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Taking COSATU Today Forward Special Bulletin
‘Whoever sides with the revolutionary people in deed as well as in word is a revolutionary in the full sense’-Maoo

Our side of the story
5 November 2025
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Contents
Workers’ Parliament-Back2Basics
COSATU presented its submission on the Special Appropriation Bill to Parliament
Matthew Parks, COSATU Parliamentary Coordinator, 05 November 2025
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) presented its submission on the Special Appropriation Bill to Parliament’s Select Committee on Appropriations. The Bill provides an additional R754 million to the Department of Health in response to R4 billion in funding cuts from the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) for HIV/AIDs and other public healthcare programmes.
The United States President’s Emergency Plan for HIV/AIDS (PEPFAR) funding through USAID and the National Institute for Health (NIH) and the Centre for Disease Control (CDC) has played an invaluable role in the African continent and in particular South Africa as an epicentre of the global pandemic of HIV/AIDS. These programmes have helped prolong and save the lives of millions, in particular the poor, across South Africa and Africa over the past 22 years. This has enabled recipients of these healthcare programmes to continue working and leading active lives.
COSATU was extremely distressed by the impact of the sudden cut in funding through USAID to more than 500 000 South Africans living with HIV/AIDS in February this year. We were equally concerned about the loss of funding for the jobs of 20 000 university, community health and NGO workers.
We had engaged the South African government to cover the funding shortfall equivalent initially to R4 billion dispensed through USAID. We have been pleased that an equivalent R4 billion funding through the NIH has continued and that the CDC subsequently authorised the release of R2 billion to minimise the impact of the funding cuts on lives.
Whilst welcoming the R754 million supplementary allocation by the Bill for the Department of Health, we remain disappointed that it does not cover the full funding shortfall and in essence there remains a gap of R1.25 billion. This was largely for university and NGO community health clinics. These losses remain.
We are equally disappointed that it took so long for government to provide additional funding. The consequences are that those university, community and NGO health workers remain unemployed and the invaluable lifesaving work they did, has ended.
The Federation appreciates that since the initial flurry of communication in February, that funding has continued through the NIH and CDC. The South African government should engage these partners on the possibilities of continuing such important partnerships.
It is equally fundamental that government and Parliament ensure that the 2026/27 Budget and the Medium-Term Expenditure Framework provides the Department of Health the resources it requires to fulfill its constitutional mandate to provide public healthcare for all South Africans and that the journey to rolling out the National Health Insurance as the foundation for universal healthcare is expedited.
Whilst welcoming financial and other support from the US, Europe, China and any other nations, such resources should be utilised to build clinics and hospitals, invest in infrastructure capacity and purchase ambulances and other physical assets. This will help minimise disruptions when such funding inevitably comes to an end.
Issued by COSATU
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COSATU to host lectures in the lead up to 40th anniversary
Zanele Sabela, COSATU National Spokesperson, 25 September 2025
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is set the host a series of lectures in the lead up to its 40th anniversary celebration at Dobsonville Stadium on 6 December.
The culmination of four years of unity talks, COSATU came into being on 1 December 1985, and brought together 33 competing unions and federations opposed to apartheid and whose common goal was to bring about a non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society.
The Federation has been at the forefront of advancing, defending and protecting the interests and rights of workers since, and has led in the formation of the country’s progressive labour laws including workers’ rights to form trade unions, collective bargaining and to strike, minimum conditions of service, National Minimum Wage, etc.
From its vehement resistance of apartheid to the ushering in of the democratic dispensation and improving the economic and social wellbeing of the working class 31 years post democracy, COSATU has stood the test of time.
In the lead up to its 40th anniversary in December, the Federation will host a variety of activities starting with a series of lectures by its National Office Bearers.
The lectures will tackle diverse subjects from COSATU’s pivotal role in gender struggles to the strike that broke the back of industry-wide exploitative labour practices as far back as 1959.
Province:
North-West
Date:
19 November
Topic: Strengthening Industrial Unions to build a militant COSATU
Main Speaker: Duncan Luvuno, COSATU 2nd Deputy President
Province:
Eastern Cape
Date:
20 November
Topic: COSATU and the Reconfiguration of the Alliance
Main Speaker: Mike Shingange, COSATU 1st Deputy President
Province:
Gauteng
Date:
21 November
Topic: COSATU and the Mass Democratic Movement
Main Speaker: Zingiswa Losi, COSATU President
Issued by COSATU
COSATU Mpumalanga stands in solidarity with the family of Sergeant Mokoena and calls for no bail for his alleged killers
Thabo Mokoena, COSATU Mpumalanga Provincial Secretary, 5 November 2025
The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) in Mpumalanga is deeply saddened and angered by the brutal murder of Sergeant Tshepo Mokoena, who was gunned down near his home in Grootvlei Balfour, allegedly by individuals linked to drug syndicates. This cowardly act is a direct attack on the safety of our communities and the integrity of our law enforcement institutions.
Sergeant Mokoena was a committed officer who served with honour and dedication. His death is a painful reminder of the dangers faced daily by those who protect and serve. COSATU Mpumalanga extends heartfelt condolences to his family, friends, and colleagues. We stand firmly with them in their time of grief and in their demand for justice.
COSATU Mpumalanga:
The Federation reiterates that an attack on a police officer is an attack on the state and on every law-abiding citizen. We will not allow criminals to terrorise our communities and silence those who stand against them.
COSATU Mpumalanga will mobilise its affiliates and civil society organizations to join the picket and demand justice for Sergeant Mokoena. We call on all peace-loving South Africans to stand with us in solidarity.
Issued by: COSATU Mpumalanga Provincial Office
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SAMWU welcomes Tshwane's decision to honour salary and wage collective agreement
Dumisane Magagula SAMWU General Secretary, 5 November 2025
The South African Municipal Workers’ Union (SAMWU) notes and welcomes the official statement by Deputy Executive Mayor and MMC for Finance, Cllr Eugene Modise, confirming that the City will not pursue an appeal or review of the South African Local Government Bargaining Council (SALGBC) award regarding the 3.5% salary increase due to municipal workers for the 2021/2022 financial year.
This decision, announced on 4 November 2025, is a commendable demonstration of responsibility, and SAMWU congratulates the current administration for finally coming to its senses. By respecting the ruling, the City is not only upholding the integrity of the collective bargaining process, but is, more importantly, beginning the crucial work of reversing the past injustices of the DA-led administration which created the financial and labour mess that workers and the City alike find themselves in.
SAMWU fought tirelessly to expose the deceitful attempts by previous administrations to evade their contractual obligations. We are vindicated by this development, and we stand ready to engage constructively with the City's management on the practical, convenient, and sustainable modalities for the immediate implementation of our members' outstanding 3.5% salary increases. As a mandate driven organisation, we will, throughout this process, be guided by our members.
This victory is a seismic reaffirmation of the sacrosanct principle of collective bargaining in the local government sector. When a collective agreement is signed in good faith, it is legally binding, and no political administration, regardless of its ideological leaning or transient financial claims, has the authority to unilaterally undermine it. This moment serves as a powerful deterrent to any future employer that seeks to discard workers’ contractual rights under the guise of affordability, especially when such claims are rooted in poor governance and political expediency.
For our members, this payment is not just overdue increases, but also it is a vital lifeline. Workers have endured years of punishing economic conditions such as skyrocketing fuel costs, punitive interest rate hikes, and inflationary pressure on essential goods, while watching their wages stagnate due to political malice. The City’s failure to pay these legally due increases has subjected our members to financial hardship, debt, and compromised living standards. This back-pay is an urgent injection needed to alleviate that sustained economic pain.
However, we are not celebrating at this point. We will only celebrate once our hardworking members have been paid their full backdated increases. The City is simply doing the right thing and complying with a legal and binding collective agreement. We urge management to now focus all efforts on ensuring these payments are made sooner rather than later.
This is a critical step towards genuine labour stability in Tshwane. We demand the City demonstrate this renewed commitment to workers by prioritising the payment. The same maturity that the City is now showing on this ruling must also be extended to address the issue of the unfairly dismissed 41 employees. These employees were dismissed for demanding these very same increases. As the Union has been vindicated on these increases, we firmly believe that this is the moment for the City to end the gross injustice and immediately reinstate all 41 workers. Compliance must be total, not selective.
Issued by SAMWU Secretariat
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SACP Politburo Statement
Mbulelo Mandlana, SACP Head of Media, Communications and Information, 4 November 2025
The Political Bureau (Politburo) of the South African Communist Party (SACP) convened in Stilfontein in the North West province from Friday, 31 October to Saturday, 1 November 2025. The Politburo discussed economic, political and organisational matters of importance for the working class that the SACP is concerned about as it continues to implement its programme, decided by the Party’s National Congress through declarations and resolutions. This statement conveys the key outcomes of the discussion on the government’s Growth and Inclusion (GAIN) strategy, the People’s Red Caravan and international solidarity.
GAIN, the Same aGAIN
While we have not yet seen the detailed strategy, we have come across a detailed presentation circulating through instant messaging platforms. It appears to be what others have referred to as the leaked GAIN strategy and we focused our discussion on it. There has been no consultation on the GAIN strategy within our Alliance.
In this statement, we are extending our initial critique issued on 12 October 2025, denouncing compradorial policymaking. This refers to the adoption and enforcement of foreign determined policy directions, undermining what should be democratic policymaking sovereignty.
Our initial critique reiterated our rejection of the neo-liberal policy paradigm, altogether with its imperialist, foreign origins and neo-colonial research domination. Our reading of the leaked presentation confirmed the analysis we advanced in the critique. We shall therefore not repeat ourselves, except where it is necessary to emphasise our observations and what needs to be done.
We note with deep concern that the so-called Growth and Inclusion (GAIN) strategy, presented as a framework to revive economic growth and create employment, represents neither a new direction nor a break with the failed economic paradigm that has entrenched unemployment, poverty and inequality crises since 1996. Far from being transformative, the GAIN strategy reproduces the same old economic framework that the SACP has consistently critiqued since at least 2019 and going back to 1996. It is the same as before, merely repackaged and rebranded. Hence the SACP’s description of the GAIN strategy as the Same aGAIN.
The GAIN strategy particularly recycles the 2019 National Treasury document entitled “Economic Transformation, Inclusive Growth and Competitiveness: Towards an Economic Strategy for South Africa”, itself a replication of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s Economic Policy Reforms 2017: Going for Growth prescriptions. This is the same neo-liberal agenda, backed by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, that has generated one of the world’s highest unemployment rates in the Global South and the world over.
The supposed new framework relies on the concept of “binding constraints”, compradorially adopted from the Harvard Growth Lab in the United States. This framework conveniently shifts attention away from the structural contradictions of a capitalist economy marked by deepening labour exploitation by capital, dominance of private over public interest and a neo-liberal macro-economic policy under whose auspices macro-economic problems such as unemployment entrenched and worsened to become a crisis. It is under this paradigm that South Africa has seen continued de-industrialisation and rising dominance by imports as a result, among others, of the trade liberalisation shock therapy implemented under Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR).
Under the neo-liberal paradigm, the economy has recorded devastating unemployment minimum levels above 20 per cent and worsening, defined by the narrow definition that excludes discouraged work seekers. This has been entrenched since 1996 after the adoption of GEAR. Inequality has widened and poverty is persistently high.
In the second quarter of 2025, the narrow, official unemployment rate stood at 33.2 per cent, representing 8.4 million unemployed people who are actively looking for employment, while the expanded rate stood at 42.9 per cent, affecting 12.6 million people active and discouraged work seekers combined. These figures are not the outcome of slow implementation but the direct result of the chosen macro-economic paradigm, including rapid trade and financial liberalisation under GEAR, among others. The failure is structural and systemic. It lies in the logic of profit accumulation that most of all prioritises the interests of finance capital while sacrificing productive investment and social well-being and development.
Those who are not excluded from employment are included through being locked into the yoke of exploitation by the capitalist bosses. Like those locked into unemployment, they too remain excluded from ownership and management control. They have no means of production of their own and no share in the profits and capital their labour creates. In its logic of “inclusion”, the Same aGAIN says absolutely nothing about this economic and social injustice. It does not see it. Hence, it is devoid of a strategy to redress the historical injustice. What inclusion is this?
The Same aGAIN strategy maintains fiscal consolidation as its cornerstone. This is austerity dressed up as prudence and fiscal discipline. It is presented as a path to stability, yet in practice it has suppressed growth, not to speak of shared growth as the cornerstone of inclusion. Fiscal consolidation has constrained public investment and maintained under-resourcing in public healthcare, education and social services, leading to underperformances with far-reaching implications. These include patients who die as a result of overcrowding and under resourcing in hospitals, with long waiting lists for critical healthcare.
The government’s continued adherence to self-imposed “fiscal anchors” to enforce austerity under fiscal consolidation demonstrates its surrender to the dictates of monopoly finance capital. Austerity has created a vicious cycle in which expenditure cuts suppress growth, slower growth reduces revenue, and declining revenue leads to further cuts. This cycle has trapped the economy in stagnation and deepened the suffering of the working class and poor in a situation where the government has to intervene to turn around domestic productive capacity, raise the levels of national production and create employment at a scale that will resolve the unemployment crisis.
The fiasco around the proposed value-added tax increase in the first half of 2025 revealed the contradictions within the government of coalition unity designer-labelled “government of national unity”. While the proposal was publicly opposed by the DA, its leadership simultaneously demanded deeper cuts inspired by the extremist austerity of Argentina’s Javier Milei administration.
Behind closed doors, as the public has heard from their government of coalition unity allies, the right-wing, neo-liberal DA opposed to the Freedom Charter supported the VAT increase in exchange of power accumulation favours. It was after their demand was not met that they seemed to strongly advance their gimmick in the public.
The VAT fiasco exposed austerity as not merely a technical adjustment but a political weapon that constrains transformation and narrows the role of the state. It has prevented the state from using fiscal policy to drive shared growth, industrialisation and employment creation at the scale that can resolve the unemployment crisis, condemning millions of our people to perpetual stagnation.
The Same aGAIN framework further entrenches privatisation through liberalisation in favour of private profit interests and competition in network industries, presenting this as “modernisation”. Calling state control “monopoly”, as the Minister of Finance, Enoch Godongana, did in his letter of policy commitment to the World Bank, the approach chosen is an attack on the Freedom Charter’s clarion call that “… monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole”. He signed the sell-out letter to the World Bank on 3 December 2021.
Instead of the neo-liberal agenda preferring private profit-seeking interests, the targeted industries must be owned by the people as a whole through the state under democratic control and developed further. This is what the Freedom Charter calls for, not the opposite for the GAIN of the tiny minority of the capitalists, whom the Same aGAIN and its base document from Havard treat as synonymous with society or the people as a whole. Whenever the name “private sector" is used, reference is to the tiny minority of the capitalist class in terms of ownership, management control, the accumulation of wealth and its meaning of inclusion, while the overwhelming majority of the people, being the working class and poor, is locked out of the four aspects.
The Same aGAIN strategy calls for a so-called “big bang” reform of energy, logistics, water and ports, which in reality means accelerating privatisation in the targeted infrastructure networks to private accumulation. The restructuring of Eskom and the establishment of a competitive wholesale electricity market by April 2026, along with private participation and competition in water infrastructure by September 2026, are part of this agenda.
Such measures, while marketed as efficiency improvements, will reproduce what has already occurred in the telecommunications sector, where the 2022 auction of high-demand radio frequency spectrum enriched the duopoly of Vodacom and MTN, which captured the lion’s share, all in the name of de-monopolising the sector. Data in South Africa remains exorbitant, contradicting the promised cost reductions for consumers.
Privatisation now takes many forms, including outsourcing, concessions, public-private partnerships and liberalisation in favour of profit-seeking private interests. These guarantee profits for private operators while shifting long-term risks onto the public. The private power producer models called the “Independent Power Producers” (IPPs) is a clear example. Although later renewable energy bid rounds achieved lower tariffs, Eskom’s 2024 report showed that IPPs generated only 9 per cent of electricity while consuming 27 per cent of Eskom’s energy budget.
The issue is not renewable energy itself but the contracts that guarantee private returns at public expense. Experiences from other countries, including the United Kingdom’s rail privatisation, show that such policies lead to fragmentation, inefficiency and rising public subsidies for private profit. South Africa risks repeating these failures in rail and other infrastructure sectors.
The Same aGAIN strategy also leaves monetary policy untouched. A mere mention of the benefits of low interest rates without changing the monetary policy mandate to ensure this and to establish a framework of moderate interest rates with a dual mandate that supports productive investment, public infrastructure development, maximum sustainable employment creation and affordable home loans will only reproduce the same neo-liberal and compradorial status quo mainly serving the interests of finance capital and imposed through external policy discipline that has blocked shared growth.
The South African Reserve Bank remains fixated on narrow inflation targeting while it is invisible in the national development imperatives to achieve industrialisation and large-scale employment creation. It has failed to achieve its constitutional mandate of sustainable and balanced economic growth as a policy objective in exercising its powers and functions.
The high interest rates regime and interest rate hikes that the Reserve Bank has been using as inflation targeting policy instruments have constrained productive investment, maintained de-industrialisation and kept unemployment at crisis-high rates. A central bank that pursues this neo-liberal model and fails to help advance industrial development and maximum sustainable employment cannot fulfil the developmental constitutional mandate of balanced and sustainable growth, which must include maximum sustainable employment as a key performance indicator and therefore an explicit monetary policy mandate. The record speaks for itself.
A particularly regressive element of the GAIN strategy is the proposal to link the Social Relief of Distress Grant (SRD) to employment. This idea emerged from the DA’s attempts to roll back the grant and has already resulted in bureaucratic red tape that has reduced the number of beneficiaries.
Linking the grant to employment assumes that work opportunities exist in abundance and that the unemployed are unwilling to work or look for work. This is an ideological distortion. The economy has not been generating employment on any meaningful scale to overcome the unemployment crisis. Millions of people have become discouraged work seekers not because they prefer idleness but because they have found no opportunities to work during the Labour Force Survey’s reference period.
Graduate unemployment at 12.2 per cent and unemployment among those with other tertiary qualifications at 21.7 per cent reveal the structural nature of the crisis. In this situation, although their unemployment is higher, by no means are those who have not completed secondary schooling or who do not have a post-school qualification the only ones affected. It is clear that while still important, having a graduate or other tertiary qualification alone is not enough to secure employment and overcome the systemic barriers created by an economy that reproduces exclusion from access to work, ownership, management control and accumulation of wealth.
To restrict access to the SRD Grant under such conditions is both irrational and unjust. It punishes the unemployed for an economic crisis they did not create and undermines the constitutional imperative of social protection. The grant must be expanded, strengthened and transformed into a universal basic income grant, not reduced or tied to conditions the state itself cannot meet and has failed to meet for 29 years since the adoption of the neo-liberal GEAR.
The Same aGAIN strategy is rooted in what progressive observers call the transition from the Washington Consensus to the Wall Street Consensus. The former demanded fiscal austerity, deregulation, liberalisation and privatisation to please foreign investors. The latter adds the expectation that governments should actively create profit opportunities for, but by no means only, financial capital through blended finance, public-private partnerships and further privatisation through liberalisation. In both cases, the outcome is the same.
Under the capitalist regime of neo-liberalism, public policy is shaped to serve private wealth accumulation, not the needs of the people. The guarantees given to attract private participation and competition in the targeted network infrastructure raise public costs or contingency liability. South Africa’s own experience over the past five years, in which massive infrastructure build promises have failed to materialise, confirms this reality. The billions or trillions of rands in infrastructure pronouncements within the State of Nation Addresses, medium-term budget policy statements and annual budget speeches have virtually never been seen in any meaningful way, on a large-scale in particular, across the country, covering every district, systematically eliminating uneven development.
The Same aGAIN strategy makes no attempt to examine the flawed framework that underlies the persistent failures of the policy trajectory that the government has chosen dating back to the adoption of GEAR in 1996. It merely asserts that the framework is sound and that only implementation is lacking. This is a dangerous illusion. South Africa requires not faster implementation of the same failed ideas but a decisive change in direction.
The SACP calls for a developmental alternative anchored in protecting public property rights, building and diversifying thriving public ownership, and advancing democratic control and planning. This must include expansionary fiscal policy to finance public infrastructure, productive and social investment, and a monetary policy that supports industrialisation, public infrastructure and large-scale employment creation. South Africa needs more progressive taxation and domestic resource mobilisation, and a state that leads in building a diversified and shared economic growth. The economy must serve the people, and to do so it must be transformed to become the people’s economy.
Without structural transformation, South Africa will remain trapped in serious economic challenges. The country needs a revolutionary break with neo-liberal conservatism and a reassertion of public purpose in the service of the majority of the people, being the working class and poor. Only through such a break can we build a democratic developmental state capable of guaranteeing the right of all to work and live in dignity.
Last month, the SACP established a Conference of the Left process, among other objectives, to build the widest possible working-class unity in action. We invite more Left organisations to join this process as we broaden working-class power to secure a decisive change in policy direction, placing at the forefront the interests of the workers, the unemployed and the poor in general. To the extent that the April 1994 transition from the colonial and apartheid era represented a radical democratic breakthrough, it was the first one.
What is clear now is that South Africa needs a second, more radical democratic breakthrough to bring about a fundamental policy shift and address its principal economic development problems while advancing broader social transformation. This will not come easily, given that the alignment of forces has changed and we are now confronted not only by the primary strategic class adversary but also by a range of comprador policymakers, including those emerging from the same historical background.
We are determined to build a popular Left front and a powerful, socialist movement of the workers and poor. We have reaffirmed, as we said back on 8 October 2023, emerging from our Central Committee Plenary then, that the popular Left front, and this goes for the mass socialist movement of the workers and poor, must grow out of popular mobilisation and campaigning. In this regard, the Conference of the Left is crucial as a democratic consultative process. Therefore, it does not seek to first cobble together a variety of formations at leadership level that merely proclaim themselves “Left” or “socialist” and only thereafter launch a programme of mobilisation and action. The forging of a popular Left movement, as with the mass socialist movement, must be rooted in an active network of struggle – “feeling the stones to cross the river” – as we are doing, for example, through advancing and expanding the People’s Red Caravan. In the same vein, the working-class campaign for a policy shift towards a second, more radical democratic breakthrough is a crucial element of a Left popular front programme of mobilisation and action, in the policymaking space and on other fronts of the class struggle.
The People’s Red Caravan, Mqhekezweni, Eastern Cape
The programme of the SACP, The People’s Red Caravan, stationed for a week in Mqhekezweni village in the OR Tambo District in the Eastern Cape Province. The Politburo considered the People’s Red Caravan and its activities observing important political issues that require the attention of the SACP as an organisation. The Red Caravan is built on working with the communities to enable self-reliance, to fight against poverty and hunger as well as to mobilise communities to build solidarity for sustained development of those communities.
Among aspects of self-reliance is the aspect of community safety. In this regard, the SACP observed the harshest conditions in Mqhekezweni. On the basis of repeated and systematic engagements, it is clear to the SACP that the scourge of crime in the Mqhekezweni area is beyond human imagination. The repeated incidents of rape have completely traumatised the community in general and the women of that community in particular. The community is inundated with nearly daily incidents of untold incidents of crime, from murders to house breakings, stock theft, vandalising of public facilities from schools to clinics, rape of elderly people and school children and everything in-between.
The SACP is gravely concerned about this crisis and is acting to seek immediate intervention to protect the community from what amounts to unbearable conditions of community vulnerability perpetuated by criminals. Despite recent interventions from the provincial government, it remains clear that the crisis continues and that greater and more sustainable solutions are necessary. The SACP calls for a national and systemic intervention in the general OR Tambo district and KSD sub-region in particular to combat egregious levels of crime.
International solidarity
The Politburo discussed the international situation, including the United States’ imperialist military and other forms of aggression against Venezuela, the war crimes in Sudan, the apartheid Israeli regime’s genocide on the Palestinian people, the United States’ illegal blockade against Cuba, the Western Saharan people’s struggle against Moroccan colonialism, and the struggle for democracy in Swaziland.
Venezuela
The Politburo strongly condemned the encroachment of Venezuela’s sovereign territory by the imperialist regime of the United States. The whole series of actions by the United States reflect a clear provocation of war, with military invasion, foreign capture and control over Venezuela’s oil, minerals, fertile land and the economy at large – Venezuela has the world’s largest proven oil reserves by country. In the past week, the United States through its military has gone beyond posturing but advancing on to the doorstep of Venezuela. The United States has no legal standing whatsoever in international law to tamper with the sovereignty of Venezuela and the fundamental right of its citizens to self-determination. None of the propaganda that the United States spreads can justify its invasion of Venezuela.
Sudan
The SACP condemns the barbaric massacres and systematic violence unleashed by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) against defenceless civilians in El Fasher, Bara, and other regions of Darfur and Kordofan in Sudan. These atrocities – summary executions, arbitrary detentions, looting, property destruction, and forced displacement – are nothing short of war crimes and genocidal acts, as corroborated by United Nations reports, human rights organisations, and credible media.
The SACP stands in unwavering solidarity with the Sudanese people. The SACP calls on the Sudanese working class, peasantry, and revolutionary forces to unite in a resolute struggle to end the war and seize power from the reactionary regimes in Port Sudan and Nyala. The path of the December Revolution must be reclaimed to build a civil, democratic state that guarantees human rights, social justice, and the sovereignty of the Sudanese people. This struggle is inseparable from the global fight against capitalism and imperialism to justify or obscure these crimes against humanity.
Palestine
The SACP continues to advocate against the Zionist oppression against Palestine and the ongoing genocide despite the ceasefire signed recently. The Israeli violation of the ceasefire indicates the well-known immorality of the Zionist state and their clear lack of willingness to abide by any agreements founded on seeking peace. We continue to pledge our solidarity with the Palestinian people and condemn the genocide conducted by Israel.
Cuba
The Politburo welcomed the resounding United Nations General Assembly resolution, adopted on 29 October 2025, calling upon the imperialist United States government to unconditionally lift its illegal and criminal blockade on Cuba. The resolution marked the 33rd consecutive time the United Nations has expressed a strong opposition to the United States government’s economic blockade against Cuba.
The United States policy towards Cuba is underpinned by a supremacist belief that originated during the colonisation of South America by European governments. While the majority of countries in the Americas have abandoned colonial mentality in their relations with South America, the United States maintains a position of violent suppression of South America in general and Cuba in particular. This repression has led to increased economic challenges for Cuba, placing its people in increasingly difficult economic and social conditions.
The Politburo urges our government to deepen its relations with Cuba on various fronts. This collaboration will drive shared development for both countries and contribute to the prosperity of the Cuban people. We remain steadfast in our opposition to imperialism and its actions towards Cuba.
Western Sahara
The SACP stands in solidarity with the people of Western Sahara against the imperialist-backed occupation by Morocco. The SACP will continue to participate in practical solidarity activities in support of the people of Western Sahara’s struggle for national sovereignty and self-determination.
Swaziland
The SACP stands in solidarity with the people of Swaziland struggling for democracy, and to that extent supports the people’s demands for the unbanning of political parties, release of political prisoners and return of political exiles.
ISSUED BY THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY,
FOUNDED IN 1921 AS THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF SOUTH AFRICA.
Media, Communications & Information Department | MCID
International-Solidarity
ITUC statement on the 2025 WSSD Political Declaration
4 November 2025
The Second World Summit for Social Development, taking place in Doha 30 years after the landmark 1995 World Summit for Social Development in Copenhagen, convenes governments, international organizations, civil society and the private sector to strengthen international cooperation for inclusive social development.
The Doha Political Declaration, adopted during the Summit, opens with a strong recommitment to the 1995 Copenhagen Declaration and the 2030 Agenda. The Declaration highlights three interlinked priorities - poverty eradication, full and productive employment and decent work for all, and social integration - as essential to achieving social development. Leaders emphasize that social justice and development are inseparable from peace, security and human rights.
Workers’ priorities in the Declaration
The Declaration is a decisive win for workers and includes strong commitments to the priorities of the trade union movement, such as living wages and universal social protection, and embeds the principles of decent work throughout, including young workers. This unequivocal commitment to “strengthen labour market institutions and social dialogue , including through promoting respect for international labour standards and workers’ rights , as well as promoting, protecting, and investing in mechanisms for social dialogue, freedom of association and collective bargaining ” makes the document a strategic advocacy tool for social development.
The Declaration is also a win for equality and inclusion. It includes a strong commitment to gender equality in the world of work in alignment with the Beijing+ 30 Declaration, emphasizing investment in care and care workers’ rights, equal pay for work of equal value, and the elimination of gender-based violence and harassment in the world of work.
The importance of labour standards is recognized for all workers, including migrant workers, tackling head on the damaging impact of racism, racial discrimination, and xenophobia on social justice, and social cohesion. The text commits to guaranteeing rights for “those in precarious employment and migrant workers, including women migrant workers” and acknowledges the important nexus between international migration and social development. A specific reference is also dedicated to safeguarding workers’ rights in the context of digital technologies, in line with the ITUC call for new ILO standards for platform workers.
These commitments are not addressed in a vacuum and recognize the complementarity of Doha with other UN led processes and the need for policy coherence. The Declaration welcomes the ambitious package of reforms and actions under the Sevilla Commitment to reform the international financial architecture, to extend social protection coverage by at least 2 percentage points per year, to engage constructively in the negotiations on the UN framework convention on international tax cooperation, to find fair and timely solutions that address sovereign debt challenges, and to scale up official development assistance (ODA).
Social Justice, democracy and Multilateralism
The Declaration is also a welcome ally for workers in their struggle for democracy. The text recognises the fundamental nexus between social justice and democracy and how “ social justice cannot be attained in the absence of peace and security or in the absence of respect for all human rights and fundamental freedoms”.
The need to strengthen the multilateral system and its institutions, with the United Nations and its Charter at the centre, is explicitly included in the Declaration. The system must be "fit for the present and the future – effective and capable, just, democratic, equitable and representative of today’s world, inclusive, interconnected and financially stable."
Importantly, the Declaration supports policy coherence globally, reaffirming the realisation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and referring to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement commitments, although more explicit language on just transition for workers and their families would have been welcomed.
The way forward: a solid follow-up based on social dialogue
The ambition of the Political Declaration - in terms of its commitments to multilateralism, democracy, decent work and social dialogue - provides trade unions with a significant opportunity to keep governments accountable to these promises, referring directly to the role of social partners for its follow up.
While the PD includes important elements related to the follow up, however it does not outline a detailed process yet, and it will be crucial for governments and the UN to work on a solid and inclusive governance for implementation and monitoring of the Doha commitments.
As ITUC Secretary General Luc Triangle stated: “Next year will be crucial to show our determination to make the Doha Declaration a reality. The ambition of the text offers a vital chance to enhance the UN Social Development mandate, and to ensure that social development translates into social justice, rights and democracy. Workers must and will be part of it.”
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A powerful opening: culture, solidarity and hope mark the start of IndustriALL’s 4th Congress in Sydney
5 November, 2025
After four years, IndustriALL proudly opened its 4th Congress in Sydney, hosted by our great Australian and New Zealand affiliates, in a spirit of unity, strength and deep cultural connection.
Delegates from across the world filled the hall with anticipation and pride as the Congress began with a Welcome to Country, honouring the Gadigal people of the Eora Nation, the Traditional Owners of the land on which the Congress takes place. The opening paid respect to Elders past and present and was followed by an extraordinary Aboriginal performance of traditional song, dance and didgeridoo.
The deep resonance of the didgeridoo and the dancers’ powerful movements filled the room with emotion. Performers shared stories of how the instrument works and the different sounds it creates, echoing through the hall like the heartbeat of the land itself.
The welcome was followed by a sharing of Māori culture from Aotearoa/New Zealand, with a stirring sequence of Kaigaranga, Mihi, Waiata and Haka that embodied the values of respect, courage and solidarity. Together, these performances reminded everyone that our movement stands on the shared ground of history, struggle and humanity.
Stories on fabric: the Congress t-shirt
Every delegate at the Congress carried a piece of that connection with them, quite literally, through the Congress T-shirt.
Coal miner and artist Chris Dodd from Queensland created Connection, the painting reproduced on the shirts given to all delegates. Chris belongs to the Wulli Wulli Wakka Wakka tribe and his artwork tells the rich stories passed down to him by his father and grandparents. Importantly, it also represents the bond between him and his daughter, who helped create the piece.
A gift to all Congress participants, Connection symbolizes the links between generations, communities and cultures. Chris hopes that those who wear or view the artwork “can see the storyline, understand the meaning of the symbols and places and leave with pride and a deeper understanding of Aboriginal culture.”
Words that inspire action
IndustriALL and IF Metall president Marie Nilsson officially opened the Congress, setting the tone for the days ahead:
“We live in a time of rapid change; emerging technologies, democratic rights being questioned, authoritarian forces challenging freedom and climate change posing a threat. But when I look out over the Congress hall, I feel hopeful. I see our joint strength to face these challenges, I see power, solidarity. I see a global trade union movement refusing to accept injustice. We are determined to build a more sustainable future, mirrored in the Congress slogan, Organizing for a Just Future.
Let’s make this Congress a celebration of solidarity, equality and bravery!”
The sense of unity in the room grew as Michele O’Neil, president of the Australian Council of Trade Unions, took the stage:
“We know that there’s only one response to organized capital and that is organized labour. Now more than ever, international solidarity is essential. When we act with unity and determination, when we leave nobody behind, we show the power of organized labour.”
Representing the host unions, Tony Maher, general president of the Mining and Energy Union, brought warmth and pride from Australia’s labour movement:
“On behalf of the Mining and Energy Union and all the Australian and New Zealand host unions, I say G’day and welcome to the 4th Global Congress of IndustriALL. My union has been actively involved with IndustriALL since its formation and before that, with ICEM, the global confederation for mining unions. Big global companies run the show in Australia’s mining industry and we’ve always known that standing shoulder to shoulder with workers around the world is the best way to take on whatever challenges they throw at us.”
He reminded delegates that Australia’s prosperity and democracy are built on solidarity, not isolation:
“Our members are proud to contribute internationally, supporting mining unions in the Global South to improve safety for miners working in tough conditions. Raising standards and saving lives doesn’t stop at national borders.”
Maher closed with a warm welcome to Sydney, inviting delegates to enjoy its beauty and to take inspiration from Australia’s strong, active union movement, one that stands proudly with workers everywhere.
A Prime Minister who speaks for workers
The arrival of Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese was met with warmth and enthusiasm, not as a distant dignitary, but as one of us. He spoke to delegates as a friend of the labour movement, with sincerity and conviction:
“It is absolutely critical that no one is left behind as we go forward. We know that fairness, good working conditions and fair pay don’t undermine the labour market. Growth and fairness are stronger together. Our purpose is eternal and that is why solidarity is indeed forever.”
From the past, strength for the future
As vice president and co-chair of the region, Akihiro Kaneko reflected on the journey of workers in the Asia-Pacific region:
“In this region, workers have had to unite to make their voices heard. And we continue to stand shoulder to shoulder. I hope we will form an unbreakable bond between us, here at Congress.”
The opening session also featured a moving reflection on the roots of the labour movement through the Unshackled exhibition. Professor Tony Moore told delegates the story of Australia’s first coal miners, convicts who, against all odds, fought back through strikes, refusals to work and acts of resistance.
The exhibition traces how these 160,000 convict workers, brought to Australia as an unfree workforce, laid the foundation for collective action and solidarity. Their struggle is the labour movement’s story and it resonated powerfully in the room as workers everywhere fight for dignity and justice.
A Congress launched in spirit and solidarity
The opening of IndustriALL’s 4th Congress was not just a ceremony, it was a living expression of what binds us together. From the didgeridoo to the haka, from the voices of union leaders to the history of workers who came before us, it was a celebration of who we are and what we stand for.
The next three days will build on this foundation of courage, culture and collective strength, as delegates shape the future of IndustriALL, organizing for a just future where no one is left behind.
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Norman Mampane (Shopsteward Editor)
Congress of South African Trade Unions
110 Jorissen Cnr Simmonds Street, Braamfontein, 2017
P.O.Box 1019, Johannesburg, 2000, South Africa
Tel: +27 11 339-4911 Direct line: 010 219-1348