by many people either almost as some
kind malicious incompetence of the creator, or as deliberate obfuscation by
scholars. This then requires almost the creation of a counter-simplification in
the interests of the truth. But to do that demands at least the temporary
setting aside of positivist methodology, the embracing of at least situational
legitimacy of ad hominem arguments. So, in comparison with his recent
popular book, one can already see him moving to minimise both causes of offence,
and possible openings for criticism. Several people have remarked to me how
Yaron's response to the recent relatively sympathetic criticisms of Huub van
Baar, on this mailing list, side-stepped rather than really confronted them,
even raising the question of whether he fully understood them. Whether or not he
has fully understood them, this lecture shows he is capable taking note of them,
of reformulating his narrative. Also interesting is the continuation of his
recognition of the effects of his own personal biography and culture on his own
intellectual achievements. This is not a fully-fledged embracing of standpoint
theory; he repeats his caricature of the arguments about the necessary role of
scholars themselves of Roma, Gypsy and Traveller heritage; but at least we have
the beginning of a systematic reflexivity.
Are there causes for concern? My main concern
is that in identifying the way in which European bureaucrats resurrect the
"Gypsy/Cigany sterotypes" (which he treats as an undifferentiated corpus) but
simply attach them to their newly defined concept of Roma, he simplifies
Roma/Gypsy /Traveller politics.
There are perhaps two main general tendencies
of international Romani politics. One draws, like Zionism and Paestinianism on
the classical tropes of European nationalism, to produce Roma nationalism: Roma
politics for Roma people, but this time not made of cheese. The other, one might
describe as the "Rainbow Alliance" approach, linking together the different
victims of anti-Gypsyism in a common opposition to racism, discrimination and
genocide.
The IRU from its very inception has tried to
ride both of these horses at the same time, often using the language of the
first to justify the practice of the second. One might describe the whole
intellectual trajectory of the late Nicolae Gheorghe as a slow movement from the
first position to the second position.
Yaron's lecture helps to build the
intellectual foundations for a radical Roma nationalist critique of European
policy; and he shows there are many easy targets at which such a politics can
take aim; but at the same time there is a danger of conflating the "Rainbow
Alliance" approach with the Roma-as-Cigany-stereotyping approach of European
bureaucrats, and even blaming it for them, because, it is asserted, they
do not have a clear idea of who Roma are and what their culture
is.
Some little slips show in this: Yaron suggests
that Roma are the people who call themselves Roma as an ethnonym, and that "only
Roma speak Romani." But of course it is not true that only Roma, thus defined,
speak Romani as a mother-tongue; it is also spoken as mother-tongue by some
Sinte and Kaale, at least. In answer to a question he gives a detailed and
insightful answer which shows that the integration and intermarriage of English
Gypsies and Irish Travellers in England does not preclude clear consciousness of
the ethnic boundary between the two cultures. But somehow he combines this
awareness of longstanding intermarriage - which probably goes back to the first
Dom "Egyptians" who had to learn Romani to get along with their Rom
in-laws in 11th century Anatolia - with the atavistic, almost Michael
Daduc-like, belief that there is a clear boundary between those who are of
Indian origin and those who just ain't.
Another revealing remark occurs where Yaron
contrasts Welsh and Polish in the UK. People do not realise Polish is more
widely spoken than Welsh, because Welsh is spoken in Wales, but Polish is
neglected because "it is spoken everywhere". But it could be argued that
the concentration of Welsh linguistic nationalists on the territory of Wales is
one of the reasons why Welsh linguistic nationalism is only a little more
successful in practice than that of the Irish government. The two largest urban
concentrations of Welsh mother-tongue speakers are reputed to be in (1) London
and (2) Liverpool.
One other enduring myth of relatively recent
creation to which Yaron continues to subscribe is that "The
extension of the European Union and the freedom of population movement within it
has brought the status of Europe’s Romani minority to the attention of political
institutions. Efforts have been underway to tackle discrimination and support
social inclusion of Roma since the early 1990s.."
In fact the European
Union spent most of the early 1990s simply suppressing and indeed trying to
erase from the historical record its existing policy on Roma embodied in the
resolutions of the Council of Ministers of 22nd May 1989, which were more
far-reaching than the policies adopted in 2011. What was going on the
1990s was not the slow stirring of sympathy from European institutions but a
panicked reaction by Western European governments to the possibility of mass
migration of Roma from East to West. By its relentless rubbishing of the
West European scholars and Roma/Gypsy Traveller organisations who helped to
negotiate these policy positions in the 1980s, the organisation that Yaron
worked for between 1988 and 1995 must bear at least some responsibility for this
collective amnesia. In their legitimate demand for the rights of East European
Romani immigrants, they perhaps overlooked that they were imposing an East
European model of ethnic or "national minority" politics on the
Roma/Gypsies/Travellers/Sinte of Western Europe.
None of the points I have made above mean, of
course, that this lecture is not a profoundly impressive and important analysis
and position statement, which deserves to be read widely once published, and
which will challenge sloppily held and argued positions, and elevate and refine
the whole debate about European Roma policy. It is a lecture given in good
faith, sincerely seeking to advance the cause of Romani people, seeking to build
the common narrative that can do so. I hope that its text, and a transcript of
the question and answer session, are published in written form
soon.
Thomas Acton