Since the advent of big data, social scientists tried
to ‘unlock’ the cultural power embedded in them, by
extracting qualitative ‘thick’ data from huge amount of
quantitative digital data (Ford 2014). This ambitious
methodological endeavour has been undertaken by several
scholars from different fields in social science, giving
birth to numerous innovative research approaches and
techniques. One of the most effective efforts in this
direction has been developed by STS scholars who adapted
the language and methodological array of
Actor-Network-Theory to the analysis of big data
(Vertesi and Ribes 2019) – including works on digital
mapping of scientific controversies (Venturini 2010;
2012; Marres, 2015), digital network analysis (Cambrosio
et al. 2014; Venturini et al., 2021), or the application
of co-word analysis on web content (Venturini and Guido
2012; Eykens et al. 2021). Other notable contributions
have been forthcoming from digital methods (Rogers
2009), computational approaches (Giglietto, Rossi,
Bennato 2012), interface methods (Marres and Gertliz
2015), and platform methods (Nieborg et al. 2020) to the
exploration and understanding of the huge repositories
of qualitative data on social media (Lewis et al. 2013;
Niederer 2016; Rieder et al. 2018). Similarly, various
ethnographic approaches have tried to mix ethnographic
observation with the use of digital tools for data
collection and analysis, such as ethnomining
(Aipperspach et al. 2006), trace ethnography (Geiger and
Ribes 2011), ethnography for the Internet (Hine, 2015),
computational ethnography (Elish and boyd, 2017),
digital methods for ethnography (Caliandro 2018),– just
to name a few.
Notwithstanding the exceptional advancements in this
direction, in our opinion, qualitative analysis of big
data and the exploration of cultural processes within
them are still underdeveloped (Pedersen 2021). On the
one hand, so far one of the main (and probably the best)
strategies to extract ‘thick description’ from big data
consists in conducting manual analysis (via traditional
qualitative techniques, such as qualitative content
analysis or ethnographic observation) on small sample of
digital data (Caliandro and Gandini 2017), as adopted
for example in social media research on public opinion
(Dragotto et al. 2020), fandoms (Arvidsson et al. 2016),
brand culture (Schöps et al. 2020), micro-celebrity
(Marwick and boyd 2011), or platform vernaculars (Gibbs
et al. 2015). For how insightful and innovative these
studies could be, they are nonetheless difficult to
reproduce on a large scale. On the other hand, there
exist computational approaches that focus precisely on
‘cultural data’, like cultural analytics (Manovich
2009), which use automated image recognition techniques
to explore huge quantities of visual data (Manovich
2017). Such approach considers images as data, meaning
that it focuses more on structural characteristic of
images (e.g., colours, filters, resolution, etc.),
rather than the content per se (Niederer and Colombo
2019).
As a matter of fact, it appears to be still quite
arduous to take advantage of digital methods and
computational techniques to automate the qualitative
analysis and cultural interpretation of digital content
on a very large scale - despite the attempts being made
in this direction (among others Bennato 2021; Cambrosio
et al. 2020).
Anyhow, it seems that new methodological possibilities,
helpful to fill this gap, are now emerging, especially
referring to two current ‘technical’ trends. First,
several major digital platforms are starting to release
ad hoc tools (seldom based on artificial intelligence)
specifically meant to perform qualitative analysis on
digital cultural objects as well as support researchers
in their interpretation. These include Google Vision
API, a machine learning-based image recognition toolkit
(Mulfari et al. 2016) that provides modules to
automatically analyse images based on: a) the content of
the image itself (image-label); b) its specific
‘audiencing’ through references obtained from the web
(image-web entities); and c) the sites of image
circulation (image-domain) (Omena et al. 2021, 4). Or
CrowdTangle – featured by Facebook – that in its
dashboard includes a ‘meme search’ function (Fraser
2021). Not to mention GPT-3 (now a product of
Microsoft): an artificial intelligence application that
is able to autonomously write a text provided a specific
question from the user (Schmelzer 2021) (e.g., ‘can I
get a poem please?’ Or even better ‘can I get a research
report on the topic X?’).
Second, the current processes of platformization of the
web (Helmond 2015), and the subsequent platformization
of culture (Duffy et al. 2019), put into motion a
progressive standardization of web content as well as
their production; a condition that (hypothetically)
makes the tracing, analysis, and interpretation of
cultural content easier and possibly scalable on larger
datasets. A sheer example of such standardization of
cultural processes and social dynamics within social
media platforms is represented by Internet memes
(Shifman 2014). Memes are “collections of standardized
multimodal texts spreading rapidly across digital
networks, which consist in user-created derivatives that
stem from an original piece of content” (Caliandro and
Anselmi 2021, 5; see also Milner, 2016). Memes are
becoming very common and widespread means of interaction
and communication among the massive and dispersed
publics populating social media. Thanks to memes the
dispersed users of social media can ‘simulate’
conversations on disparate topics (e.g., politics or
social trends) (Rogers 2019). Furthermore, memes amount
to be not only cultural objects or means of
communication, but also provide the structural and
semantic template that inform other forms of cultural
production on social media. Consider for example the
memetic logics informing the visual production of
brands’ fans on Instagram (Caliandro and Anselmi 2021),
or teenagers’ self-presentation strategies on TikTok
(Zulli and Zulli 2020). Framed in this way, Internet
memes are not mere cultural object to study, but also
methodological resources that work as a heuristic to
identify, follow, analyze, and interpret processes of
platformization of culture in social media (Nieborg et
al., 2020). In this sense, memes look very much like
Tardian’s monads (Tarde/Clark, 2010), which, in the
epistemological elaboration of Bruno Latour, can be
considered as single
(digital) entities that contain “a representation, a
reflection, or an interpretation of a whole set of other
elements borrowed by from the world around [them]”
(Latour 2010, 57; Latour et al. 2012).
Therefore, more generally speaking, we can argue that
from digital platforms a sort of new infrastructure of
‘cultural machines’ is emerging – made by an assemblage
of platforms, pieces of software, content, and
participatory cultures – that can be used as a
methodological resource to extract ‘thick descriptions’
from big data as well as interpret and analyse complex
cultural processes on a very large scale.
Given this emerging scenario and new methodological
possibilities, we welcome contributors who are willing
to address the methodological challenges outlined above.
Possible questions to address (but not limited to
these):
- How to repurpose (commercial) artificial intelligence
services and products for socio-anthropological research
purposes?
- How to use computational techniques to develop thick
descriptions on big data?
- Can we use digital methods to (methodologically)
follow cultural objects, beyond the medium?
- How to fruitfully combine ethnography with
computational techniques?
- Methods to address the platformization of cultural
production in social media.
- What is the nexus between platform logics,
functioning, affordances, and public opinion?
- The standardization of citizens and consumers’
behavior brought about by surveillance capitalism.
- Innovative (quali-quanti) methods to study the
Internet memes and meme culture.
- The Internet memes as methodological heuristics to
study cultural processes in digital environments.
- Memetic practices on TikTok.
- To what extent can memes be considered as monads?
- To what extent Tarde’s theory of monads can be useful
to study memes and other digital cultural objects
populating digital environments as well as frame them as
methodological resources?
- Using sentiment analysis beyond brand reputation
(e.g., for tracing, mapping, and understating complex
socio-cultural phenomena like affective publics or
digital affect cultures).
- Methodological limits and possibilities of Google
Vision API, Meme Spector, CrowdTangle, GPT-3, IBM Watson
and other ‘cultural machines’.
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