IT 12/09/06 Thatcher Congressional Medal Award Blocked BB 12/09/06 No Agreement At Policing Meeting BN 12/08/06 SF 'Could Contaminate Justice If Given Control' IT 12/09/06 DUP Casts Doubt Devolution Timetable UT 12/09/06 Paisley Urges Members Not To Split BB 12/09/06 Dodds Denies Internal DUP Split BB 12/08/06 Murmurs Of 'Betrayal' Over Power-Sharing BT 12/08/06 Paisley Hits Back At 'Joke' Attack By
Mccartney UT 12/09/06 Education System Failing Protestants BT 12/08/06 Loyalists & Priest Tackle Conflict In Colombia BB 12/08/06 Fresh Criticism Of Omagh Evidence IT 12/09/06 Killing Of Postmaster Condemned As Cowardly IT 12/09/06 Shock As Kilkenny Man Shot Dead BT 12/08/06 £300,000 For Blank Screens SF 12/08/06 SF Welcomes Support For Registration Action LJ 12/07/06 One In Four Voters Not On The Register UT 12/08/06 SF Slam McFarlane Trial As "Nonsensical" IT 12/09/06 'Obscene' System To Blame For MRSA Deaths BT 12/09/06 Opin: Lost In The Maze? BT 12/09/06 Opin: The Relief Of Derry? GB 12/09/06 Blog: Paisley’s Word Games Won't Work! IT 12/09/06 Boy Died In Bedroom Accident II 12/09/06 Profile: John Stevens: The Guv'nor BT 12/09/06 Stone's Art Pulled From eBay RT 12/08/06 Commemorative Statue Installed In Bantry Bay BT 12/06/06 Walk Of The Week: Causeway Coast
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Move To Award Thatcher A Congressional Medal Blocked
Seán O'Driscoll in New York
A group of Irish-American politicians has blocked the Republican-led Congress from awarding a congressional medal to former British prime minister Margaret Thatcher.
Illinois Republican congressman Mark Kirk has admitted that plans to award Mrs Thatcher the Congressional Medal of Honour had to be abandoned after Massachusetts Democratic congressman Barney Frank said he would do everything he could to stop it because of the Irish community's "very legitimate and strong" reaction to Mrs Thatcher.
He was joined by a group of congressmen from Irish districts, including Joe Crowley of
New York, who said yesterday that it would be "just plain wrong" to give Congress's highest award to Mrs Thatcher on the 25th anniversary of the IRA hunger strikes.
"Many people in the British government who came after her did great work to end the conflict, but she certainly didn't," he said.
Mr Frank said there was "absolutely no way" that Republicans could obtain the required two- thirds vote required to allow Congress to give Mrs Thatcher the medal of honour, also known as the congressional gold medal.
Mr Frank is the most senior Democrat on the Financial Services Committee, which makes a final approval on congressional medal of honour candidates after they are nominated by two-thirds of the members of Congress.
"I told the Republican members that I would use the full time allotted to debate the medal and that I would call a full roll-call before the vote would be allowed to go through. I don't think
anyone had the stomach for it, so they've dropped it," he said.
Mr Frank, an openly gay member of Congress, said that he also opposed Mrs Thatcher's stand on gay issues when she was in power.
"I don't think we should be giving out medals to people just because they were friends of Ronald Reagan," he said.
Mr Frank also successfully fought to stop former Spanish prime minister Jose Maria Aznar from receiving the congressional medal last year. "They gave one to Tony Blair in 2003 and then Aznar wanted one for Spain's contribution in Iraq. He had medal envy and that's not enough reason," Mr Frank said.
Politicians have failed to reach
agreement on policing and justice in the first meeting of a new Stormont sub- committee on the issue.
The DUP maintain that Sinn Fein must support policing and justice before a date can be set for devolving these powers to Northern Ireland's parties.
But Sinn Fein insist on the transfer of powers before they can support police.
Speaking after the meeting, Ulster Unionist Fred Cobain said the stalemate may put the assembly's future at risk.
"The Democratic Unionist Party have made their position absolutely clear, through a number of spokesmen, that devolution of policing and justice won't happen for a political generation," he said.
"If that's the case, at the end of the day I don't see much future for the assembly.
"I think tensions are going to rise quite quickly in the committee if that issue is not resolved."
Devolution programme
The policing and justice subcommittee, which also
involves the Ulster Unionists and SDLP, is one of six groups designed to forge a devolution programme.
The committee is working against the clock to overcome the deadlock on policing before the dissolution of the assembly at the end of January.
The deadline for devolution is 26 March, with fresh assembly elections set for 7 March.
Sinn Fein is refusing to hold a special ard fheis (party conference) on policing until the DUP agrees a date for the transfer of policing powers for the assembly.
The party also wants agreement on a new policing and justice department and has concerns about the proposed role for MI5.
The DUP has firmly resisted giving a date for the transfer of policing powers.
Before the meeting, the SDLP's Alex Attwood described the stand-off between the two parties as a "sham fight".
He claimed substantive policing powers were already devolved and hoped progress could be made
quickly.
DUP opposition
Meanwhile, UK Unionist leader Robert McCartney addressed a public meeting in Portadown on Thursday night called to harness opposition from within the DUP to the St Andrews Agreement.
About 80 people gathered in Carleton Street Orange Hall to hear Mr McCartney claim the DUP was guilty of political blackmail.
"I cannot convey to you how sick to the pit of my stomach I feel each time I realise the magnitude of that betrayal and the fact they will actually use that betrayal to squeeze votes out of the unionist community," he said.
Sinn Féin could contaminate policing and justice if the party gets control over it in a devolved government, a hardline Democratic Unionist said tonight.
As Assembly members discussed policing and justice powers being transferred from Westminster to a future power- sharing government, Northern MEP Jim Allister said the first anniversary of the dropping of spying charges against three people including republican turned British agent Denis Donaldson served as a reminder of why unionists should be concerned about Sinn Féin having any say.
“Firstly, Stormontgate itself graphically illustrated the folly of admitting Sinn Féin to government without an enforceable mechanism to exclude only them upon default by them,” he argued.
“The St Andrews Act does not address this deficiency, which properly is a requirement of the DUP. Thus a workable legislative default mechanism remains
a key outstanding issue.
“Secondly, it underscores the deep-seated concerns that any possibility of control over policing and justice by a party, such as Sinn Féin, would increase the prospect of this most vital of subjects being contaminated and corrupted by political tampering.
“Little wonder there is a prevailing determination that if devolution should occur, the transfer of policing and justice is impossible during the currency of this generation of highly tainted Sinn Féin politicians.”
Mr Allister was commenting after his colleague Arlene Foster told Sinn Féin after today’s meeting at Stormont it was up to them to deliver political progress by publicly declaring support for the Police Service of Northern Ireland, the courts and the rule of law.
The Fermanagh and South Tyrone MLA said: “I listen to people talking about us stopping the devolution of policing and justice.
“The people that
are stopping the devolution of policing and justice are Sinn Féin by not giving the delivery that is needed to bring that about.”
The new sub-group met after it emerged Sinn Féin’s policing spokesman Gerry Kelly had been warned two days ago by police of another death threat by hardline republicans.
Mr Kelly and the party’s Foyle MLA Raymond McCartney faced Mrs Foster and her fellow DUP Policing Board member William Hay across the committee table.
Ulster Unionist Policing Board member Fred Cobain and nationalist SDLP Policing Board member Alex Attwood also took part.
Policing and justice is seen as a key issue which could determine whether there is a power-sharing government next March in Northern Ireland.
The DUP wants Sinn Féin to join with other parties in publicly endorsing the PSNI before it will form a power sharing government featuring Mr Kelly’s party.
However, Mr Kelly insisted agreement
on a date for the transfer of policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont and on the type of government department were needed before any move from his party.
The North Belfast MLA said: “The DUP cannot demand of nationalists that policing and justice be supported and then say: however, you will have no influence over it.
“They cannot have it as their own private arena.
“Let us get the timing sorted out. You cannot move without the timing. It just simply cannot be done. You cannot talk about generations of doubt, you cannot talk about no control or no influence.
“If a police service and justice ministry is representative of all of the people of the North (of Ireland) and indeed only island, then that involves everybody.”
It is getting increasingly hard to believe that Sinn Fein can meet its commitment under the St Andrews Plan for power sharing at Stormont, a senior Democratic Unionist MP claimed today.
North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds cast doubt on the Governments' timetable for devolution by March 26th.
And he also moved to scotch suggestions that the Democratic Unionist Party was divided over the party's handling of the St Andrews Plan.
He saids: "The DUP has a clear united policy which is the resolution that was passed by our executive on November 9th. That was unanimously supported and that is where the DUP stands.
"It says there can only be agreement when there is delivery by the Republican Movement on a host of issues. "Those are a commitment to uphold the rule of law, support the
police and the courts, a commitment to purely democratic means and an end to paramilitary and criminal activity.
"That will have to be tested over a credible period. "We have almost 100 days between now and March 26, the target date for devolution. "It is getting increasingly difficult to imagine any circumstance now under which Sinn Fein, even if they held their ard fheis (party conference) on policing on Monday with a credible testing period, could meet the governments' timeframe."
Mr Blair and Mr Ahern are hoping that fresh Assembly elections will take place in early March in preparation for a new devolved Government on March 26th. However major stumbling blocks remain, primarily over policing.
Sinn Fein is the only party of the four parties who would qualify for devolved ministries which does not support the Police Service of Northern Ireland. The Reverend Ian Paisley's DUP wants Sinn Fein to publicly
endorse the PSNI before a power sharing Government will be formed.
But Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams has warned his party cannot hold a special conference to change its policing policy without agreement first on a date for transferring policing and justice powers from Westminster to Stormont, a deal on the type of Government department that will handle it and the exclusion of MI5 from any role in civic policing.
Democratic Unionists have been urged to stay on message and remain united by their leader the Rev Ian Paisley.
The North Antrim MP told the DUP`s annual dinner in Kells, Co Antrim last night that divisions within unionism only encouraged its enemies and would cost
the party badly at an election.
And he once again repeated his warning to Sinn Fein that if it aspired to be in government, republicans must give up the gun for good, end all paramilitary and criminal activity and support the Police Service of Northern Ireland.
"A house divided cannot and will not stand," the DUP leader warned.
"The greatest succour to our enemies is public divisions at the critical time amongst unionists.
"I have a warning for those who peddle lies against us. Beware accepting the snake oil of untruths told about the DUP and its leader.
"I have heard and I have seen all manner of suggestions about what I am supposed to have said, done or agreed to, none of which is true but all of which is peddled by those who are being used by our enemies to divide unionism. Beware of such mischief making as it only aids and abets our greatest enemy."
In the weeks following the St Andrews
talks in October, a number of DUP members and ministers in Mr Paisley`s Free Presbyterian Church have been critical of Mr Paisley`s handling of British and Irish Government plans to revive power sharing.
The party`s MEP Jim Allister, veteran Larne councillor Jack McKee and Free Presbyterian minister the Rev Ivan Foster are among those who have expressed reservations about Mr Paisley adopting the two governments` St Andrews plan for power sharing.
A statement by 12 Assembly members, including four MPs, issued independently of the party two weeks ago over attempts to get Mr Paisley to commit himself to becoming Stormont First Minister was also interpreted as a challenge to the leader.
Mr Paisley last night warned unionists against believing their opponents` words.
"Too often we see unionists believing the words of Gerry Adams as if they are gospel before they would accept the words of a unionist," he
observed.
"Last week, I heard one unionist panic because Gerry Adams announced he would have a united Ireland by 2012. That cannot and will not happen.
"Unionists by their very force of numbers are in charge of the future sovereignty of Northern Ireland. Only by giving up and giving in, as some would do, will the Union be lost."
Mr Paisley said he was not about to betray the trust he had built up with voters over his political career.
"I am committed to deliver a fair deal, an end to the trouble that has beset our land and seeing our enemies humbled by accepting democracy, and the rule of law," he said.
"The DUP has spelt it out loud and clear that nothing will happen in terms of a new government unless and until we achieve satisfactory delivery on the vital matters of democracy, the rule of law, and support for the police.
"Satisfactory delivery means real support for the police, giving up
the gun, ending all criminality and paramilitary activity.
"That is the only delivery that actually counts. The sooner people realise that we are in charge of the terms of any settlement then the nonsense and nervousness will be quelled.
"The sooner people realise that no government can exist nor is likely to exist unless and until we get satisfaction then and only then will wise council prevail."
Mr Paisley reminded supporters the DUP had established that if a party wants government, they were bound by certain rules.
They would have to accept democracy is the only way forward, accept the rule of law and accept the police and courts were the only legitimate service.
"For over 30 years, we have suffered at the hands of a terrorist organisation that has opposed democracy, the rule of law and the police," he said.
"Republican ideology is to oppose the rule of British law and oppose Crown services
in Ireland.
"Accepting that rule and submitting to the Crown forces diminishes all that republicans stand for no matter what they say publicly."
North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds has denied the DUP is following the Ulster Unionist example by embarking on a period of crippling internal division.
Mr Dodds was one of 12 DUP MLAs who said Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness should not get status as prospective first and deputy first ministers.
Mr Dodds argued comparisons with the Ulster Unionists were "inaccurate".
He said the DUP would ensure leadership and grassroots were united around a single policy towards
power-sharing.
"David Trimble didn't do that, he presented his party with a fait accompli and rammed it through, whatever the dissent," he told BBC Radio Ulster's Inside Politics programme.
"Any sensible party leader knows, and the DUP is very sensible, and pragmatic and principled, all of those things, and it knows that you cannot carry a country and you cannot carry a party which is divided.
"We will ensure that things are properly delivered by Sinn Fein and the government first."
On Friday, the DUP leader, Ian Paisley, said public divisions amongst unionists could only provide succour to his party's enemies.
In a speech to DUP supporters in County Antrim, Mr Paisley urged unionists not to be misguided or detoured.
On Thursday night in Portadown, UK Unionist leader Bob McCartney accused the DUP of betraying and blackmailing the unionist people over the St Andrews Agreement.
But Mr
Paisley insisted he was not about to betray the trust placed in him over the past four decades.
Mr Paisley pledged that nothing would happen in terms of a new government unless republicans deliver satisfactorily on real support for the police, giving up the gun and ending all criminal and paramilitary activity.
The deadline for devolution is 26 March, with fresh assembly elections set for 7 March.
By Gareth Gordon Political correspondent, BBC Northern Ireland
They're used to talk of betrayal in Carleton Street Orange Hall, Portadown.
Its
walls echoed with the word during the long years of the Drumcree dispute.
The other night in a room named after the late figurehead of Drumcree defiance, Harold Gracey, the word was used again, this time - odd as it may seem - about Ian Paisley and the DUP.
John Watson is a life-long member of the party and was one of its election agents.
When his party membership runs out at the end of the year it won't be renewed "in light of the DUP's overwhelming immoral compulsion to put the IRA murderers and terrorists into government," he says.
Then, he did something he probably doesn't do often. He borrowed from Gerry Adams.
"We have gone away you know. We won't be voting for you again. No surrender, Paisley."
To help galvanise others who feel like himself, John Watson booked the Gracey Room on a cold December night and invited the anti-Agreement UK Unionist leader Robert McCartney to address as many
people as he could attract.
About 80 turned up. Some, but not all, DUP voters and members.
Some, but not all, members of Ian Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church.
A poster stuck to the door proclaimed the DUP/Sinn Fein "unholy alliance."
They listened as Mr McCartney attempted to forensically deconstruct the DUP's position over the St Andrews Agreement.
He spoke for a full hour and a half. Most seemed to have their minds made up before he even spoke a word.
For David Trimble to go into government with Sinn Fein was bad enough but for Dr Paisley - a man they once revered - to even think of doing it is another thing altogether.
The fact he so far hasn't done so didn't seem to be the point. "He's going down that road," said one man.
John Gray, whose son is a Free Presbyterian minister, was more harsh.
"If you're a Christian and promise your people who vote for you that you'll never
sit down with terrorists - and I believe he's about to sit down with terrorists - the very thought of him even thinking about it is treason."
Mr McCartney said at the beginning there had been an attempt to blacken the meeting with false claims that it had been organised by paramilitaries.
Pastor Kenny McClinton, the LVF's intermediary with the decommissioning commission, was there.
So was victim's campaigner Willie Frazer and a former DUP councillor in Belfast, Harry Toan.
Then there was David Calvert, once a member of the DUP executive; a previous Stormont assembly member and a councillor for 20 years before he fell out with the party and was expelled in 1993 following a row over the selection of candidates.
In 1987 he was shot and wounded by republican terrorists.
"It is of deep regret to me to see the way in which the party is going at the moment, " he said.
"I have no wish to see the
party colluding with Sinn Fein/IRA in government.
"I think it is wrong. Dr Paisley always deemed it to be wrong and I really don't understand why he has decided to go down this road. I do not believe he has the party backing. I do not believe that the people on the ground support that."
Mr McCartney had a theory on why Ian Paisley was apparently thinking the unthinkable.
He claimed the DUP leader was gradually being "encapsulated in the British establishment."
He added "it's nice you know for him to be loved instead of reviled." It sounded like a calculated insult.
But generally the mood was one of sorrow not anger. Many hoped the DUP would "come to its senses."
If it didn't they wouldn't be voting for it again. Although some seemed to still need convincing about the argument from Mr McCartney that anti-Agreement candidates should run in all 18 constituencies.
Better still there be no
election seemed to be the thinking.
That would mean the DUP had not done a deal. Then there would be no more talk of betrayal.
[Published: Friday 8, December 2006 - 15:06] By Neil Crossey
DUP leader Ian Paisley today branded as a "joke" a stinging attack on him and his wife by Robert McCartney.
The former North Down MP accused Mr Paisley of becoming "comfortable" as part of the British Establishment.
Mr McCartney also told a public meeting last night that since "Eileen (Paisley) has become a Baroness she has been meeting nice people
every day over there", and said of Mr Paisley, "it's nice for him to be loved for once rather than reviled".
"He is becoming very comfortable. At St Andrews he was photographed with Bertie and with Tony Blair receiving gifts on their 50th wedding anniversary".
Mr Paisley countered that the personal criticism did not bother him.
"I'm not worried what Mr McCartney thinks of me.
"It's a joke - when you come down to that level of criticism you don't have much of a case."
Mr McCartney also accused the DUP of "political blackmail" over the St Andrews Agreement.
Addressing about 80 people in Portadown's Carlton Street Orange Hall, he said the DUP's stance on the St Andrews Agreement made him feel sick.
He said: "I cannot convey how sick in the pit of my stomach I feel each time I realise the magnitude of that betrayal, and the fact they will use their betrayal to squeeze votes out of the unionist
community.
"They will come out roaring at this election and their warning will be: 'if you don't vote for the DUP you will be putting Martin McGuinness in as First Minister'.
"They will have blackmailed the unionist electorate into giving them a vote."
The meeting was advertised on the guestbook of the Burning Bush website, run by Rev Ivan Foster, the Free Presbyterian minister who last month said the denomination was "heartbroken" at the deal.
The education system is failing pupils in loyalist areas of Belfast.
By:Jamie Delargy, UTV
A watchdog committee at Westminster has said the Goverment isn`t tackling the underperformance of
Protestant pupils urgently enough.
The committee has sent the Department of Education an end of term report.
It grades the department on what it has done to lift exam results in loyalist areas.
The verdict: could do a lot better.
GCSE Maths: Appalling performance; literacy and numeracy: progress manifestly unsatisfactory.
In fact the latter criticism applies across Northern Ireland. The Public Accounts Committe reports that one in five pupils leaves school here without being able to read and write properly.
But though concerned with the broad question of educational under achievement in Northern Ireland, it is the plight of pupils in deprived Protestant areas of Belfast that most worries MPs.
Research shows that children in loyalist areas of the city do much worse in GCSE exams than their counterparts in nationalist districts.
Looking at schools in deprived areas the MPs found
that while 24% of Catholics got at least a C grade in Maths, only four per cent of Protestants managed the same score.
Similarly while 29% of Catholics got at least a C grade in English, only 17% of Protestants achieved the same mark.
The Public Accounts Committee (PAC) doesn`t believe the Department of Education is tackling the problem of underperformance with enough urgency.
The PAC was not convinced by the explanations of officials who said paramilitarism and peer pressure was to blame for underachievement in loyalist areas.
It is waiiting to hear from the Department on how it plans to improve exam performance in deprived Protestant districts of Belfast.
When you look at exam results generally in Northern Ireland it`s remarkable how similarly Catholics and Protestants perform.
Not so in Belfast`s deprived areas where Protestants underachieve.
It`s claimed change is underway, if so it
needs to be accelarated.
Loyalists And Priest Tackle The Conflict In Colombia
[Published: Friday 8, December 2006 - 10:44] By By Brian Rowan
Back out of Colombia and into Belfast - the loyalists are back with a message that more help is needed.
The loyalists are David Ervine and Tom Roberts - both ex- prisoners, both able to talk about war and peace, talk about it in the context of our process - the killing, the ceasefires and now the business of the politics beyond conflict.
That's what the Colombians and specifically the ELN or National Liberation Army wanted to talk about in a dialogue in Medellin that Mr Ervine describes as "absolutely intense".
The
priest, Father Alec Reid - witness to the IRA's decommissioning, and such an important figure in the making of the ceasefire of 1994 - was also there.
So, clearly there are those in Colombia who want to hear the voices of those who were and are part of a process that has worked.
Francisco Galan, out of jail - but technically not yet released - was part of those recent talks in Medellin as was Juan Carlos Cuellas, freed for one day to take part in the dialogue but then escorted back to prison.
Mr Ervine said he would not "define their ranks", but added: " We certainly met high level people in the ELN".
"Sometimes we don't realise the amount of knowledge we have accumulated over many years," Mr Roberts said.
"Only the Colombians can judge if we can be helpful."
They need help and clearly they are looking to this process.
"The magnitude of their problems puts ours into perspective," Mr Roberts
said.
In a recent period spanning only a few months the ELN and another rebel group, the FARC, fought and killed each other in battles on the Colombia-Venezuela border.
It was a fight to control territory where there is oil.
Around 400 were killed, and that is only part of the story.
In the wider Colombian situation, Mr Ervine said they were told of "40 violent actions a day resulting in death or multiple deaths".
"The massive effect of the conflict is just everywhere," he says.
It is a country that has three million displaced people - about twice the Northern Ireland population, yet they are looking to here for advice, for information, for something that might give them a starting point, give them the confidence to begin a real peace process of their own.
According to Mr Ervine, the ELN now wants to talk to republicans. "They want to be in touch with the IRA and those who assisted the IRA's
process," the leader of the Progressive Unionist Party said.
The last time the IRA was in Colombia it was secret and there were all sorts of suggestions about its activities.
Next time, if there is a next time, it will be different. My understanding is that the one peace process they (the ELN) are interested in is the Northern Ireland process," Mr Ervine said.
"And they need, I believe, to talk to all sides - loyalists, IRA, British, Irish, militant people, non- militant people, government people.
"If invitations come to people in Northern Ireland they should genuinely think about how we help others along the way."
In Colombia, the two loyalists were asked all the things they expected to be asked.
How do you structure a process? What "methodology" do you use for negotiations?
How do you manage expectations?
They talked about "victimhood" and "healing".
"People in Northern
Ireland just don't realise how the world's conflict areas look to here; how high on the agenda in conflict regions around the world Northern Ireland is," Mr Ervine told the Belfast Telegraph,
This place is that high on the agenda because somehow it found its way out of a 30-year war - and not just one side but all sides.
That is why the ELN wants to broaden its dialogue with those who have been a part of this process.
It is why there will be more visits to Colombia.
"You find it a very humbling experience," Mr Roberts said.
And maybe it is in these far away places that people from here really begin to fully realise what we have achieved in our own peace process - that thing that we don't yet properly appreciate - certainly not like others looking in do.
Yes, it took a long time.
And, yes, the journey through ceasefires and broken ceasefires, decommissioning and
non-decommissioning, politics and no politics has been long and sapping - far too long and far too slow.
Yet we are closer to an end than many others are to a beginning.
And that's what makes us different and wanted - wanted in those faraway places like Colombia, where the loyalists and Father Reid have just been.
It seems likely that others will follow them there - others from here to tell their stories, to give their advice, to maybe help organisations such as the ELN make some beginning towards a better end.
Do we really know what it is we have to offer, or do we still need others to tell us, to remind us, to convince us that having changed this place we can help do the same elsewhere?
There has been fresh criticism of forensic evidence at the Omagh trial.
Dr Peter Gill, an exponent of the Low Copy Number DNA technique, conceded some of the results presented in the bomb trial were "valueless".
Mr Justice Weir warned Dr Gill about "blowing backwards and forwards" on "an important topic".
The judge said it was "very unhelpful" to give apparently contradictory evidence. Sean Hoey denies 58 charges, including 29 murders in Omagh in 1998.
Mr Hoey is a 37-year-old electrician from Molly Road, Jonesborough in County Armagh.
Low Copy Number DNA - a technique whereby DNA profiles can be obtained from samples containing only a few cells - is an important part of the prosecution case.
Dr Gill had been asked to comment on claims that control samples
tested at the same time as parts of a device in Lisburn had come up positive for Mr Hoey's DNA type.
That finding, said defence QC Orlando Pownall, should have meant that the tests were run again. The fact that they weren't meant the results were invalid, he claimed.
"I think it invalidates the result," Dr Gill agreed.
Dr Gill was also challenged over what appeared to be conflicting evidence on the reliability of Low Copy Number DNA testing.
Mr Pownall was questioning him about the amounts of DNA below which results could be relied on.
Giving evidence, Dr Gill said at a certain DNA level information taken from the results could be "informative".
But Mr Pownall pointed out that in papers Dr Gill had written on the subject he had said that at that level the results were "uninformative".
Mr Justice Weir intervened to say it "seems rather an important topic on which to be blowing backwards
and forwards on.
'Shades of grey'
"One minute it's informative, the next it's uninformative." He asked which he should accept as expert evidence.
Dr Gill replied that it was a complex area in which there were "shades of grey".
The judge said: "When this evidence is presented on behalf of the prosecution no one talks about it in terms of shades of grey. It's put forward as evidence I can rely on."
This is not the first time the judge has intervened during the evidence of a forensic expert and on Friday, he once again commented that "this is not a scientific symposium, this is an important trial".
Mr Justice Weir then told Dr Gill that it was "very unhelpful for me to have you saying, 'informative one minute and 'uniformitative' the next", adding "why are you saying that?"
The killing of a post office worker in an armed robbery in Kilkenny has been condemned as cowardly and senseless.
The victim, named locally as Alan Cunniffe, was shot in the stomach as he tackled a lone gunman who robbed his family business in the city centre. The raid took place in the busy John's Green post office on Wolfe Tone Street shortly after 12.10pm yesterday.
Mr Cunniffee (32) had only recently taken over the businesses from his mother.
Colleague Tom Hickey said the dead man was working in the shop when he heard the commotion, gave chase and tackled the gunman. It is understood women working behind
the counter had already handed over a sum of cash.
Alan was shot around 300 yards from the post office and was taken to St Luke's General Hospital where he later died.
A man was arrested in Wolfe Tone Street in connection with the incident shortly afterwards and a handgun and a quantity of cash were recovered. He is being detained at Kilkenny Garda Station where he can he held for 24 hours.
The Minister for Justice Michael McDowell said he was shocked and horrified by the killing.
"This is a cowardly, senseless slaying of a good young man who was only doing his best and words really fail me in trying to express to his family and loved ones my sense of shock, and horror and grief of what has happened to them," he said
"The taking of life is such a terrible thing, but the senseless taking of a fine young man's life in these circumstances just leaves me with very little to say.
"My heart goes out to
his family."
An Post has extended its deepest sympathy to the family and staff of Mr Cunniffe.
"We are shocked and horrified by the savagery of this criminal act," said chairperson Margaret McGinley and chief executive Donal Connell in a joint statement.
"Postmasters and their staff play an integral role in the lives of Irish people and their safety, and that of our customers, is at all times our primary concern. A senior An Post team is working closely with gardai and the post office assistants at the office have received medical attention."
John Kane, general secretary of the Irish Postmasters Union (IPU) said the killing was a tragedy for the postmaster and his family.
"We want to extend to them the sympathies of all the postmasters and postmistresses from all around the country," he said.
The IPU last week criticised the Government for highlighting in the media that post offices would
be holding more cash for double Christmas welfare payouts. "It is not a secret that there is more money in post offices, but I was concerned what affect highlighting it would have," he continued.
"What this does highlight is the risks run by postmasters and postmistresses every week and the responsibility they carry that's not often appreciated by the gardai or An Post."
Fine Gael's justice spokesman Jim O'Keeffe expressed his revulsion at the shooting said he was sickened by the increased targeting of post office staff by ruthless criminals.
"This is just the latest in a spate of criminal efforts in which innocent post office staff have been targeted," he added.
"The Irish Postmasters' Union is rightly concerned about this trend."
Labour's Tommy Broughan condemned the fatal shooting, adding: "This is a shocking incident that illustrates once again the vulnerability of post office workers and
others who handle large sums of money on our behalf. Today's shocking attack creates a new dimension of seriousness. "
Shock As Kilkenny Man Shot Dead Trying To Catch Post Office Raider
There was widespread shock and revulsion in Kilkenny yesterday as news of the death of Alan Cunniffe spread through the city, writes Michael Parsonsin Kilkenny.
Dr Joseph Sweeney, a GP from the John's Green Medical Centre, just feet way from where Mr Cunniffe was gunned down, said: "I'm here 30 years and I've never come across a shooting in Kilkenny before."
In John's Green, a small square close to the railway station and just yards from John Street, one of the city's busiest thoroughfares,
the lights on the Centra supermarket were dimmed by mid-afternoon. News had come through from St Luke's Hospital that Mr Cunniffe (32) had died just hours after being shot in the stomach.
Throughout the afternoon and evening gardaí were on duty at a number of locations, at John's Green, Wolfe Tone Street and along the banks of the river Nore at the Peace Park close to Green's Bridge where a man was apprehended by gardaí.
There was an outpouring of emotion from shoppers and local residents for the deceased man and grief and sympathy for his family. One shocked resident of Wolfe Tone Street described Mr Cunniffe as "a total gentlemen"; another said that "he was a very nice fellow who would stand on his head for you".
Mr Cunniffe was at work in the family-run supermarket next door to the sub-post office on John's Green. When he was alerted to the robbery shortly after midday he chased the gunman.
He
followed the man down Wolfe Tone Street, a quiet road lined with houses on one side and the Padmore & Barnes shoe factory and shopping outlet, as well as a busy medical surgery on the opposite side.
About a hundred yards from the post office, the gunman stopped, turned and shot him in the stomach. A number of witnesses said the gunman was "of Chinese appearance".
The man then continued to run down Wolfe Tone Street, discarding a grey jacket en route and entered a small green area, known as the Peace Park beside the river Nore.
Shortly afterwards, a man was arrested beside Green's Bridge.
A woman who lives on Wolfe Tone Street, who did not wish to be named, said she had heard a commotion outside her house and then heard a man shout, "I'm shot". She was one of many who called the emergency services and said gardaí and an ambulance arrived quickly at the scene.
Mr Cunniffe was shot just feet away from
the John's Green Medical Centre and two of the GPs on duty, Dr Joseph Sweeney and Dr Frank Chambers, attended to him on the pavement. They managed to stabilise Mr Cunniffe before he was transferred by ambulance to St Luke's Hospital.
In a statement on behalf of "everyone in An Post" last night, chairwoman Margaret McGinley and chief executive Donal Connell said they were "shocked and horrified by the savagery of this criminal act".
The statement added: "Postmasters and their staff play an integral role in the lives of Irish people, and their safety and that of our customers is at all times our primary concern."
Local residents said that the post office on John's Green had been "robbed a number of times" in the past. No one else was injured in the raid although An Post said that staff at the post office had received medical attention.
Tom Hickey, who had been working in the post office earlier yesterday
but had finished his part-time job and left the premises by 11am, said he was "in a state of shock.
[Published: Friday 8, December 2006 - 09:43] By By David Gordon
Taxpayers have been shelling out thousands of pounds per month for television coverage of an empty Northern Ireland Assembly, the Belfast Telegraph can reveal today.
Stormont's plush debating chamber has been back in action - to some degree - in recent months, as efforts to restore devolution gathered momentum.
But figures now show that one company, Macmillan Media, received a total of £299,927 from Stormont over three financial years when local politicians were members of
a legislative assembly (MLAs) in name only.
The broadcasting service contract with Macmillan dated back to 1999, when devolution was first being established.
Payments covered management fees and sums for maintaining TV equipment.
Macmillan Media was also paid £273,575 in 2002/03. Suspension occurred midway through this financial year.
A new broadcasting contract was put in place at the Assembly in August last year - almost three years after the collapse of the devolved institution.
It went to Belfast media company Pi Communications.
Its payments have also been disclosed and, predictably, are lower than the arrangements agreed when devolution appeared to be a reality.
However, the figures still show monthly payments were made when there were no proceedings from the Assembly to broadcast.
Politicians finally returned to the debating chamber in May this year, after an interim devolved
body was established by Secretary of State Peter Hain.
In the preceding nine months, while the Assembly remained mothballed, the Stormont broadcasting contract earned Pi Communications a total of £79,982.
The Assembly has previously stressed the rates paid to its broadcasting contractor vary, depending on Stormont's needs. It has also emphasised that costs are "lower during suspension".
There has been repeated criticism because MLAs have continued to pick up pay and expenses since suspension. Last year, salaries and allowances cost the taxpayer almost £9m.
Other controversial costs include a £308,591 subsidy paid in a single year for the Assembly's restaurant and cafe outlets.
The broadcasting contract payments were released to this newspaper by Stormont officials following a freedom of information request.
SF Welcomes Electoral Commission Support For Registration Action
Published: 8 December, 2006
Sinn Féin National Director of Elections Pat Doherty MP today welcomed the comments of the head of the Electoral Commission in the six counties Seamus Magee supporting demands for people to be able to register up to 11 days before any election.
Mr Doherty said:
"The current electoral register is not fit for purpose. Tens of thousands of people have disappeared from what was already a deeply flawed roll. Urgent action is required to remedy this situation if an Assembly election is to proceed on the basis of a level electoral playing field.
"Sinn Féin have proposed to the British government rolling over those missing from current register but who registered the last time onto
the new document. We have also proposed that the British government allow people to register up until 11 days before any election, a procedure incidentally which they have already legislated for but have not brought into force.
"I welcome that fact that the head of the Electoral Commission here Seamus Magee has now added his voice to those calling for registration to be allowed up until 11 days before an election. The British government now need to listen to the advice being given to them by the Electoral Commission and introduce this measure without further delay." ENDS
Irelandclick.com By Damian McCarney Andersonstown News 12/07/2006
THE MP Sinn for West Belfast, Gerry
Adams, has called for the urgent introduction of two measures to help address the shortfall of voters on the electoral register.
As the register stands, one in four potential voters in the West of the city will be unable to use their vote in the forthcoming Assembly election, scheduled for March 2007.
Mr Adams has called for last year’s register, comprising over 54,000 names, to be rolled over. This would effectively add those who were on last year’s register, who are not yet registered, to the 45,923 names on the December 2006 register.
The same procedure occurred last year when 95,000 names across the North’s 18 constituencies were rolled over from the previous register.
Mr Adams is also urging the British government to introduce a provision into the electoral legislation which will push the registration deadline back, enabling voters to register up to 11 days before March’s Assembly
election.
“Sinn Féin has raised this issue with the British government at the highest level, and with the Electoral Office, and we intend to challenge this injustice in every way possible,” said Mr Adams.
“Specifically, we are demanding that the register used in the last election be rolled over to allow for its use in any Assembly election in March. Citizens should also have the ability to register to vote up to 11 days before polling day.”
And the Sinn Féin President claimed that nationalists were disproportionately affected by the registration shortfall.
“It is no coincidence that 19 of the 20 electoral wards in the North with the worse figures for voters being ripped off the register have majority nationalist populations. West Belfast has been the hardest hit with 8,000 voters (see table right) – twice as many as any other constituency – stripped from the last register. When taken with the numbers of
people already taken off the register in previous years, it means that an estimated 18,000 people, or one in four of eligible voters in West Belfast, are currently denied their vote.
“Forty years ago the Civil Rights movement fought a long and dangerous campaign to secure a number of fundamental human rights, including the right to vote. Since that time nationalists faced a concerted effort by elements of the political system to disenfranchise them.
“Tens of thousands of nationalist voters are currently being denied their vote. The purpose of this is to minimise nationalist political influence,” said Mr Adams.
Douglas Bain, the Chief Electoral Officer, said that the British government had given a commitment to the introduction of ‘late registration’ to the North, however he went on to say that legislation was not yet in place to implement this, and even if it were, practical considerations would prevent its use
in March.
“I would not be able to do this,” said Mr Bain, “even if the law was in force, if I was required to put the necessary arrangements in place in advance of a March election. And having to do so within such a tight timeframe would undoubtedly limit my ability to develop and deliver the most effective arrangements possible, which must be a priority.”
He added that he was opposed to the idea of a rolling register on which votes would be carried forward.
“The law that allowed for the ‘carry forward’ is no longer in force. If the law is changed then I will implement it, but as the Chief Electoral Officer I would be very strongly opposed to any such change,” he continued.
“I see no reason for anyone who wishes to register not doing so by January 11 and would be opposed to any carry forward which would inevitably include some names and address that were no longer accurate.
“In Northern Ireland we
have by far the most accurate and comprehensive register anywhere in these islands and any restoration of the carry forward would inevitably undermine this,” said Mr Bain.
An Irish court has cleared the way for the trial of Maze prison escapee Brendan "Bik" McFarlane on charges connected with the 1983 kidnapping of supermarket boss Don Tidey.
Sinn Fein described today`s High Court decision as deeply flawed and nonsensical and labelled the process a judicial farce.
Mr McFarlane had challenged legal proceedings on the grounds that a delay on the part of the state in providing a hearing and determination of the criminal proceedings within a reasonable time had exposed him
to the risk of an unfair trial.
Refusing the application, Mr Justice John Quirke, sitting in Dublin, ruled that Mr McFarlane had not established that culpable or blameworthy delay within the state`s court process had affected or interfered with his rights.
However, the judge acknowledged that if there had been a culpable or blameworthy delay on the part of the prosecution it did not warrant prohibition of a trial.
Mr Justice Quirke added that any increased levels of stress, anxiety or inconvenience caused to Mr McFarlane by the delay did not outweigh the community`s interest in having the alleged offences prosecuted to a conclusion.
Mr McFarlane, 52, of Jamaica Street, Belfast, was charged in January 1998 with falsely imprisoning Mr Tidey in 1983 and with possession of a firearm with intent to endanger life at Derrada Wood, Ballinamore, County Leitrim, in November and December 1983.
He had been in
prison at the Maze since 1975 for his part in the IRA bombing of a bar on the Shankill Road in which five people were killed.
The defendant was the leader of the Provisional IRA prisoners at the Maze prison and escaped in the mass breakout by 38 prisoners from the jail in September 1983.
He was arrested in Amsterdam in January 1986, extradited to Northern Ireland and released on parole from the Maze in 1997.
Mr McFarlane was eventually arrested by gardai outside Dundalk in January 1998 and has been remanded on bail since then pending the outcome of various legal challenges to his trial.
Sinn Fein`s justice spokesman Aengus O Snodaigh said:
"During earlier hearings into this case gardai had to admit to losing all of the alleged evidence against Brendan McFarlane. That should have been the end to the matter.
"However, in a vindictive move the director of public prosecutions sought to go down the
road of a trial.
"The decision to allow a trial to proceed in a case where the guards have lost the supposed evidence is deeply flawed and nonsensical. Republicans will be angered by this turn of events.
"Brendan McFarlane is a solid supporter of the Peace Process and Sinn Fein will continue to demand the end of this judicial farce."
In his 16-page judgment, Mr Justice Quirke said the evidence from the applicant`s side had established two, or perhaps three, periods of unnecessary delay on the part of the prosecuting authorities.
But he added that no evidence had been adduced indicating any consequence flowed from those delays which interfered with any interest which the applicant`s right to an expeditious trial was intended to protect.
"It is undeniable that the applicant was not brought to trial in respect of the relevant offences on November 9 1999, and has not been brought to trial since because
he has been successful in preventing his trial from proceeding," he continued.
"If there has been a culpable or blameworthy delay on the part of the prosecuting authorities in and about the manner in which they sought to conduct the judicial review proceedings, that delay was not of a kind which would warrant prohibition of the applicant`s trial."
The judge stated that the applicant had not established by way of evidence or otherwise in these proceedings that culpable or blameworthy delay within the state`s court process affected any of his rights.
"It follows from what I have found that the applicant is not entitled to the relief which he seeks and his claim will be dismissed," he concluded.
It is shocking that in a country awash with money the Government is incapable of funding the installation of sufficient single rooms in our hospitals to prevent the spread of infections such as MRSA, an Irish missionary priest said yesterday.
Fr Brendan Forde was speaking two days after the funeral of his sister Barbara (67), who picked up MRSA, the antibiotic-resistant superbug, after being operated on in a Dublin hospital.
"You get great tax breaks if you build luxury hotels for the super-rich but they are incapable of building in our hospitals some individual units for the most vulnerable people, those who are in intensive care, and they will put them into a ward where there are hospital-acquired infections," he
said.
"We can spend our millions or our billions on stadiums and everything and we are not capable of doing that. I just kind of think it's a question of our values and I think it is horrific and obscene that they don't care for the most vulnerable patients," he added.
Fr Forde said his sister went into Beaumont Hospital for "an ordinary operation" on a blocked intestine at the end of October. She was getting over the operation and he was about to return to his work in Colombia on November 5th when he got a call to say she had developed pneumonia and had been admitted to the intensive care unit.
She was in the unit with other patients for about five weeks, where, he understands, she picked up MRSA and VRE, another hospital-acquired infection. She died last Sunday.
Fr Forde told The Irish Times he believed Barbara would still be alive today if she hadn't gone in to hospital.
At her funeral Mass on
Wednesday he told the congregation he was very angry, because he believed Barbara didn't have to die. "She went in for an ordinary operation and she came out dead from a hospital-acquired infection, which we were told was MRSA. I find it a disgrace and abomination in a country where we have so much money that the Government doesn't know what to do with it," he said.
"This isn't going to bring Barbara back but I would like maybe in the tragedy of her death that it will in some way wake up people to the fact that there should be a far better system."
He stressed he had no criticism of the doctors and nurses at Beaumont, who were wonderful. "The whole system isn't fair to them. They are fighting . . . it's not fair for them to be working under those circumstances either," he said.
"How can it be that somebody goes in for an operation and they are in intensive care and you bring them into a ward that's riddled
with MRSA? I mean that's not fair, it can't be.
"I would be afraid if I had to go in for an operation now, I would think twice about it. I'd be very afraid, not on account of the competence of the doctors and the nurses, but on account of the structure they have to work under."
Barbara, who lived in Clontarf, Dublin, and worked for many years with Bord Fáilte, was "a gutsy woman", he recalls. She visited him several times in Latin America, where he has worked for 35 years.
"She was on the first plane that arrived in Chile after the military coup about 30 years ago . . . she was instrumental with other people in bringing the first Chilean refugees here to Ireland," he said.
The Forde family are awaiting the results of her postmortem.
A spokesman for Beaumont Hospital said last evening the hospital extended its sympathy to her family but for reasons of confidentiality could not comment on
individual cases.
The Government has been accused of keeping plans for what precisely it intends to build at the Maze under wraps. What will the proposed stadium look like?
What sort of transport arrangements do they envisage? Who's to say?
Then suddenly this week NIO minister David Hanson made an unexpected revelation about what he describes as the 'Maze/Long Kesh Masterplan'.
The Government's looking for backers to help foot the £400m bill.
Exactly. Four hundred million pounds.
This should be interesting.
According to Minister
Hanson, the private sector is just gagging to throw money at the project.
At least that's what he appears to be saying when he announces: "I am delighted that the market's strong message has been that the site represents a significant development opportunity for the whole region and, indeed, for the whole island."
True, there may be aspects of the plan (such as housing development and a business park) which may represent a good investment. But you have to wonder how many private investors will be lining up to back the stadium itself.
Those of us who worry about the white elephant potential of a stadium being built miles and miles from the centre of anywhere, won't be joining the queue.
Especially since it's been revealed that a rival stadium is to be built in Belfast close to the city centre and existing transport links - and, perhaps more pertinently, close to hotels, restaurants, carry-outs and any number
of local hostelries.
The Government makes much of the fact that the Maze plan has the support of both the DUP and Sinn Fein.
But it isn't cross party political support a sports stadium needs to make it a winner.
It's the support and, more precisely, patronage of sports fans.
The Maze prison was built on that particular site because it was well out of the way. But what works for a prison doesn't necessarily work for a major entertainment facility.
The artist's optimistic impression of the proposed sports stadium show crowds flocking to its doors. A lot of them, I notice, are carrying hand baggage. Are they coming prepared to camp out for the night?
Put it like this - the Government assures us that it will be able to efficiently and effortlessly transport 35,000 people to and from the site. Bearing in mind the current regular hold-ups on the M1, which the Government appears to be powerless to
do anything about, we'll take that one with a spoonful of caution.
Caution, of course, is something you tend to associate with private investors.
So here's the question.
What if investors don't come up with the required whack of the £400m bill that the Government envisages?
Will the Maze Masterplan still be realised? Downgraded? Or just quietly forgotten all about?
That is something taxpayers here will have to think about long after Messers Hain and Hanson have vacated these shores for a whole new political ball-game.
All we want for Christmas is a bit of common sense
I'm fast coming to the conclusion that the most divisive element in society today is not - as some would argue - religious fanatism, but the legal profession.
What lies at the back of all those stories we are daily bombarded with, about how this or that firm has cancelled Christmas on the grounds that decorations may injure
or offend, is fear of litigation.
It's not the concern that a worker may be taken out by low- flying tinsel or that a colleague could take the hump at the sight of a nativity scene that actually has bosses hyperventilating with worry.
It's the possibility that the aggrieved party might beat an immediate path to the door of Sue-it, Screw-it and Line-my- pocket and take a costly action against the company.
Of course, it's only fair that if a worker gets toasted on a set of dodgy Christmas lights he or she should have recourse to the law. Equally, those parties whose lives are made hell in the workplace should be able to turn to the courts.
But the law as it now stands - the law that sides with every perceived injury, 'offence' or slight, no matter how minor - increasingly looks like an ass.
Do employers' have to go along with this madness, though?
Whatever happened to common sense?
Or have
we finally reached the stage that before a firm chances using a bit of gumption, it has to first call in a team of consultants to assess any risk this might entail?
Another week, another horror
Another week - another horror story concerning attacks on the elderly. This week, it was a 92-year-old lady assaulted in her own home by five young men. We're told they took her jewellery.
It goes without saying that they also took her peace of mind. And could just as easily have taken her life.
So wouldn't it be good to hear just a little more public outrage voiced by our public representatives on the matter? Not just condemnation of this week's attack - but of all similar attacks on the elderly.
Our politicians tend to have no problem making their presence felt over any issue they suspect there might be a vote or two in.
But lives are more important than votes. Their combined pressure on this one would
not only push it further up the news agenda.
It would also put the onus on the authorities to deal more forcefully with the lowlife who prey on vulnerable people living in terror in their own homes.
A friend, indeed
The former head of the Armed Forces, General Sir Michael Jackson, said this week that for Britain to pull out of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq would be morally wrong.
When did being morally wrong ever bother the current Government?
War games
IN the old days, when a celebrity couple insisted that they were "just good friends" it was taken as shorthand for being romantically involved.
These days, it's the other way round.
This week, Jennifer Aniston announced her break-up with Vince Vaughn by releasing a statement that says they're no longer together but still " good friends".
With friends like these € the gossip columnists no longer expect wedding bells.
At time of writing the jury is still out as to whether the official name of the city in which I live should be Derry or Londonderry.
The problem is going through the motions of being thrashed out in court and, in the interests of passing the buck, I predict a reserved judgment.
But, before you raise your eyes skyward, let me say that I, personally, don't give a hoot one way or the other.
However, for the benefit of those who care about these things (and their numbers are legion), let us linger a while and ponder the arguments.
This is a typical Northern Ireland problem in that
neither the appellation Derry nor Londonderry is widely acceptable within the confines of the city. Great minds have been taxed in a bid to secure a compromise.
It's a typical Northern Ireland problem. There is no solution. I'm not proud to say that I once, in a moment of madness, applied my own considerably less than great mind to the task at hand and came up with a version of the city's name that even today is used by the desperate.
But Stroke City doesn't please everybody, particularly health professionals who claim that it sends out the wrong message about the physical well-being of the city's inhabitants.
I used to sneer at this approach until I once discovered a book I had written (called Surviving In Stroke City) nestling in the medical section of a major Belfast bookshop.
Other minds have been at work recently allocating tens of thousands of pounds to the erection of stone monoliths on the
outskirts of the metropolis upon which is carved the legend, 'The Walled City.' This pleases nobody, least of all tourists who, upon glimpsing these stark pillars, may still have no idea into which city they are transporting their tourist dollar or yen. The nettle remains, as always, ungrasped.
It's a tale of two cities and a battle between two tribes. Those who talk up the peace process often conveniently ignore the fact that Derry/Londonderry is now, for the first time in its history, completely segregated, slashed down the middle by the curiously ignored River Foyle. The happy clappers rejoice in the fact that sectarian violence is on the wane. They neglect to point out that this is because Protestants and Catholics rarely see each other anymore.
It's only fair to point out that a person using the name Londonderry in casual conversation was often regarded as a person going out of his way to make a crude
political point. It was user-friendlier to say 'Derry' and many did just that. Those who did use 'Derry' may well have been making a political point, too, but it was less likely.
On the other hand, these were also days when the choice of using either 'Derry' or 'Londonderry' could have a considerable effect on a person's health.
Picture a lonely road in the dead of night.
A man is driving wearily home along country roads only to observe ahead the sinister outline of shadowy figures wielding bobbing flashlights. He stops and winds down his window€he has little choice. It could be a legitimate checkpoint. But maybe not.
One of the shadowy figure asks the driver where he is going.
The driver's continued presence on this earth may depend on the answer. If the interrogators are looking for a Protestant to work out on, a reply of 'Derry' may be enough to be granted a welcome gruff: "Off you go, then" . If
it's bad luck to be a Catholic that night, a 'Derry' might just be enough to seriously spoil a man's night.
And that's why people with long memories take these things seriously. I fear it will be forever thus.
But the people of Derry/Londonderry have always displayed a highly developed sense of self-preservation.
During a particularly prolonged gun battle between the Provos and the Army in the Bogside one day many moons ago, a number of more or less innocent bystanders were caught in crossfire and took refuge behind one of the many functioning barricades. One of them had drink taken and, unable to take any more the clatter of wild gunfire, stood up and screamed in the direction of the terrified squaddies: "Go on! Shoot us all, you b******s!"
After an awkward pause, a small, frightened voice was heard from somewhere further along the protective barricade: "Speak for yourself, hi!€"
Paisley is, yet again, trying to play word games with the process. He has said that Sinn Féin must humble itself by endorsing the RUC/PSNI.
This sounds a lot like his "sackcloth and ashes" speech of the recent past. That speech didn't work and neither will this.
He is trying to create division with Republicanism as his own party is split in more places than a Terry's choclate orange. The prospect of Republicans in government with the DUP is enough to give your average DUP voter a coronary embolism.
The DUP is scared that Sinn Féin will call their bluff and show them up for what they are, sectarian bigots!
This is a time
for Republicans to stand as one and take those tough decisions together. The policing issue is quite simple, it hasn't went far enough yet.
The party has already said that unless there is significant movement from the Brits there will be no special Ard Fheis called. Even when one is called it is up to the Sinn Féin membership to decide what is acceptable.
Given all that Sinn Féin members and Republicans in general should have nothing to worry about.
It is the DUP who are on the ropes, let's keep them there!
A nine-year-old boy was found by his father hanging from his bunk bed by his scarf, an inquest in Galway
heard.
Jamie Stone, Corrach Buí, Rahoon, had returned from a friend's birthday party a short time before the accident occurred, on the evening of Saturday, April 8th.
The inquest heard the child had gone upstairs to play in his bedroom while his mother, Carmel, prepared his tea downstairs.
Ten minutes later, when he did not answer after being called, his father Stephen found him hanging by his scarf, which was caught on the bedpost. He immediately took him down, started cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) and called downstairs to his wife to call an ambulance.
The boy's mother, Carmel, a trained nurse, took over the CPR until the ambulance arrived and took him to University College Hospital Galway.
After more than an hour of CPR at the A&E, he was moved to the intensive care unit, where he never regained consciousness and died on April 29th when he was taken off a ventilator.
The inquest
heard that Jamie's scarf was usually left on the end of the bed and it was likely that he had been on the top bunk playing with toy cars before the accident.
Coroner for Galway West, Dr Ciarán McLoughlin, said it was possible the child jumped or fell off the bunk bed, thinking the scarf would uncoil but tragically it did not.
Dr McLoughlin said it only took seconds for a person to lose consciousness and the ability to save oneself or even cry for help.
Kevin Dunne, a consultant paediatrician, said that following 21 days on a ventilator, it was decided to take Jamie off as there was CAT scan evidence that he had severe brain injury and that it was unlikely he would regain an independent life.
Dr Dunne described it as an unfortunate accident but added that boys got involved in these activities all the time and he remembered swinging off a rope when he was the same age, but was thankfully rescued by his
mother.
Dr John Connolly, consultant pathologist, said there had been evidence of extensive brain cell death, similar to that of a stroke, and it was as a result of the accident.
Dr McLoughlin said it had been a very tragic accident. "What started out as a very happy day for a party-going child suddenly turned into a nightmare," he said.
He recorded a verdict of cardio respiratory failure associated with irreversible brain damage due to an accident.
While he is widely considered to be charming and a great networker, Stevens also has a fierce temper
By Jason Bennetto Published: 09 December 2006
A lifetime of dealing with conniving,
obstructive, abusive and occasionally violent individuals is about to be put to good use by Lord John Stevens. Next Thursday, the former head of the Metropolitan Police is due to publish a report into one of the most sensational and controversial events in modern times: the death of Diana, Princess of Wales. The following week the 64-year-old is expected to unveil his final judgment on the explosive sporting issue of whether English soccer clubs are offering hefty bungs to secure players.
The contents of these two hugely anticipated - not to mention costly - reports will test the decorated former police chief's reputation as a fearless investigator who gets results. It will also test out the theory held by several of his senior ex-colleagues that the man affectionately known to them as "JS" is blessed with good fortune, or luck.
But if - as widely tipped - Stevens fails to come up with any hard evidence of
illegal football backhanders, and merely confirms previous findings that the Princess died at the hands of her drunken chauffeur, then get ready for some ferocious mauling by the sports media, Mohamed Al Fayed - whose son Dodi perished in the 1997 crash in Paris - and the millionaire's supporters in the press.
But if anyone can pull off this two-report trick and end up satisfying and surprising most people, then the evidence to date would suggest that John Arthur Stevens is the man. In a way his 42-year career has been building to this moment. He started as a tough street cop who on his way to the top of the police career ladder restored the Met's reputation and saw off one of the country's most powerful politicians - David Blunkett, the then home secretary.
Since stepping down as the Met's commissioner in January 2005, he has moved seamlessly from the label of "Britain's top cop" to become "Britain premier private
investigator". Added to that title could arguably go "Britain's best-paid former bobby".
Born in Kent, the young Stevens wanted to emulate his father and become a pilot, but poor eyesight wrecked his boyhood dream. Instead he joined the Metropolitan Police at the age of 20 and spent his formative policing years on the beat on Tottenham Court Road in London. He moved over to CID and earned the nickname "Swifty" Stevens for his impressive arrest record. There followed various senior posts on several police forces before he took over from Sir Paul Condon, now Lord Condon, at the Met in 2000.
He proved his staying power and appetite for handling long, complex and dangerous investi-gations with a series of inquiries into collusion between the Army, police and loyalist gunmen in Northern Ireland. The linked inquiries lasted 13 years and ended in 2003 with a hard-hitting report that led to convictions.
His
experiences in Northern Ireland proved he would not be intimidated. During the early investigations, a supposedly secure office used by the police in Northern Ireland was burnt down in a suspect arson by rogue members of the Army - yet this failed to scare him off. On another occasion while conducting his collusion inquiry, he famously confronted a group of loyalist paramilitaries who had come to a hotel bar apparently to scare him off, two of whom he later described as "particularly notorious loyalist murderers". Stevens later recalled that he walked over to them and said: "You're not going to frighten us. Bugger off." They turned tail, "leaving their drinks unfinished".
His experiences in Northern Ireland also revealed a tactic he has successfully repeated throughout his career - making sure he has a good deputy to carry out much of the hard graft and deal with the unglamorous, tricky material. In Northern Ireland he
had Hugh Orde, who went on to become the head of the police force in Northern Ireland and is the front runner to become the next commissioner of the Met. At Scotland Yard he had Ian Blair, now Sir Ian, who took over the force in 2005. Sir Ian spent much of his time as deputy making apologies for various blunders made by the Met.
Similarly, the current Princess Diana inquiry is being carried out by a 12-strong team of top detectives, which was headed by a hugely experienced detective, assistant commissioner Alan Brown, until he surprised many by taking up a £250,000 post this summer as head of security at Tesco.
Stevens admits that detail and micro-management are not his strong points. He prefers strong inspirational leadership, broad messages and delegation. One former colleague put it another way: "He would bark out orders and expect everyone to make them work. He didn't want a great deal of debate about things -
it was very much do it, or face a bollocking."
While Stevens is widely considered to be a genuinely charming man and a great networker, he also has a fierce temper and was notorious for ripping into officers who failed to impress him. "Being bawled out by JS was a pretty unpleasant experience. He could seem as nice as pie one minute and then roast you," recalled one of his senior aides at the Met. Others say that his outburst were "controlled and deliberate". "He knew what was doing," said one insider.
His temper did have its comic moments. On one occasion he pulled a police staff member out of the lift and was about to give him a tongue lashing for ignoring several questions from the commissioner, only to be told that the man was deaf.
It was Stevens' combination of strong leadership, rebuilding the London force, and focusing on catching criminals that helped him to turn around the fortunes of Met. When
he arrived as deputy commissioner in 1998, the Macpherson inquiry into the handling of the killing of the black teenager Stephen Lawrence, which had branded the police as "institutionally racist", was gnawing away at the reputation of an underfunded, undermanned, sometimes corrupt and generally unloved force. By the time he left in 2005, the Met was nearing full strength at 35,000 (it has since risen to 40,000) and meeting its targets, and enjoyed the highest public confidence of any force in the country.
While Stevens has been credited with reversing the Met's fortunes and regaining public confidence, some of his senior officers believe that is not the whole story. "Throughout his time as commissioner he was bloody lucky," said one senior Met officer. "He never had to deal with the aftermath of a major terrorist attack - unlike Ian Blair who had the July 7 suicide bombers land on his plate within months of taking over -
and the Home Office was keen to dish out money. He was good, but he also had good fortune."
Many people also forget that Stevens was commissioner when the Met adopted the controversial "shoot to kill" tactic for dealing for suicide bombers, yet it is his successor Sir Ian who is getting the flak for the fatal shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes, a Brazilian electrician, who was mistaken for a terrorist.
One area in which things did not run smoothly was Stevens' relationship with David Blunkett, the former home secretary. Stevens was convinced that Blunkett continually ran him down in newspaper articles and briefed against him. Eventually the commissioner snapped, informing "friends close to senior sources in the Government'' that he would come out fighting if Blunkett continued to snipe at him. After that the damaging press reports ceased.
While his work has always been controversial, his family life is much
more straightforward. He has been married to Cynthia, a former nurse, for more than 40 years and they have three children, one of whom is a policeman. He is considered by most who meet as a decent and honest man - old-fashioned virtues, perhaps.
His conservative tastes were reflected in his choice of music on a recent appearance on Radio 4's Desert Island Discs - among the tracks were "Jerusalem", "Reach for the Sky", performed by the RAF central band, and "When the Saints Go Marching In" by the band of the Royal Marines. His love of fine wines - which once earned him the nickname of Captain Beaujolais - was also evident in his choice of luxury on his imaginary island: a cellar of champagne.
Since leaving the post of commissioner, Stevens has capitalised on his expertise and good name. He has a lucrative contract to write a weekly column for the News of the World, and is a non-executive director for Travelex, the
foreign exchange firm, a forensic science firm, and a financial services company.
He continues to head the Princess Diana inquiry, which has so far cost an estimated £2m; that includes Stevens' personal fee - paid directly by the Metropolitan Police Authority. The former police chief is well aware of the significance and interest in his three-year inquiry, codenamed Operation Paget. But it seems unlikely that, whatever the inquiry uncovers, it will satisfy Mohamed Al Fayed who refuses to believe the crash was an accident, persistently claiming that Princess Diana was pregnant and the couple were assassinated by MI6 or security forces to prevent embarrassing the Royal Family. Others see the inquiry as a waste of time and money, that is partly being carried out to appease the media and the owner of Harrods. A French investigation has already blamed the driver Henri Paul for driving while drunk and at high speed when the
car they were travelling in hit a pillar in the Pont de l'Alma tunnel.
Stevens acknowledges the huge interest in the case and seems to revel in being in the thick of it. He said recently: "The press see the deaths of Princess Diana and Dodi Fayed in the same light as the deaths of JFK and Marilyn Monroe. Make no mistake about it - it is news around the world. People are watching and waiting to see what conclusions we come up with, so the thoroughness of the investigation is very, very important. We must do it absolutely right.''
For his other inquiry, into football corruption, Stevens is using the private investigation company Quest, of which he is chairman, to carry out the work for an estimated £900,000. The 20-strong team has been concentrating on 39 transfer deals involving eight Premiership clubs to try to establish whether illegal payments were made to agents and other interested parties.
Some
commentators have suggested that the Premier League is using the reputation of the former commissioner to help to clear its name. The argument goes that Stevens and his team lack the powers and time to uncover evidence of dirty deals. In response Stevens has vowed: "This inquiry will be thorough, detailed and robust. We will make sure it is successful."
Today it is arguable that no other former or serving police officers is held in such high esteem as Stevens. But if he is to get through to Christmas with his reputation and temper intact, he will need all of his vast experience and charm. Not to mention a bit of luck. ----
A Life in Brief
BORN 21 October 1942 in Kent; the son of an airline pilot.
EDUCATION Leicester and Southampton universities
FAMILY Married to Cynthia; two boys and a girl - a policeman, an accountant and a barrister.
CAREER 1962: Joined Metropolitan Police, first job as a
PC on Tottenham Court Road, rising to detective chief superintendent; 1986: assistant chief constable, Hampshire; 1989: deputy chief constable, Cambridgeshire; 1991: chief constable, Northumbria; 1996: HM inspector of constabulary;1998: deputy commissioner, Metropolitan Police; 2000: knighted and made commissioner; January 2005: retired as commissioner and out of police service; April 2005: created a life peer as Baron Stevens of Kirkwhelpington
HE SAYS "There are things I know, certain secrets, that I could never tell anyone - not even my wife. They will go with me to the grave, and that is where some of them should stay."
THEY SAY "I have faith that Lord Steven's investigation will come to the right conclusion" - Mohammed Al Fayed, on the investigation into the death of his son and Princess Diana
A painting by notorious loyalist Michael Stone has been withdrawn from an internet auction site.
The oil painting, titled, Kneeling Nude on a Red Background, had appeared on eBay with an asking price of almost £10,000.
Four offers were made for the painting since it was put up for sale on November 29, but the "buy now" price of £9,995 had not been met before it was pulled 20 hours before the auction was due to close.
A spokesperson for eBay could not tell the Belfast Telegraph if the painting had sold or had simply been removed.
Stone is currently in custody charged with attempting to murder five people, including Sinn Fein
leaders Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness in a one- man attack on the Assembly building at Stormont during a debate last month.
Images of the 51-year-old were flashed around the world as cameras captured him trapped in a revolving door while being held by security staff.
He was later charged with five attempted murders, possession of pipe bomb-style explosives, knives and a replica firearm.
Stone had previously been sentenced to almost 700 years in jail for six murders, three of which were committed during a lone gun and grenade attack on an IRA funeral in Belfast in 1988.
Stone learned to paint during his time in the Maze prison.
He was released on licence in 2000 as part of the Good Friday Agreement after serving 12 years in prison.
His early-release licence has since been suspended by Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain.
The eBay text describes the 37in x 29in painting as "an original
signed masterpiece from Michael Stone's collection complete with a signed photoset dated 2006.
"His paintings are vivid and not so much political as topical, but masterpieces of history."
A seven-metre bronze sculpture has been installed in Bantry, west Cork, to commemorate around 400 people who died in tragedies in and around Bantry Bay.
The dead include 51 people who lost their lives when an oil tanker exploded at Whiddy Island in 1979, and 329 people who perished when an Air India flight was bombed 21 years ago.
On 8 January 1979, a French tanker, Betelguese, exploded as it unloaded 22,000 tons of Saudi crude
oil at the Whiddy terminal.
50 people, including locals and tanker crew, died in the explosion. Another person died subsequently.
Six years later, 329 people lost their lives when an Air India flight from Toronto via London to Bombay was blown up off the Irish coast.
Cork County Council, Bantry Town Council and the local harbour board commissioned the sculpture.
It was created by Paddy Campbell, owner of the Campbell Bewley catering group, at his studio in Florence in Italy.
The sculpture, 'The Spirit of Love', comprises a man and a woman reaching towards each other to touch hands. It is located on a promontory on the water's edge.
[Published: Wednesday 6, December 2006 - 19:59] By By Linda McKee
Take a trek past rolling white surf and pale sands cradled in the fresh green headlands of the Causeway Coast as you follow the waymarked trail from Dunseverick Castle to Carrick-a-rede Rope Bridge.
It's one of the most peaceful sections of the 33-mile Causeway Coast Way, which follows a waymarked track along the spectacular north coast of Ulster between Portstewart and Ballycastle.
The Waymarked Way passes through magnificent coastline scenery with fine views of wide bays, sandy beaches, dramatic cliffs and offshore rocks. It takes you through an Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty, several Areas of Special Scientific Interest and a World Heritage
Site.
Directions
From Dunseverick lay-by, cross the stile beside a telegraph pole; a grassy track leads around the cliff tops. Cross the Milltown Burn at the footbridge, from which the path winds through a cove and joins the minor road leading to Dunseverick Harbour. At the harbour car park a stile leads to a series of rocky bays. The walk passes through the arch at Gid Point before passing uneven rocks at Portbraddan.
More uneven rocks and chalk boulders can be crossed to reach White Park Bay.
Alternatively, and during high tides, the beach can be reached by taking the winding road up to the main coast road and rejoining the shore further east via the track at the Youth Hostel onto White Park Bay. The beach offers easy walking along its length.
At the narrow end cross a stile leading past rock stacks. The path follows low dunes and damp pastures to Ballintoy Harbour.
From the harbour, follow
the winding road uphill towards the main coast road.
At the corner opposite the church, a stile leads to a fenced path. The path crosses fields leading to Larrybane, giving spectacular views of Sheep Island, with Rathlin and the Scottish islands beyond.
This section offers the option of following the pathway around the bay to the famous rope bridge of Carrick-a-rede.
Return from Carrick-a-rede to Larrybane car park.
What to bring
As a general rule, it is best to be over-prepared. Waterproof and windproof clothing are essential and strong walking boots are also advised. Walkers should carry enough food and water for the walk and for emergencies, as well as taking a first aid kit. Let someone know of your intended route before you leave.
The history
The Causeway Coast has a rich maritime heritage of historic monuments and buildings.
From earliest times, the sea has been important for
its trade and communications and as a source of food. Fishing and gathering seaweed and shellfish have been an integral part of life on the coast.
Before refrigeration was available, ice collected in winter was stored in ice-houses, some of which are dotted around the landscape. These stone buildings were usually covered by earth and sods for insulation.
Farm settlements often took the form of clachans - irregular groups of single storey farms, many of which retain their traditional character.
Part of a tower is all that remains of Dunseverick Castle, which was destroyed by a Scottish army sent here in 1642 under the command of General Munro to combat the 1641 rebellion. The ruin dates to the mid-1500s and was probably built by the McDonnell clan who had established a power base along the north coast.
Surrounded by the ocean on three sides, Dunseverick was a key ancient site in Ireland and one of the
royal roads from Tara, seat of the Kings of Ireland, ended there.
The National Trust pioneered today's waymarked route in the early 1960s when it established the North Antrim Cliff Path from the Giant's Causeway to Dunseverick Castle. Parts of the route were put in place more than 150 years ago as paths created by fishermen, seaweed gatherers and coastal farmers.
The backdrop
White Park Bay is breathtaking in its beauty and pristine landscape and an excellent place to sit for a picnic. The dunes of White Park Bay form an Area of Special Scientific Interest.
Whitepark Bay was one of the first settlements of man in Ireland. Neolithic man manufactured and exported axes and arrow heads from here due to the limestone cliffs being a rich source of flint nodules.
Three passage tombs stand on the high points of surrounding hills overlooking the bay, the most striking being the dolmen known as the Druid's
Altar, which was placed on the highest point above the bay.
White Park Bay's archaeological, biological and geological riches became a magnet to the scientifically curious from the early years of the 19th century.
It became a rich collecting ground for organisations such as the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society, the Belfast Naturalists' Field Club and a continuing pilgrimage of eager amateurs and professionals because of the ammonite, bivalve, brachiopod and gastropod fossils abundant in the rocks.
Grey seals have been spotted here, and there have been sightings of the common lizard and pigmy shrew. Fulmars and swifts nest in the cliffs, and the bay is noted for its wild orchids, with eight species recorded.
Sheep Island, visible from Ballintoy port harbour, is important for its colonies of birds, such as cormorants. The island was once used for grazing sheep.
Larrybane Quarry is one
of the most sheltered bays along the coast, as it is protected by Sheep Island and a shallow reef. The silent, beautiful quarry now has a unique industrial archaeology feel to it.
Carrick-a-rede marks the sea migration route of salmon past the island. Local fishermen have kept a summer rope bridge here for 300 years. Now more of a tourist attraction, Carrick-a-rede Rope Bridge has challenged the nerve of all its visitors. Those brave enough to cross the 24m deep Atlantic chasm will enjoy stunning views over the sea to Scotland.
Waymarked Ways
This walk is part of the Moyle Waymarked Way, a route of almost 33 miles extending from the tourist town of Portstewart through the magnificent causeway coast to Ballycastle.
The Waymarked Ways are an initiative of the Countryside Access and Activities Network and are a series of walking routes which pass through some of the most beautiful scenery in Northern
Ireland.
These walking routes are well signed with waymarked posts, have excellent infrastructure in place and interpretation panels throughout the walks, providing information on local history, natural features and wildlife.
For further information on walking and other outdoor activities, contact CAAN at 028 9030 3930. Countryside Access and Activities Network (CAAN) in association with Belfast Telegraph have provided this information. Every care has been taken to ensure accuracy. CAAN and Belfast Telegraph, however, cannot accept responsibility for errors or omissions but where such are brought to our attention, the information for future publications will be amended accordingly.