Chronology Of Kashmir Freedom Movemoment 1924- 1947
mahmood chaudhry
KASHMIR FREEDOM MOVEMENT
October 1924 Muslim notables in Srinagar present a memorandum to the British
Viceroy regarding the Maharaja's misrule and setting forth popular
demands. This is a sequel to a labour strike in the state-run silk
factory in which the workers were charged by troops commanded by Hari
Singh, then the heir apparent, and their leader tortured to death.
March 1925 The leader of the signatories to the memorandum, Saaduddin Shawl,
is deported from the State.
April 1925 First meeting in Lahore (now in Pakistan) of Kashmiri expatriates
and other Muslim leaders to muster support for the reformist struggle in
Kashmir.
March 1929 Albion Bannerji, a Bengali Christian, resigns as the Maharaja's
Prime Minister makes a public statement: "The large Muslim population is
governed like dumb- driven cattle ... the press is non-existent ... the
economic conditions are appalling."
April 1931 A police official stops the khutba or sermon at a congregational
religious service of Muslims in Jammu on the ground that it alludes to
the Quranic passages about Moses and the Pharaoh and thus indirectly
advocates sedition. Protest by worshippers in Jammu led by Ghulam Abbas.
Expressions of vehement disapproval of police action in Srinagar and
major towns.
June 1931 At a large public meeting in Srinagar, 11" representatives are
chosen to conduct a movement against the Maharaja's repression: these
include Shaikh Abdullah, Ghulam Abbas, Saaduddin Shawl and Mirwaiz
Muhammad Yusuf Shah.
13 July 1931 Unarmed Muslims gather at Srinagar jail demanding right to
attend trial being held in camera of a political prisoner charged with
sedition for speech at June meeting. Police firing leaves 21 dead.
Beginning of mass agitation. Ghulam Abbas arrested the same day, Shaikh
Abdullah the next, along with three other leaders.
July-August 1931 Maharaja's government claims that popular movement is
instigated by
"outside elements" and announces policy of not permitting speeches
creating hatred against the regime. Leaders released on condition of
"good behaviour".
August 1931 All India Kashmir Committee formed in Lahore to organise support
for Kashmir freedom movement. Led by Muhammad Iqbal, renowned
poet-philosopher and Bashiruddin Mahmud, head of the Ahmediyya community.
Meanwhile, All India Muslim League adopts resolution commending "the
gallant struggle carried on both inside and outside Kashmir for rights of
humanity in the State".
September 1931 Kashmir leaders rearrested. On 24 September, large numbers of
young men parade in the streets of Srinagar armed with spears and
knives - "this is all we have and we will fight the Maharaja's soldiers".
Maharaja responds by display of military armour in the city the next day.
Law promulgated providing for flogging as punishment for political
activity. Ordinary citizens bludgeoned by soldiers if they fail to shout
'Maharaja ki jai' - victory to the Maharaja.
October 1931 British Viceroy urges Maharaja to adopt conciliatory policy.
Leaders released and asked to present demands, which they do on 19
October. Excerpts: "We demand same liberties as obtain in British India
... equality of rights regardless of religion ... better terms for labour
... a representative form of government ... the State cannot claim
proprietary rights over land merely because Kashmir was purchased from
the British."
November 1931 - January 1932 No tax campaign in Mirpur. Armed encounters in
Kotli between Maharaja's soldiers and local militants. Collapse of
Maharaja's administration in areas now in Azad Kashmir. British Indian
government intervenes, moves troops to Jammu and Mirpur. A Muslim
political party in Punjab - Jamaat-i-Ahrar - launches movement for
unarmed "civil invasion" of the State. Around 30,000 people arrested to
prevent crossing of border. Meanwhile, on British urging, a Reforms
Commission is appointed, headed by a British official (Douglas Glancey)
and consisting of four public representatives: two Muslim (including
Ghulam Abbas), and two Hindu (including Prem Nath Bazaz). Commission
recommends limited reforms, including establishment of legislative
assembly. Kashmiri Pandits denounce their representative, Prem Nath
Bazaz, for supporting reforms. Hindu newspapers in India condemn movement in
Kashmir as evidence of "dishonourable Muslim communalism". A delegation of
Hindu leaders in India meets Viceroy stressing the strategic importance of
Kashmir to India against a "pan-Islamic wave".
October 1932 First mass organisation in the State - the Jammu and Kashmir
Muslim Conference - established. At session in Srinagar, Shaikh Abdullah
elected President and Ghulam Abbas General Secretary.
January 1934 Mass protests against limitation of franchise to three percent
of the population for proposed legislative assembly and restrictions on
assembly's powers. At meeting of Muslim Conference held in Sialkot (now
in Pakistan) Ghulam Abbas designated dictator of the campaign. Abdulah
distances himself from the campaign. Abbas arrested.
September 1934 State legislative assembly established by Maharaja. Muslims
constituting 77 percent of population allotted 32 seats in a house of 75,
out of which 21 to be elected and 11 nominated by Maharaja. Muslim
Conference capture 20 seats.
October 1935 Abbas elected President of Muslim Conference. With Hindu
leaders attending as observers at annual convention, Abbas appeals to
non-Muslims "to join in the struggle for emancipation of our country".
Muslim Conference members of State Assembly (19 out of 21 elected
members) resign in protest against Assembly's restricted powers.
May 1936 M.A. Jinnah visits Srinagar. Though visit private, both factions of
Muslim Conference (led respectively by Abdullah and Mirwaiz Yusuf Shah)
invite him to address large public meetings organised in his honour.
Jinnah counsels promoting harmony between Muslim majority and Hindu
minority.
September 1937 Abdullah again elected President of Muslim Conference. Urges
"a common platform" of Muslims and non-Muslims and demands that State
representatives to the Indian federation (contemplated in Government of
India Act of 1935 before the demand for the establishment of a separate
federation of Muslim majority states - Pakistan - was formulated by M.A.
Jinnah in 1940) be chosen by the people and not nominated by the
Maharaja.
June 1938 Working Committee of Muslim Conference recommends change in name
and constitution of party. Abbas opposes move which is deferred for one
year.
October 1939 Special session of Muslim Conference decides to convert party
into National Conference. Abbas endorses move on conditions that, inter
alia, (a) it will not mean affiliation with Indian National Congress
against Muslim League; (b) non- Muslims will participate in campaign for
representative government; and (c) Conference will continue to seek end
of discrimination against Muslims. Some prominent Hindu leaders,
including Prem Nath Bazaz, join National Conference but Hindu masses keep
aloof.
Maharaja's Prime Minister, Gopalaswamy Ayyangar - a Hindu bureaucrat from
Madras - promulgates constitution on 7 September 1939 providing not only
for Maharaja's unrestricted veto over legislative assemblys enactments
but also for any enactment by Maharaja himself to be considered as if
made by assembly. Abdullah establishes understanding with Ayyangar that,
in return for refraining from any active campaign for responsible
government, he will be supported in his fight against his political
opponents - former leaders of Muslim Conference. On his advice, National
Conference members abstain from vote on bill abolishing discrimination
against Muslims in arms licences, Abdullah cultivates closer relations
with Congress leaders, particularly Jawaharlal Nehru, criticises Muslim
League but later disclaims remarks.
1940-41 Some Hindu leaders resign from National Conference alleging
"oppressive communal atmosphere". Jawaharlal Nehru visits Kashmir (30 May
1940) and appeals to Hindus to support National Conference and its
struggle for responsible government. Enthusiastic welcome accorded to
Nehru by Abdullah and his following is marred by hostile demonstrations
by others. A handbill widely circulated by students asks Where were you,
Mr Nehru, in 1931? You claim to be a Kashmiri; how come you have been
silent all through our testing struggle? Gopalaswamy Ayyangar, Prime
Minister since 1937, quits on 9 April 1943. Deliverance Day observed by
dissident sections of National Conference. Bazaz, virtually co-founder
with Abdullah, also resigns, expressing disillusionment.
Abbas re-establishes Muslim Conference pleading as ground non-
fulfilment of conditions set for conversion of party into National
Conference. Protests against Ayyangar's statement that Kashmir would be
first to accede to Indian Union.
1944 National Conference issues radical manifesto called "new Kashmir"
contemplating drastic social and economic measures. At the same time - as
against Muslim Conference position of non-cooperation with Maharaja's
government, agrees to inclusion of one nominee of National Conference in
Maharaja's cabinet.
M.A. Jinnah visits Kashmir on joint invitation of Muslim Conference and
National Conference. Attempts to bring about reconciliation. Advises
maintaining single Muslim representative organisation which, on basis of
full safeguards for rights of non-Muslim minorities, should arrive at an
"honourable" settlement with their representative organisations regarding
campaign for responsible government. Abdullah rejects advice publicly and
criticises Jinnah. Jinnah addresses largest ever public meeting in
Srinagar at Muslim Conference convention on 17 June. Maharaja declines to
meet Jinnah.
1945 Jawaharlal Nehru, accompanied by two Muslim leaders of Indian
Congress, visits Kashmir. Faces hostile demonstrations when party taken
out in boat procession up Jehlum river. Jehlum demonstrations larger and
more vehement than on his earlier visit in 1940.
1946 National Conference makes declaration called 'Quit Kashmir' against
Maharaja, drawing attention of British government to Kashmir's claim to
freedom on withdrawal of British power. Abdullah arrested on 15 May.
Nehru comes to Kashmir as Abdullah's defence counsel, is arrested and
ordered to leave the State. Hindu press, however, condemns 'Quit Kashmir'
movement; Achhariya Kriplani, one of the top Congress leaders, calls
campaign "mischievous". Abdullah, in statement in court during trial,
tones down 'Quit Kashmir' declaration. Agitation peters out. R.C. Kak,
Maharaja's Prime Minister, meets Congress leaders in India in July. Nehru
permitted to revisit Srinagar, meets Abdullah in jail and confers with
Maharaja's Raj Guru, or head priest.
Muslim Conference adopts 'Azad Kashmir' resolution on 26 July, calling
for end of autocratic government and claims right of people to elect their
own constituent assembly. Abbas arrested on 19 October.
January-August 1947 Kriplani, now President of Indian National Congress,
visits Kashmir and confers with Maharaja on 24 May. On 28 May, acting
leader of Muslim Conference, Chaudhri Hamidullah Khan, calls for
independence of State, separate from India and Pakistan but with good
relations with both. Jinnah declares on 11 July policy of not putting
"any pressure" on any state in making its choice. R.C. Kak meets Jinnah
on 19 July who urges that decision regarding future status of Jammu and
Kashmir be taken after consideration of all factors, chiefly public
sentiment, and "in proper mental equilibrium". Non-Muslim Maharajas of
Punjab states , whose Muslim subjects have been massacred or driven out
at their instance, visit the Maharaja urging him to team up with them in
forming a separate province within the Indian Union.
R.C. Kak recommends Kashmir remain independent of both India and
Pakistan for a transitional period of at least one year, then take a
decision on accession to India or Pakistan or otherwise in light of
developments. Mountbatten - after asking for and receiving a note from
Nehru - visits the Maharaja on 19 June and urges him to take a decision
on accession to India or Pakistan before 15 August, the date set for the
end of British rule. Maharaja makes clear his resolve not to accede to
Pakistan "on any account". Mountbatten assures him that, in that case, a
division of the Indian army will be quickly stationed in Kashmir to prevent
any incursion from Pakistan.
On 19 July, convention of Muslim Conference urges accession to Pakistan.
On 1 August, Mohandas Gandhi visits Maharaja and suggests removal of R.C.
Kak. Gandhi is assured by a lieutenant of Abdullah that if Kak is ousted, a
plebiscite will return a vote in favour of India. Kak is dismissed as Prime
Minister on 11 August. British Indian government returns Gilgit, leased to
it in 1934, to Maharaja.
15 August 1947 India and Pakistan are established as sovereign states.
British paramountcy over the Princely states ends. Standstill Agreement
between Kashmir and Pakistan for continuance of existing arrangements of
trade, communications and services which had been maintained with
outgoing British Indian government (virtually all inherited by Pakistan).
August 1947 Radcliffe Award is published on 17 August. (Cyril Radcliffe, a
London barrister, headed the Boundary Commission to establish partition
lines between India and Pakistan in the divided provinces of Punjab and
Bengal.) By splitting Gurdaspur district - a Muslim-majority area
allotted to Pakistan in 'notional division'. Award provides India with a
road link to Kashmir and makes it practicable for Maharaja to accede to
India or establish a military alliance with it.
Maharaja, having excluded option of joining Pakistan, adopts three-point
strategy: (i) to make the road to India serviceable - all existing roads
lead to Pakistan; (ii) to concentrate his troops in areas bordering on
Pakistan to deter insurgencies and seal the frontier against incursions;
(iii) to establish close working relationship with Indian government
without formal accession, if possible and with it, if necessary.
26 August 1947 Armed uprising against Maharaja's forces begins in Poonch.
Fighting spreads quickly throughout the area inhabited by ex-servicemen
of British Indian army.
September 1947 Maharaja appoints Mehr Chand Mahajan - who had served on
Boundary Commission as nominee of Indian National Congress to represent
Hindu interests - as Prime Minister on 18 September. Before formally
assuming office, Mahajan goes to Delhi to confer with Vallabhai Patel -
India's Minister for States and strongman of Indian National Congress -
who "orders" him to accept offer "in the interest of India". Mahajan also
consults Gandhi, Nehru and Mountbatten. Gandhi to Mahajan: "The State
should, if possible, accede to India." Mountbatten to Mahajan: "As
Governor General of India, I would be happy if you advise Maharaja to
accede to India." Nehru urges release of Shaikh Abdullah and immediate
change in Kashmir's internal administration.
R.L. Batra, a Hindu from Punjab, appointed Deputy Prime Minister for
liaison with Patel and to negotiate terms with Shaikh Abdullah for his
release in exchange for collaboration with Maharaja in policy regarding
accession.
On 29 September, Shaikh Abdullah is released by Maharaja's "act of
royal clemency" while Abbas continues to remain incarcerated. Abdullah tells
Kashmiri delegations urging accession to Pakistan: "Let us see whether
Pakistan will survive." An informal delegation from Pakistan calls on him
and suggests he discuss matters personally with Pakistan government at
highest level. Abdullah replies that he has first to go to Delhi where he
has been invited by Nehru.
Gopalaswami Ayyangar - who had the longest tenure as Maharaja's Prime
Minister - is taken into Nehru's cabinet, even though he is not a member
either of Indian Parliament or of Congress executive.
Armed bands of extremist militant Hindu party in India, the Rashstrya
Sevak Sang (RSS) enter Jammu and are deployed at various places, including
Uri and Muzaffarabad in Kashmir. Killing of Muslims is accelerated in
interior of Hindu-majority areas - Maharaja himself giving signal at
place named Deva Vatala.
Plans rumoured for dramatic showdown at Muzaffarabad on Eid festival
(which fell on 25 October that year) on some pretext, Maharaja's soldiery
would open fire on unsuspecting large Muslim congregation - virtually
bulk of adult male population of town - at Eid prayers, thus preventing
spread of the Poonch uprising and deterring any link-up between local
groups and martial elements in neighbouring areas of Pakistan.
Meetings at various places in Pakistan of Kashmir exiles with Pakistani
officials - mostly civil, some military - and political activists to plan
action to thwart Maharaja's designs and avert further Muslim massacres.
One meeting is held in presence of Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. No
concrete plan or coordinated scheme emerges: leading parts assumed by -
but not assigned to - two non-officials, Khurshid Anwar and M.Z. Kiani,
and one military officer, Akbar Khan. Neither Jinnah nor high command of
Pakistan army - British at the time - is informed.
Military plans for "reconquering Kashmir" - words used by a senior aide
and confidant of Maharaja - for Maharaja are advanced with promise of arms
supplies from Indian government. Wireless equipment for Srinagar airfield is
provided. Preparations are made for Indian troop concentrations in vicinity
of State. Indian Defence Minister Baldev Singh and Home Minister
Vallabhai Patel facilitate arrangements for enlisting Patiala state
troops as reinforcement for Maharaja's army. One senior officer of Indian
army, a kinsman of Maharaja, is stationed in Srinagar.
Major General Scott, British commander of Maharaja's army, submits
final report on retirement - 22 September - saying the Maharaja's government
is steadily losing control over large parts of the State.
October 1947 Maharaja's government accuses Pakistan of withholding supplies
which Kashmir received from or through territory now included in
Pakistan. Pakistan government replies on 2 October that disruption is due
to disorder widespread in the region and fear of Pakistani truck and bus
drivers of attack by Maharaja's soldiery and/or RSS men. Sends a senior
official to Srinagar to discuss with Maharaja's government secure
arrangements for supplies. The official calls on Prime Minister Mahajan
and invites him to Karachi (then capital of Pakistan) to confer with
Pakistan government at the highest level. Mahajan declines invitation.
Pakistan government sends telegram on 12 October to Mahajan about "large
number of villages (in Poonch) that can be seen burning from Murree Hills"
(in Pakistan), pointing out that as "Pakistan army obtains a large number
of recruits from Poonch", situation is "fraught with danger" to "friendly
relations" that Pakistan "wishes to retain with Kashmir". Message asks
for restoring order and discipline of Maharaja's troops. Mahajan replies
on 15 October complaining of "infiltration" from Pakistan and stating
that his government is "prepared to have an impartial inquiry made into
the whole affair" to "remove misunderstandings" and "restore cordial
relations". Otherwise, he adds, his government will have "no option but
to ask for assistance to withstand aggressive actions of the Pakistan
people along our border".
Meanwhile, Shaikh Abdullah has meeting with Maharaja on 16 October.
Mahajan follows his message with telegram to Jinnah on 18 October stating
that if Pakistan's "extremely unfriendly acts" are not stopped, Maharaja'
s government "will be justified in asking for friendly assistance". Reply
of Foreign Minister of Pakistan categorically denies Mahajan's
allegations, points out "exodus of Muslims" from border areas of State,
and adds: "We are astonished to hear your threat to ask for assistance
from an outside power with the object of completing "the process of
suppressing the Muslims to enable you to join India as coup d'état
against the declared will of ... 85 percent of population of your State.
Message warns of "gravest consequences" if measures toward that end are
not "stopped". Finally, message states that Pakistan government
appreciates suggestion of an impartial inquiry and asks Mahajan
"immediately to nominate your representative on the Enquiry Committee"
whereupon Pakistan government will nominate its representatives without
delay so that Committee can proceed at once with a thorough inquiry into
the whole matter."
On 20 October, Governor General of Pakistan Jinnah sends telegram to
Maharaja deploring tone and language of Mahajan's telegram which is "almost
in the nature of an ultimatum", pointing out that difficulties in
supplies "have been felt actually by the Punjab government (in Pakistan)
themselves" and refuting Mahajan's "ex-parte" allegations in detail.
Message stresses "urgent necessity" of meeting of representatives of
Pakistan and Maharaja's governments and asks Maharaja to help end
"acrimonious and bitter controversy" and "smooth out difficulties" by
sending Mahajan to Karachi and also to cooperate in setting up an Enquiry
Committee immediately.
Foreign Minister of Pakistan sends message to Mahajan on 21 October
about "inhuman barbarity" in Poonch. Mahajan replies on 22 October: "Facts
reverse of what is alleged"; his message quotes communication from Hindus in
Poonch stating "rebels fifteen miles from the city".
A battalion of Patiala State forces - Patiala has already acceded to
India - is brought into Kashmir on 17 October; it takes up positions
guarding Srinagar airfield and reinforces Maharaja's garrison in Jammu.
Muslim soldiers of Maharaja's army in Muzaffarabad sector - on the road
to Srinagar - mutiny in small hours of 22 October and liquidate their
commander and other officers. About 3,000 Pathan tribesmen, volunteers
from areas not under Pakistan's regular administration with small arms and
driving in civilian lorries, commanded by Khurshid Anwar, enter State on
22 October and overrun the whole Muzaffarabad-Uri area. Although lacking
armoured transport, they rapidly advance towards Srinagar - 22 to 26
October - overcome resistance by Maharaja's force and, amidst jubilation
of people along the way and with help from local civilians in building
diversions in place of bridges destroyed by Maharaja's retreating troops,
reach Baramulla on 25 October.
R.L. Batra, Maharaja's Deputy Prime Minister, is sent off to Delhi on 23
October with request for large-scale military assistance but without offer
of accession unless insisted on by Indian government.
24 October 1947 Establishment of Azad (free) Kashmir government declared
with headquarters at Trarkhel inside Kashmir.
October 1947 (continued) As Azad forces, including Pathan volunteers,
advance towards Srinagar, Maharaja flees from his capital on 25 October.
Mahajan and Shaikh Abdullah fly to Delhi and confer separately with Nehru
on 25 October. Nehru assures Prime Minister Attlee of Britain on 26
October (copy sent to Pakistan Prime Minister two days later) that
"question of aiding Kashmir in this emergency is not designed in any way
to influence the State to accede to India" and "question of accession in
any disputed territory must be decided in accordance with the wishes of
the people". Attlee cables next day "begging" Nehru not to let his answer
to Maharaja's appeal for aid "take the form of armed intervention" and
suggests tripartite meeting of Prime Ministers of India, Pakistan and
Maharaja to settle problem.
Indian government decides on 26 October to rush troops to Kashmir,
requiring Maharaja to accede to India and instal Shaikh Abdullah as head of
administration. Maharaja's letter offering accession, drafted for him by
Indian official, V.P. Menon, is preceded by Governor General
Mountbatten's letter of acceptance, drafted by same hand; the two letters
are given dates of 26 October and 27 October respectively. Mountbatten's
letter provides that "as soon as law and order have been restored in
Kashmir and her soil cleared of the invader, the question of the State's
accession should be settled by a reference to the people".
27 October 1947 Indian troops are flown to Srinagar, early on the morning of
27 October. First contingent encounters advancing detachment of Azad
forces at a place 24 miles from Srinagar and is eliminated. Mountbatten
personally supervises planning of Indian military operations.
October 1947 (continued) Khurshid Anwar and his comrades are unable to
maintain discipline on disparate elements comprising Azad forces after
they capture Baramulla. A large body of tribesmen-volunteers go on
rampage in town and indulge in looting. Anwar sends for tribesmens
religious leader to urge them to desist. Disorderly elements are
withdrawn to tribal territory. Anwar with a small band while Anwar
presses forward to Srinagar, advancing to a few miles from Srinagar
airfield, but retreats on finding airfield well-guarded.
General Gracey, British acting Commander-in-Chief of Pakistan army,
warns Pakistan Government on 24 October of "chaos in Kashmir" and urges that
tribal leaders in Kashmir be "told categorically that policy of Pakistan
government is strict neutrality". News of planned Indian military
operation reaches Pakistan army headquarters on 26 October but
information not passed on to Governor General Jinnah until evening of 27
October.
Immediately on receipt of it, Jinnah orders General Gracey to despatch
regular Pakistan troops to Kashmir to rectify situation. Gracey responds
that action requires approval of Field Marshal Auchinleck, India-Pakistan
Joint Supreme Commander. Auchinleck flies next morning to Lahore and
represents to Jinnah that despatching Pakistan army to Kashmir will
necessitate withdrawal of all British officers from the army and spell
virtually total disorganisation. Auchinleck suggests that, instead,
Jinnah invite Mountbatten and Nehru to Lahore in order to achieve peaceful
settlement. Auchinleck's suggestion is backed by Pakistan cabinet which
recommends to Jinnah to withdraw his order.
On return to Delhi, Auchinleck impresses on Mountbatten that Jinnah is
enraged at what he regards India's "sharp practice" and that Mountbatten and
Nehru should meet Jinnah in Lahore immediately to come to an agreement. In
view of prospect of peaceful adjustment by decision at summit conference,
Jinnah accepts cabinet's recommendation and withdraws his order for
despatch of troops to Kashmir.
On 28 October, Nehru invites Pakistan government's "cooperation" in
stopping "the raiders" (i.e. Azad forces) and assures Liaquat Ali that
"accession is subject to reference to the people of the State and their
decision".
Pakistan's reply of 29 October cites Maharaja's refusal to allow an
impartial inquiry, killing of Muslims by his troops and "conspiracy ... to
create a situation for military intervention by India". The telegram,
addressed both to Nehru and to Attlee, claims that developments have
revealed "existence of a plan for accession against will of the people
possible only by occupation of country by Indian troops". Message
concludes: "Pakistan government cannot recognise accession of Kashmir to
Indian Union achieved as it has been by fraud and violence."
Conflicting views at highest level of Indian government about proposed
conference with Jinnah. Mountbatten agreeable, Nehru most reluctant, Patel
(and Menon) vehemently opposed. Conference is postponed until 1 November.
Nehru pleads illness and is relieved when Mountbatten lets him off.
Finally, Mountbatten (accompanied only by Ismay, his personal adviser)
flies to Lahore to meet Jinnah.
Nehru communicates to Liaquat Ali on 31 October that Kashmir's
accession has been accepted on condition that as soon as law and order have
been restored "the people of Kashmir would themselves decide the question
of accession". He adds: "Our assurance that we shall withdraw our troops
from Kashmir as soon as peace and order are restored and leave the
decision regarding the future of the State to the people of the State is
not merely a pledge to your government but also to the people of Kashmir
and to the world".
November 1947 Nehru repeats the same undertaking in a radio broadcast on 2
November. "We have declared that the fate of Kashmir is ultimately to be
decided by the people ... We will not, and cannot back out of it. We are
prepared when peace and law and order have been established to have a
referendum held under international auspices like the United Nations. We
want it to be a fair and just reference to the people, and we shall
accept their verdict."
1948 On 1 January, India lodges a complaint with the Security Council
alleging that a situation, continuance of which is likely to endanger
peace and security, has developed between India and Pakistan owing to aid
which invaders across Pakistan into the State of Jammu and Kashmir are
receiving from Pakistan. India places their number augmented by Pakistan
nationals at 19,000. The letter stresses that India is not using the
"State's immediate peril for her own political advantage" and repeats that
once the State has been "cleared of the invader and normal conditions
restored, its people would be free to decide their future by recognised
democratic method of a plebiscite or referendum which, in order to ensure
complete impartiality, might be held under international auspices". The
complaint requests the Security Council to ask Pakistan to desist from
course it has chosen.
Gopalaswamy Ayyangar , Indias representative, when presenting his
governments case to the Council on 15 January, states: The question ...
whether she (Kashmir) should withdraw from her accession to India, and
either accede to Pakistan or remain independent with a right to claim
admission as a Member of the United Nations - all this we have recognised
to be a matter for unfettered decision by the people of Kashmir.
Following Presidents consensus statement, Council members work on
draft resolution contemplating simultaneous withdrawals of tribesmen and
Indian troop, setting up a neutral administration and holding plebiscite
under United Nations control.
February-May 1948 In early February, at crucial stage of Security Councils
consideration of the dispute, India asks for suspension of proceedings
expression dissatisfaction with trend in the Council. Council members,
notably Phillip Noel-Baker of Britain (later a Nobel Peace laureate) and
Warren Austin of the United States protest. It seems, Austin says on 10
February that what he (Indian representative) desired ... was that the
Council should take up a position which would amount to that of an ally
in a war ... and allow India to finish the job by force against the
tribesmen. That is the very last position which the Council ought to take.
Mountbatten helps India bring pressure on Britain to help modify
proposals under Councils consideration.
On 21 April, Council adopts comprehensive resolution instructing United
Nations Commission (membership raised to five) to proceed at once to
subcontinent with mandate to bring about cessation of fighting and
necessary measures for holding plebiscite. Resolution recommends
demilitarisation of the State (except minimum forces required for law and
order) equitable share of major political groups in government,
establishment of Plebiscite Administrator headed by a nominee of
Secretary General and return of all displaced persons.
On 30 April, Pakistan states that measures envisaged in Councils
resolution are not adequate to ensure an impartial plebiscite. On 7 May,
India voices objections to Councils recommendations. Both parties,
however, agree to confer with United Nations Commission for India and
Pakistan (UNCIP).
With end of winter and roads no longer snow-bound, India poised on
large-scale military offensive to capture Muzzafarabad. Gen. Gracey,
commander- in-chief of Pakistan Army, makes urgent request to his
government to permit Pakistans regular forces, in limited strength, to
enter Kashmir to prevent an easy victory of the Indian army. To forestall
grave danger to Pakistan, Gen. Gracey states, India cannot be allowed to
sit on the doorsteps of Pakistan and to advance beyond the general line
Uri-Poonch-Naushehra. Pakistan moves in three army brigades with strict
instructions to take defensive positions behind Azad forces and not to
take part in battle unless Indian troops break through. No air cover is
provided to Pakistan forces, lest fighting escalate to India-Pakistan war.