I LOVED SCALIA.
One of the most engaging and thoughtful judicial writers in the
history of the republic.
I'll miss the literary jewels guaranteed to arrive late in the month
every June ... even recently, at a time when most agree his powers
of reasoning were well on the wane. Gems lodged in his magical
vocabulary died with him and that's just sad. His creativity as a
writer is what I'll miss most. A master of judicial rhetoric.
I'll miss the sad squirmings of mere mortals appearing as attorneys
before him.
A GIANT of the law. Truly a unique character in the American story.
His death was a shock despite his age, mostly because he was such an
immovable force in the public life of our nation. His persona
ascended to the mythic. He was our Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., so
singular was his presence. Brennan and Marshall are heroes of mine.
And the court's never seen leadership like that of Chief Justice
Warren. But the conservative cause had no such soaring hero during
my life. Until Scalia. Sure, part of it was his pizazz. But the
numbers
don't lie.
I will miss him in so many ways. I wish I agreed with him more. Now,
so soon, it really doesn't seem to matter much.
I've been enriched in my life in the law by the challenges he placed
before me: to read him, comprehend his vision, and try to undermine
the logic and integrity of opinions I found myself unable to accept.
He's the touchstone of what constitutional conservatism has become.
The strength of his positions has always been a moderating influence
on my own. I thank him for that. It is clear that many arguments
over what the Constitution compels and tolerates are simply moral
pretensions. Though I agree with many of the rights-claims upheld by
the Warren and Burger courts, and few of those advanced under
Rehnquist and Roberts, the constitutional premises of the
rights-revolution of the Sixties and Seventies are sometimes
inventive at best. And that should give no one great comfort.
(Scalia was constantly hounded by questions about how he would have
voted on
Brown v. Board. See
this
article for an interesting critical exploration.)
In the end, Scalia was perhaps far more confident in the resilience
of our democracy than most of us are. He certainly was a profound
realist about such matters. His cynicism about the limits of federal
power is well founded. We'll cite him every time it's our rights
imperiled by an administration we distrust. That said, his writings
often give shorter shrift to the rights of minorities in our
politics than I would have liked. It was a pleasure to part ways
with him on such issues, because the burden of securing positions
opposed to his, based on sound reasoning, was a high one to
overcome. "I think even Scalia would agree ...." is a weighty and
meaningful assertion. It is a statement fitting very few justices
I've had the pleasure of reading.
Scalia consistently argued that the Constitution did not allow the
Court to be the sole defender of liberty, because that would
invariably traipse upon the rights of the people, their states, and
the other branches of government. Choosing the circumstances when
the judiciary simply must save us from politics remains a rather
arbitrary exercise, I'm afraid. But we find our way. And the
stability of the balance we strike depends on purposeful wisdom from
all sides.
Personally I'm thankful those Scalian limits lose the argument as
often as they do. And maybe they should, for the good of all. But
he'll always be with me, reminding me that defenders of liberty at
every turn must carefully watch out what they ask for, lest next
time they be on the losing end of what he saw as judicial excess.
Those projecting political bias and moral evil upon him treated him
unfairly, particularly so soon
post mortem.
It must be said, by anyone serious about the law and the
Constitution, that the quality of American jurisprudence is for now
greatly impoverished by the passing of Antonin Scalia.