On 5/03/12 10:16, in article
j0v8l71cbr4df4e88...@4ax.com, "El
The data I see then is that the field is dominated by the right,
and the nasty right at that.
Others beside George Will see a danger from these groups
°°°°
February 23, 2009 Issue
Copyright © 2012 The American Conservative
How Radio Wrecks the Right
Limbaugh and company certainly entertain. But a steady diet of ideological
comfort food is no substitute for hearty intellectual fare.
By John Derbyshire
You canąt help but admire Rush Limbaughąs talent for publicity. His radio
talk show is probably‹reliable figures only go back to 1991‹in its third
decade as the number-one rated radio show in the country. And here he is in
the news again, trading verbal punches with the president of the United
States.
Limbaugh remarked on Jan. 16 that to the degree that Obamaąs program is one
of state socialism, he hopes it will fail. (If only he had said the same
about George W. Bush.) The president riposted at a session with
congressional leaders a week later, telling them, łYou canąt just listen to
Rush Limbaugh and get things done.˛ Outsiders weighed in: Limbaugh should
not have wished failure on a president trying to cope with a national
crisis; Obama should not have stooped to insult a mere media artiste, the
kind of task traditionally delegated to presidential subordinates while the
chief stands loftily mute. Citizens picked sides and sat back to enjoy the
circus.
For Limbaugh to remain a player at this level after 20-odd years bespeaks
powers far beyond the ordinary. Most conservatives‹even those who do not
listen to his show‹regard him as a good thing. His 14 million listeners are
a key component of the conservative base. When he first emerged nationally,
soon after the FCC dropped the Fairness Doctrine in 1987, conservatives for
the first time in decades had something worth listening to on their radios
other than country music and bland news programs read off the AP wire. In
the early Clinton years, when Republicans were regrouping, Limbaugh was
perhaps the most prominent conservative in the United States. National
Review ran a cover story on him as łThe Leader of the Opposition.˛
Limbaugh has a similarly high opinion of himself: łI know I have become the
intellectual engine of the conservative movement,˛ he told the New York
Times. This doesnąt sit well with all conservatives. Fred Barnes grumbled,
łWhen the GOP rose in the late 1970s, it had Ronald Reagan. Now the loudest
Republican voice belongs to Rush Limbaugh.˛ Upon discovering that Limbaugh
had anointed himself the successor to William F. Buckley Jr., WFBąs son
Christopher retorted, łRush, I knew William F. Buckley, Jr. William F.
Buckley, Jr. was a father of mine. Rush, youąre no William F. Buckley, Jr.˛
The more po-faced conservative intellectuals have long winced at Limbaughąs
quips, parodies, slogans, and impatience with the starched-collar
respectability of the official Right. American conservatism had been a
pretty staid and erudite affair pre-Limbaugh, occasional lapses into
jollification on łFiring Line˛ being the main public expression of
conservatismąs lighter side.
Now the airwaves are full of conservative chat. Talkers magazineąs list of
the top ten radio talk shows by number of weekly listeners also features
Sean Hannity, Michael Savage, Glenn Beck, Laura Ingraham, and Mark Levin.
Agony aunt Laura Schlessinger and financial adviser Dave Ramsey are both in
the top ten too, though their conservatism is more incidental to the content
of their shows.
Liberal attempts to duplicate the successes of Limbaugh and his imitators
have fallen flat. Alan Colmesąs late-evening radio show can be heard in most
cities, and Air America is still alive somewhere‹the Aleutians, perhaps‹but
colorful, populist, political talk radio seems to be a thing that liberals
canąt do.
There are many reasons to be grateful for conservative talk radio, and with
a left-Democrat president and a Democratic Congress, there are good reasons
to fear for its survival. Reinstatement of the Fairness Doctrine is
generally perceived as the major threat, but may not in fact be necessary.
Obama is known to have strong feelings about łlocalism,˛ the FCC rule that
requires radio and TV stations to serve the interests of their local
communities as a condition of keeping their broadcast licenses. łLocal
community˛ invariably turns out in practice to mean leftist agitator and
race-guilt shakedown organizations‹the kind of environment in which Obama
learned his practical politics. Localism will likely be the key to unlock
the door through which conservative talk radio will be expelled with a
presidential boot in the rear.
With reasons for gratitude duly noted, are there some downsides to
conservative talk radio? Taking the conservative project as a whole‹limited
government, fiscal prudence, equality under law, personal liberty,
patriotism, realism abroad‹has talk radio helped or hurt? All those good
things are plainly off the table for the next four years at least, a
prospect that conservatives can only view with anguish. Did the Limbaughs,
Hannitys, Savages, and Ingrahams lead us to this sorry state of affairs?
They surely did. At the very least, by yoking themselves to the clueless
George W. Bush and his free-spending administration, they helped create the
great debt bubble that has now burst so spectacularly. The big names, too,
were all uncritical of the decade-long (at least) efforts to łbuild
democracy˛ in no-account nations with politically primitive populations.
Sean Hannity called the Iraq War a łmassive success,˛ and in January 2008
deemed the U.S. economy łphenomenal.˛
Much as their blind loyalty discredited the Right, perhaps the worst effect
of Limbaugh et al. has been their draining away of political energy from
what might have been a much more worthwhile project: the fostering of a
middlebrow conservatism. There is nothing wrong with lowbrow conservatism.
Itąs energizing and fun. Whatąs wrong is the impression fixed in the minds
of too many Americans that conservatism is always lowbrow, an impression our
enemies gleefully reinforce when the opportunity arises. Thus a liberal like
E.J. Dionne can write, łThe cause of Edmund Burke, Leo Strauss, Robert
Nisbet and William F. Buckley Jr. is now in the hands of Rush Limbaugh, Sean
Hannity. Š Reason has been overwhelmed by propaganda, ideas by slogans.˛
Talk radio has contributed mightily to this development.
It does so by routinely descending into the ad hominem‹Feminazis instead of
feminism‹and catering to reflex rather than thought. Where once conservatism
had been about individualism, talk radio now rallies the mob. łRevolt
against the masses?˛ asked Jeffrey Hart. łLimbaugh is the masses.˛
In place of the permanent things, we get Happy Meal conservatism: cheap,
childish, familiar. Gone are the internal tensions, the thought-provoking
paradoxes, the ideological uneasiness that marked the early Right. But
however much this dumbing down has damaged the conservative brand, it
appeals to millions of Americans. McDonaldąs profits rose 80 percent last
year.
There is a lowbrow liberalism, too, but the Left hasnąt learned how to
market it. Consider again the failure of liberals at the talk-radio format,
with the bankruptcy of Air America always put forward as an example. Yet in
fact liberals are very successful at talk radio. They are just no good at
the lowbrow sort. The łRush Limbaugh Show˛ may be first in those current
Talkers magazine rankings, but second and third are National Public Radioąs
łMorning Edition˛ and łAll Things Considered,˛ with 13 million weekly
listeners each. It is easy to mock the studied gentility, affectless voices,
and reflexive liberalism of NPR, but these are very successful radio
programs.
Liberals are getting rather good at talk TV, too. The key to this medium,
they have discovered, is irony. I donąt take this political stuff seriously,
I assure you, but really, these damn fool Republicans... Bill Maher, Jon
Stewart, and Stephen Colbert offer different styles of irony, but none
leaves any shadow of doubt where his political sympathies lie. Liberals have
done well to master this trick, but it depends too much on facial
expressions and body language‹the double-take, the arched eyebrow, the
knowing smirk‹to transfer to radio. It is, in any case, not quite populism,
the target audience being mainly the ironic cohort‹college-educated Stuff
White People Like types.
If liberals canąt do populism, the converse is also true: conservatives are
not much good at gentility. We donąt do affectless voices, it seems. There
are genteel conservative events‹Iąve been to about a million of them and
have the NoDoz pharmacy receipts to prove it‹but they preach to the
converted. If anything, they reinforce the ghettoization of conservatism, of
which talk radioąs echo chamber is the major symptom. We donąt know how to
speak to that vast segment of the American middle class that lives
sensibly‹indeed, conservatively‹wishes to be thought generous and good,
finds everyday politics boring, and has a horror of strong opinions. This
untapped constituency might be receptive to interesting radio programs with
a conservative slant.
Even better than NPR as a listening experience is the BBCąs Radio 4. One of
the few things I used to look forward to on my occasional visits to the
mother country was Radio 4, which almost always had something interesting to
say on the 90-minute drive from Heathrow to my hometown. One current feature
is łAmerica, Empire of Liberty,˛ a thumbnail history of the U.S. for British
listeners. The showąs viewpoint is entirely conventional but pitched just
right for a middlebrow radio audience. Why canąt conservatives do radio like
that? Instead we have crude cheerleading for world-saving Wilsonianism,
social utopianism, and a cloth-eared, moon-booted Republican administration.
You might object that the Right didnąt need talk radio to ruin it; it was
quite capable of ruining itself. At sea for a uniting cause once the Soviet
Union had fallen, buffaloed by master gamers in Congress, outfoxed by Bill
Clinton, then seduced by the vapid łcompassionate conservatism˛ of Rove and
Bush, the post-Cold War Right cheerfully dug its own grave. And there was
some valiant resistance from conservative talk radio to Bushąs crazier
initiatives, like łcomprehensive immigration reform˛ and the Medicare
prescription-drug extravaganza.
But there was not much confrontation with other deep social and economic
problems. The unholy marriage of social engineering and high finance that
ended with our present ruin was left largely unanalyzed from reluctance to
slight a Republican administration. Plenty of people saw what was coming.
There was Ron Paul, for example: łOur present course ... is not sustainable.
... Our spendthrift ways are going to come to an end one way or another.
Politicians wonąt even mention the issue, much less face up to it.˛
Neither will the GOP pep squad of conservative talk radio. And Ron Paul, you
know, has a cousin whose best friendąs daughter was once dog-walker for a
member of the John Birch Society. So much for him!
Why engage an opponent when an epithet is in easy reach? Some are crude:
rather than debating Jimmy Carterąs views on Mideast peace, Michael Savage
dismisses him as a łwar criminal.˛ Others are juvenile: Mark Levin blasts
the Washington Compost and New York Slimes.
But for all the bullying bluster of conservative talk-show hosts, their
essential attitude is one of apology and submission‹the dreary old
conservative cringe. Their underlying metaphysic is the same as the
liberalsą: infinite human potential‹Yes, we can!‹if only we get society
right. To the Left, getting society right involves shoveling us around like
truckloads of concrete; to the Right, it means banging on about
responsibility, God, and tax cuts while deficits balloon, Congress extrudes
yet another social-engineering fiasco, and our armies guard the Fulda Gap.
That human beings have limitations and that wise social policy ought to
accept the fact‹some problems insoluble, some Children Left Behind‹is as
unsayable on łHannity˛ as it is on łAll Things Considered.˛
I enjoy these radio bloviators (and their TV equivalents) and hope they can
survive the coming assault from Left triumphalists. If conservatism is to
have a future, though, it will need to listen to more than the looped tape
of lowbrow talk radio. We could even tackle the matter of tone, bringing a
sportsmanąs respect for his opponents to the debate.
I repeat: There is nothing wrong with lowbrow conservatism. Ideas must be
marketed, and right-wing talk radio captures a big and useful market
segment. However, if there is no thoughtful, rigorous presentation of
conservative ideas, then conservatism by default becomes the raucous
parochialism of Limbaugh, Savage, Hannity, and company. That loses us a
market segment at least as useful, if perhaps not as big.
Conservatives have never had, and never should have, a problem with elitism.
Why have we allowed carny barkers to run away with the Right?
__________________________________________
John Derbyshire is a contributing editor of National Review and the author
of, most recently, Unknown Quantity: A Real and Imaginary History of
Algebra.
The American Conservative welcomes letters to the editor.
Send letters to:
let...@amconmag.com