from The Irish People (7/26/94)

[MCE...@zodiac.rutgers.edu]

***********
from THE IRISH PEOPLE
7/26/94
(43,000 bytes)

1. Patrick McLaughlin case
2. Power Not Promises
3. Impressions of Old Bailey
4. Keeping Taxpayers in The Dark, by Brian McDonald
5. Irish-American Labor Council/Committee for the Administration
of Justice (CAJ)
6. 7 Eccles St...by Nosey Flynn
7. Articles removal may not be enough
8. Molyneaux Encouraged
9. Paisley fumes as he's seated next to fascists
10. Welcome Home for Christy Reid

(a summary from Sinn Fein of the delegates meeting which took
place this past weekend appeared in IRL-NEWS Sunday.)

1. Patrick McLaughlin - Another Innocent Victim of the Crown
by Sandy Boyer

When Paul Hill walked free from that Belfast courtroom many
believed that the era when the British judicial system framed
innocent Irish people was over. After all, the "Guildford Four,"
the "Birmingham Six" and even Judith ward had been set free.

But Patrick McLaughlin from Derry City is still serving a
life sentence in a British prison for an offense he did not
commit. He was convicted of conspiring to plant an INLA bomb
which never exploded outside the Chelsea army barracks in London.

DEPENDS

The case against Patrick McLaughlin depends entirely on
three things:

1. The crown claims that his fingerprint was on a plastic garbage
bag they found surrounding the bomb, 2. A puzzle book with his
name in it was found in the van the crown say transported the
bomb and 3. The allegation that he told a crown officer that he
knew the bomb was being made at a party he attended the night
before it was planted. This may seem like a fairly strong case
but it falls apart completely the minute it is examined in any
detail.

The fingerprint seemed like very strong evidence. But when
they got to court the crown could not even show the jury the
place on the garbage bag that they had lifted this fingerprint.
They claimed the identification sticker had been "lost." So we
have only the word of the British crown that it was ever there at
all.

PLANTED

Patrick McLaughlin says the crown planted the puzzle book in
the van. It was one of several with his name in it that he left
in the apartment where the party was held at which the police
claim the bomb was assembled. It strains credulity to think that
an "INLA bomber" on his way to plant a bomb would conveniently
leave a book with his name on it behind.

The conversation where Patrick McLaughlin told a crown
officer about knowing the bomb was being made at the party just
never happened. This British constable assigned to interrogate a
suspect mysteriously never bothered to get this admission down on
paper or even ask who was assembling the bomb. Just as
mysteriously, his partner, who was present throughout the
interrogation, never heard the conversation. He testified at the
trial that he didn't remember McLaughlin saying anything about a
bomb being made.

OPEN

Patrick McLaughlin hardly fitted the profile of someone on a
bombing mission. He lived in a church run hostel for Irish
people, signing in with his own name. He also signed on for the
dole, again, in his own name. Finally Patrick McLaughlin became
so broke that his wife had to come over from Derry
to bring him the money to go home. From the time he returned to
Derry until he was arrested he lived perfectly openly, signing on
regularly for the dole.

In the face of all this it was only extreme pressure fro the
judge that secured a majority, 10 to 2, guilty verdict. He
introduced a highly emotional account of an IRA bombing where six
people were killed which had nothing to do with the case. When
the jury deadlocked he told them urgently that they had to reach
a verdict because a new trial would be "a terrible waste of tax
payers' money." Two jurors wept openly when the verdict was
announced.

The INLA has repeatedly stated that Patrick McLaughlin was
never one of their members. They deny he had anything to do with
the Chelsea barracks bomb. Patrick McLaughlin is still
proclaiming that he is innocent. He is supported by his family
and friends in Derry who know that he was framed as certainly as
the "Guildford Four" and the "Birmingham Six" were framed. They
have formed a committee, The Friends of Patrick McLaughlin, to
work for his release. You can contact them at 1 West End Park,
Derry BT489JF or call (504) 268846.

**************

2. POWER NOT PROMISES

The British secretary in Ireland, Patrick Mayhew, revealed
his government's real intentions when he demanded in public that
the Dublin government give up Articles 2 and 3 of the 1937
Constitution.

If Dublin does this, it will never again have any right to
interfere in any way in the affairs of the northeast of its own
country. They will have no more right even to comment on them
than a local council in Outer Mongolia or the Saint Vincent de
Paul Society in upper Buckna.

That is the position the British government wants to enforce
in Ireland.

It would leave the democratic population in the northeast
completely unprotected -within months, the churches would be
burning again and the people fleeing for their lives from the
onslaught of armed British civilians and constabulary.

SPRING

Although the government in Dublin knows the consequences of
giving up Articles 2 and 3 of the 1937 Constitution, nevertheless
it is discussing with the British how to do it. Mr. Spring,
Minister for External Affairs in Dublin, has made it clear that
the Dublin government is working not for a united Ireland,
unitary or federal, not for joint authority with the British in
the northeast, not for democratic government overseen by the
United Nations or the European Union, but for an internal
settlement in which the British Unionists will get power and the
Democrats promises.

The dangers inherent in this situation are immense. The
British government intends to stay in Ireland, being unwilling to
face up to the constitutional crisis that withdrawal from Ireland
would provoke in Britain itself. The breakup of the "United
Kingdom" is too high a price to pay.

But in order to stay, it needs the consent of some Catholics
in the northeast and of the government in Dublin. Hence the great
pressure on Dublin to get rid of all claim to the northeast.

Once that is achieved, the British can do what they like
with the Catholic population, reducing it to a manageable size by
the same methods they used from the nineteen-twenties until now:
pogrom and discrimination to enforce exile. The enormous
fortresses they have built on the border are meant to ensure that
if Dublin, seeing thousands of refugees fleeing south, wants to
intervene after all, it will not be able to. Tens of thousands of
refugees create an economic problem, not a moral one, and Dublin
might want to intervene for that reason.

FORTRESSES

It could only do so militarily, since it would have given up
all right to intervene otherwise by throwing away Articles 2 and
3 of the 1937 Constitution. Military intervention would be met by
British aggression as always, using the fortresses on the border.
Democrats can see the dangers. They are angry and fearful.

FINE GAEL

In the south, Fine Gael has always hoped that one day
Ireland as a whole will be politically joined to Britain again.
Fine Gael still continues to think this way in spite of the
decline in the British economy and Britain's increasing
unpopularity in the European Union. Even the fact that the United
States has now switched its special relationship in Europe away
from Britain and to Germany does not change their thinking. The
Progressive Democrats and Democratic Left want the same thing.

The pro-British-union lobby south of the border is large and
influential, then, but this fact tends to be overlooked by
external observers. Commentators look at the pro-British-union
lobby only in the northeast and assess their power and in
influence accordingly. They acknowledge that on the other side of
the border there is a large majority in favor of Irish unity
leading to democracy. But they tend to ignore the fact that
there is also a pro-British-union minority who are influential,
rich, and determined to make profit the greatest motivation of
Irish life. As long as the human-rights problems created by the
British are kept on the northeastern side of the border, the
minority will do all they can to pretend they do not exist, or if
they do, that the IRA is responsible for them rather than the
British government. They reckon that Ireland would be better off
under British domination. Not being compelled to live that way
themselves, they do not
know what it means.

DEMAND

And some democrats in the northeast say, ironically, that
the best thing that could happen would be for the British to make
a drive over the border and occupy the whole island. In the
ensuing months, the general public down there would find out once
again what living under British rule is really like. It is so
long since the oldest of them suffered it, that the rest have
conveniently forgotten.

Mayhew's demand that the Dublin government change the 1937
Constitution-he does not quite appreciate that democrats don't
change constitutions without a referendum-has a large measure of
support in Dublin.

Fortunately, most of the rest of the country is still
democratic.

*****************

3. IMPRESSIONS OF THE OLD BAILEY

by Sandy Boyer

Recently, I saw London's famous Old Bailey Court House. It
wasn't a tourist visit. I went in to observe, however briefly,
the trial of Sean McNulty, charged with conspiring "with a person
or persons unknown" to cause IRA explosions in England. My guide
was Judith Ward, who herself served seventeen years in a British
prison for a crime she did not commit.

We entered by a special side door. No sooner were we
inside, than we were frisked by court officers. Up a flight of
stairs, to be confronted by more court officers. When Judith told
them we were there for the McNulty trial, we had to produce
identification and have our names and addresses entered in a book
which we then signed.

ENTRY

Later, a woman who came to attend the trial told me that the
only identification she had with her was a bankbook. She was
worried that with her bank-account number and signature in hand,
the constabulary might try to frame her on a chargeof
transferring money for the IRA.

After another search, this time electronic, we were allowed
into the courtroom. Or rather into a tiny gallery above the
actual courtroom, with hard benches where thirty "spectators" at
most could squeeze in. A court officer stood in back of us and
warned anyone who so much as stood up for a moment
that he would be thrown out.

HIDDEN

The judge and even the jury were invisible to us. More
important, there
was no way for the jurors to see us and know that Sean had
friends in the courtroom.

Judith Ward told me that Sean would wave to the spectators
as he was being taken out at the end of the day. She hoped the
jurors would see this and realize that he must have friends in
the gallery. To me, this seemed a poor substitute for the packed
courtrooms I remembered from New York during every trial in which
someone was accused of attempting to send weapons to the IRA.
Sean McNulty's case, itself, is remarkable. The prosecution
acknowledges that he could not have planted the explosives.
Instead, they have reverted to the famous catch-all "conspiracy"
charge without even naming the persons he is supposed to have
conspired with.

FAMILY

Not only Sean McNulty, but his whole family are being
persecuted. His father, Brian, his mother, Dorothy, his sister,
Annette, and his uncle, Nial, were all held for seven days under
the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and then charged with
"withholding information." This means that they are supposed to
have known that Sean was involved in a conspiracy and didn't turn
him in to the constabulary.

In other words, they are charged with not turning informer
against a son, brother, or nephew. Although this particular
"crime" carries a sentence equivalent to a fairly large
shoplift, the McNulty family were treated like enemies of the
state. Brian McNulty, who suffers from a hereditary heart
condition, was even refused an electrocardiogram.

BAIL

In prison, they were all given the maximum-security
"Category A" status, which means that even visitors were
strip-searched and little children frisked each time they
visited. Bail was set at between $80,000 and $155,000. It took
family and friends over three months to raise the needed money.
After her release, Dorothy McNulty was fired from her job as a
nurse in a local hospital.

Even Sean McNulty's girlfriend was victimized. Her house was
raided by armed constabulary, and she was held for forty-eight
hours under the PTA. Her two children, ages 6 and 14, were taken
into foster care because the police refused to call relatives.

If you would like more information on this incredible
travesty of justice, you can contact:
McNulty Family Support Group,
P.O. Box 41,
North Shield,
Tyne and Wear NE290YY, England.

PARALLEL

It would be nice to say, "It can't happen here." But don't
be too sure.
We already have a secret court that routinely gives the
government a blank check for wiretapping and electronic
surveillance. The "Crime Bill" making its way through Congress
would create yet another special court designed to deport anyone
the government labels a terrorist, free from all the current
legal safeguards.

At this rate, it may not be too long before we have our own
homegrown version of the British PTA-all in the name of "national
security" and "combatting terrorism." And just think how easy it
will be to label anyone who objects as a "terrorist sympathizer."

************

4. NOTES FROM THE EDGE OF EUROPE
by Brian McDonald

KEEPING TAXPAYERS IN THE DARK

Open government is a well understood concept in the United
States, yet it scarcely exists on this side of the great pond.
The very notion that the public have a right to know exactly how
their tax money is being spent is dismissed as ludicrous by a
political establishment which has plenty to hide. As I have said
before, Tammany Hall politics may have originated in America, but
it has since been perfected in this country. In return for
'services rendered', whether a financial contribution or simply
being a party stalwart, there is a reward system in operation.
This might be a position on one of the many statutory bodies,
regional health boards and the like or, better still, a
nomination to sit in the Dublin Senate. All of the major parties
are involved in this reward system and that is why they readily
conspire to ensure that the truth doesn't leak out.

PUBLIC

In a telling example of the mentality of the establishment
parties here, an elected representative on Monaghan County
Council told a recent meeting of
that body that the public are like mushrooms, advising that
elected representatives 'should always keep them in the dark and
feed them lots of manure'. The councillor in question was
responding to the most recent attempt by Sinn Fein elected
representatives of the council to introduce
accountablilty in spending. After all, Councillor Caoimhghin O'
Caolain argued, accountability should be in everybody's interest
as it would allay public fears that their money was being wasted.

COLLEAGUES
It appears, however, that many of his council colleagues
have something to hide. In an obviously pre-arranged pact
between Fianna Fail and Fine Gael, an amendment was proposed that
effectively meant the continuation of the status quo. There will
be no accountability, other than the minimum required by existing
statute. Ignoring standing orders, the council chairperson went
so far as to deny Councillor O' Caolain or his party colleague
Councillor McKenna an opportunity to reply to the amendment, even
though they were the proposed and seconder of the original
motion. This blatantly illegal railroading of a spurious
amendment was roundly condemned by the local media. Like Sinn
Fein, the press has been forced to question how vast sums are
spent on expenses by councillors each year. At one conference
last year, it appears that 13 members - more than half - of
Monaghan County Council turned up at the County Kerry venue, all
claiming expenses!

GRAVY TRAIN

None of this is to suggest that Monaghan County Council is
any worse than other local authorities - or, indeed, non-elected
statutory bodies - in mis-appropriating public funds by claiming
exorbitant and unjustifiable expenses. Members of local
authorities and statutory bodies throughout this state are unpaid
and they make great play of the fact that they serve the
community without financial reward. In reality, however, and
between claims for committee meetings, co-option to statutory or
voluntary organizations and 'attending' conferences they have a
potentially lucrative sinecure: so lucrative, in fact, that the
two man parties are prepared to risk public humiliation in the
media, rather that give up the gravy train.

EXCLUSION

On this issue, as on so many at local government level, Sinn
Fein councillors have been rocking the boat and it as much for
this, as for any political reason, that Fianna Fail and Fine Gael
have combined to exclude them from positons within local
authorities. But with the remarkable success of Sinn Fein in the
recent local authority elections in Monaghan, the process of
exclusion is becoming harder than ever to justify or maintain.
Given time,
the efforts of Sinn Fein councillors in Monaghan will break down
the rotten facade and let in the light. When this happens, it
will have profound repercussions, not only in Monaghan, but in
every facet of government which will be faced with similar
demands for openness and accountablility in public spending.

**************

5. LABOR SLAMS DISCRIMINATION WHITEWASH

British Secretary Sir Patrick Mayhew's July 21 announcement
of his 1994-1995 five-year review of the effectiveness of the
1989 Fair Employment Act has set off alarms in Belfast and New
York.

The Irish-American Labor Coalition, one of the main American
groups behind the MacBride Principles campaign, joined the
Belfast-based human rights watchdog group, the Committee on the
Administration of Justice (CAJ), in criticizing British Secretary
Sir Partick Mayhew's July 21 announcement of plans for a review
of he Fair Employment Act.

"Economic and social justice is an integral part of the
peace process. The Downing Street Declaration speaks of "parity
of esteem" and "equity of treatment." While the 1989 FEA -- and
the MacBride campaign that forced the strengthening of theAct --
has led to undeniable piecemeal progress, the key indicators of
inequality have barely budged. Moreover, Sir Patrick's review
puts the Northeast Ireland civil servants in charge of evaluating
their own activity. How can we expect an honest review and
progress under such circumstances?" said Bill Lenahan, Asst.
Director of the IALC.

Also commenting was Committee for the Administration of
Justice. Spokesperson Maggie Beime said: "This review presents a
unique opportunity to remedy the failings of the existing
legislation and policy. Adequate protection against
discrmination is a fundamental human right.

A comprehensive and effective program to ensure fair
employmnent for all, regardless of political or religious
beliefs, is a key requirement for a just and peaceful society.

"The CAJ agrees that the review should be wide-ranging, and
examine more than the impact, operation and adequacy of the
legislation, and we will be making detailed submissions in due
course.

"At this point, however, we remain concerned about the
central focus of
the review, and its independence.

"The central focus must be to determine whether there have
been measurable reductions in the economic inequalities between
the two communities. This requires and examination of what
change has actually occurred, what change is still required, how
the government intends to bring it about, and within what
timetable. It is generally recognized that there has been
virtually no shift in the unemployment differential.
Unfortunately, the Secretary of State's article demonstrates
little sense of urgency.

"Furthermore, despite his assurances about the independence
of the review, the CAJ is unconvinced that such a fundamental and
essential assessment of fair employment policies can adequately
be overseen by CCRU, an underresourced and over-worked Government
department."

************

6. No. 7 Eccles Street
by Nosey Flynn

IRA Chronicler A Hit on CNN
Rory Nugent of Spin magazine spent four months on
assignment in the occupied six counties researching a piece
entitled, "Inside the IRA." It makes for a riveting read in the
August issue of the popular monthly. During his sojourn, Nugent
gained a "rare look into its guerrilla operations." He was
also a hit as a guest on CNN's "Larry King Live," a Washington,
DC-based talk show (Monday, July 18th). Spin magazine has a
world-wide circulation and caters to the under-30 crowd.

CNN's nightly audience is estimated at between four and five
million viewers. Besides being an excellent writer, Nugent is
also a fine photographer. His Spin article is accompanied by
eight pictures of city scenes, IRA fighters in training, and a
"Bloody Sunday" memorial march in Derry. On his CNN appearance,
Nugent displayed some of the video work he did on his
investigative report.

He told King that it would be wrong to" romanticize the
IRA." But, the Boston-based writer added, he found the IRA
Volunteers he met to be "dedicated and committed" to the
struggle. Nugent said he could find "no evidence" of a split
between the Volunteers and the leadership of Sinn Fein over how
the
peace process is being managed. "The IRA wants peace, too,"
Nugent told King; they want their children to have "a better
life" than they have had. He blasted the British for "talking
at" the IRA, rather than "to them."

Nugent underscored how the discipline of the IRA has
improved over the years. In his article, a commander of the
Volunteers described the "IRA gestalt." It means, the Volunteer
leader said, making sure "no one joins up out of anger. War is
brutal. It brutalizes people. And we have to be sensitive to
what that means. If anger develops in someone, out they go. It's
a liability that can't be to tolerated."

In his fourteen-page Spin article, Nugent reminded readers
that this gutsy generation of IRA Volunteers has never
experienced a "memory of true peace." He said, "I can't imagine
they will ever forget what they saw or felt." He continued with
this reflection: "During the 1970s, when many of today's
Volunteers were teens or younger, the Brits conducted more than
than 150,000 house searches. Back then, there were no knocks on
the door, just troops smashing their way in and for forcing
residents to the floor at gunpoint.
Over the past 25 years, the six counties have gone from having
Europe's lowest rate of convicts per capita to having one of the
world's highest rates. Not once do I meet a Catholic family that
has never suffered a late-night house search or has someone who
hasn't served or is serving time. About a third of the people I
meet have a relative who was shot or beaten by the authorities."

On the program, host Larry King played up the ongoing peace
process and the fact that Sinn Fein would soon be officially
replying to the Downing Street Declaration. Because Gerry Adams
had done such a terrific interview on King's show last February,
Nugent's IRA story was a natural follow-up report
on the present situation.

Thanks also to the scheduling of the cable-television show,
"Rights & Wrongs," British crimes in the six counties got
additional exposure on both July 16th and 17th. The program
highlighted British censorship and the machinations of its
propaganda machine in covering up the foul deeds of the Tory
police state. Civil-rights leader and feminist, Bernadette Devlin
McAliskey, was featured on that broadcast.

Gerard Magee's Case Filed With United Nations

In a precedent-setting 16-page complaint, the matter of
Gerard Magee, Irish nationalist, was submitted on July 10th to
the United Nations Center for Human Rights. "Every wrong warrants
a remedy," said Ed Lynch, national coordinator of the
American-based Lawyers Alliance for Justice (Alliance).
The Alliance's action, on behalf of the imprisoned native of
Antrim town, was filed with the UN's Geneva office.

Lynch added, "What happened to our client at the hands of
British crown forces sounds like a scene out of the movie 'In the
Name of the Father'. Magee, now age 29, was victimized for
distributing a republican newspaper. He was arrested on December
16, 1988, subjected to mental and physical torture at
Castlereagh, and forced to sign a confession. When his case came
to trial, a Diplock Court judge ignored his credible work-related
alibi. Magee was sentenced to twenty years in prison for an
offense, possession of explosive, that he had absolutely nothing
to do with. I and my colleagues at the bar feel duty-bound to try
and correct this grave injustice."

The complaint documents how the petitioner, Magee, was
subjected to nine grueling interrogation sessions by a series of
RUC inquisitors. He was held incommunicado from both family
members and his lawyer during this initial 55-hour period. He was
brutally slapped, jabbed and choked. He was repeatedly assaulted
by an RUC team. According to page 6 of the complaint, "a lit
cigarette was held just below Magee's chin while he was pinned
against the wall by both detectives. He could not lower his chin
as the heat of the lit end was so close to his skin. The constant
rising smoke and hot ash went straight into his nostrils and
eyes."

Magee, a bona fide prisoner of conscience, is held at Long
Kesh prison. The British government will be forced to file a
written response to Magee's complaint. The UN has jurisdiction
over this human-rights matter, since the petitioner has exhausted
all his rights under Britain's draconian laws.

He is also claiming violations, by the British authorities,
of both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. I have been
advised that both the British Embassy and the six-county direct
ruler, Patrick Mayhew, have been given official notice of Magee's
history-making complaint.

Some other lawyers associated with the Alliance in this
endeavor are: Brooklyn's Yvonne Mandleur, Arizona's Nancy
O'Neill, California's Kenneth McNamara, Michigan's Jack Cahill,
New Jersey's Tom Beetel and Tom Irwin, New York's Frank Durkan
and Richard Harvey, Florida's Owen Bell and
Pennsylvania's Jerry Shestack. Lynch also acknowledged the fine
contribution of Ms. Christie McEvoy, a law school intern, in the
researching and drafting of the complaint.

Breyer's Anglophilia Raised By Boston Globe

The Boston Globe's Kevin Cullen, a legendary wordsmith in
his own right, has raised the issue of Judge Stephen G. Breyer's
congenital Anglophilia (July 19th). His post-Judiciary Committee
hearings article is entitled, "Some Uneasy with Breyer's British
Ties." Cullen quoted the Irish Echo's Ray O'Hanlon: "While we
shouldn't prejudge the man, there is a justifiable fear in the
Irish community that he would not be sympathetic in cases
involving the Irish or Irish-Americans."

I know for a fact that each member of the Senate's Judiciary
Committee was personally advised of Breyer's apparent violation
of Sec. 455 (a) of Title 28. The failure of the Supreme Court
nominee to recuse himself in at least three cases involving the
Irish cause was also cited by Cullen in his piece.

Although severalactivists submitted written statements to
Chairman Joseph Biden opposing Breyer's confirmation, the
response of committee members to the oral and written complaints
regarding Breyer can be described in two words,
"Who cares?"

To testify at the Breyer confirmation hearing, an individual
had to be "approved" in advance by the chairman. This writer's
request for permission to testify was rejected by Biden's office.
Only 21 witnesses were allowed to be heard, although hundreds
from around the country had requested permission. Out of the 21
who did testify, only eight appeared to be passionately opposed
to Breyer.

Ralph Nader, consumer advocate, led the charge against
Breyer on the latter's sordid record in pollution and anti-trust
matters. Nader's courage was rewarded with slurs from a nasty
Sen. Dennis DeConcini. The hearings from beginning to end were a
carefully controlled and orchestrated event. The cards were
stacked against anyone who dared to object to Breyer's
ill-considered appointment to the court.

O'Hanlon told Cullen, "If you had a nominee who was
perceived as being unduly unsympathetic to Irish nationalism,
you'd have the telephones ringing off the hooks in the Senate.
The British Embassy would be in overdrive."
Cullen pondered why activists didn't mount an all-out campaign
against Breyer. Speculation over that question is interesting but
will remain just that-interesting speculation, The Irish American
community may have played its hand as well as could be
expected-considering the rigged circumstances surrounding the
Breyer appointment.

Cullen suggested that Breyer (soon to be Associate Justice
Stephen G. Breyer) could now be subjected to a "preemptive
strike" to recuse himself from sitting on any cases touching on
the occupied six counties. That is true.
I think that Breyer's adjudicatory role in past Irish cases has
tainted those appellant decisions, too.

New Mailing Address for Martin Quigley

The latest mailing address for Martin Quigley, #41064-066,
is the same as the address for Richard Clark Johnson,
#17422-038-3A. It is SCI, Allenwood,
PO Box 200 0, White Deer, PA 17887. Please drop them both a line
this summer. And, a very big thank you to Joe Joyce of Hanover,
Va., and Ann Loughman of Pamona, NY, for their background
material on the "Boston Three" case and related support.

************************************

7. Articles' removal may not be enough

The British government is not in a position to guarantee
unionist acceptance of a new political settlement involving the
creation of all-Ireland institutions with "executive" powers,
even if Dublin agrees changes to Articles 2 and 3 of the
Constitution, according to sources in London.

The admission comes amid growing controversy over Patrick
Mayhew's claim that the Irish territorial claim is now the
central issue to be resolved in ongoing negotiations between the
British and Irish governments.

In an interview in the Daily Telegraph, the British
Secretary said: "The Irish Government realises the central
importance to unionists of the territorial claim. " While Dublin
had said it would bring forward proposals
for changes to Articles 2 and 3 in the context of an overall
constitutional agreement, Sir Patrick said: "There has got to be,
in my view, something much more positive than a broad assertion
of that character if unionists are going to have their fears
allayed."

Following the postponement of this week's scheduled
Anglo-Irish summit, and speculation that the two governments are
locked in disagreement on the key constitutional questions,
Mayhew said "there has been some useful progress but there is
still quite a long way to go."

Mayhew went on: "What unionists are looking for in order to
gain more confidence is an abandonment of the territorial claim
to the North expressed in terms that don't need a constitutional
lawyer to tease out the true meaning and intent."

Asked if he was confident the political will existed in
Dublin to make "the necessary concessions", Mayhew replied: "I am
satisfied that Dublin understands the centrality of the
territorial claim to the question of acquiring Unionist and
Protestant confidence. I think they haven't always understood
it. I believe they now do, and that is an encouraging
advancement."

Opposition politicians at Westminster, reluctant to
exacerbate tensions between London and Dublin, accused Mayhew of
changing the agreed basis for the resumption of the
three-stranded talks process, by making changes in the Irish
Constitution a condition ahead of resumed negotiations, in
contravention of the principle that nothing could be agreed until
everything is agreed.

And Mayhew's most outspoken references to date on Articles 2
and 3 focussed attention on the nature of the "framework
document" by which he hopes to draw the North's constitutional
parties back to the conference table.

In his interview, Mayhew again ruled out the possibility
that London and Dublin might seek to impose an agreement. "I do
recognise there is a good deal of anxiety and fear in unionist
circles that the two governments are cooking something up that is
going to be imposed. It has no foundation but it is symptomatic
of the suspicions that are endemic in Northern Ireland right
across the political field," he said.

The Irish Government has been reluctant to concede on any
matter of principle ahead of negotiations with all the other
parties, and has been fearful that an outline agreement between
the two governments could be rejected by the other parties and
used as the departure point for a fresh negotiation. In seeking
to agree a framework document, it is understood that Dublin has
proposed amendment rather than repeal of Articles 2 and 3.

While Mayhew last week appeared to reject amendment of the
1920 Government of Ireland Act to incorporate the principle of
consent, weekend reports from Brussels suggested that the
British Prime Minister, John Major, had intimated his willingness
to do this during his bilateral meeting with the Taoiseach.

Mayhew again insisted that the two governments were not
considering joint authority over Northern Ireland, insisting:
"The Irish Government has repeatedly said joint authority is not
being discussed. It is not on the agenda. It would not stand a
cat in hell's chance. That's before you get into any
consideration of practicality. Joint authority would be run out
of town the moment it showed its nose."

*************************

8. MOLYNEAUX ENCOURAGED BY SOVEREIGNTY PLEDGE

Ulster Unionist leader James Molyneaux emerged from a
meeting with John Major armed with assurances that the British
government would reject the "slippery slope" to joint authority
between the north and south.

After more than an hour of talks with the prime minister at
Downing Street, Mr. Molyneaux said he was content the government
would not accept joint sovereignty in Northeast Ireland.

And he said: "The prime minister gave us the definite, firm
assurance that he was not in the business of joint authority,
joint sovereignty or even the slippery slope leading to either of
these two developments."

Asked whether he was confident of Mr. Major's assurances,
Mr. Molyneaux replied: "I've never known John Major to tell
lies.

"I'm convinced he was speaking from the heart and very
firmly and furthermore we are keeping up this series of meeting."

Mr. Major, who is holding regular talks with leaders of all
the constitutional parties, is due to see DUP leader Ian Paisley
next week.
Mr. Molyneaux demanded that Ireland renounce its constitutional
claim to the north.

The meeting, also attended by Ulster Unionist MEP James
Nicholson, followed last week's talks between Mr. Major and the
taoiseach in Brussels.

The two premiers decided to postpone the Anglo-Irish summit
planned for this month until the autumn -- a sign of difficulties
in agreeing the terms of a joint framework document intended to
take the peace process based on last December's historic Downing
Street declaration.

But the two governments have run into stumbling blocks over
the Irish claim to the north and cross-border institutions.

Dublin is reluctant to announce its constitutional claim
without the establishment of north-south bodies -- fiercely
resisted by the unionists -- in return.

According to Molyneaux, the talks between Mr. Major and
Taoiseach Albert Reynolds were "leading towards the purpose of
the framework but not as yet the framework itself".

Asked about the upsurge of violence in Northeast Ireland,
Mr. Molyneaux said: "I am not pessimistic because I think if
handled right, the prophets of doom and gloom will be proved
wrong."

*********************************

9. Paisley fumes as Strasbourg seats him with fascists

The Rev. Ian Paisley is furious because he has been seated
alongside French and Italian fascists at the European Parliament,
Strasbourg.

At the opening session of the parliament the DUP leader
voiced his anger about the decision to seat him on the right of
the chamber to the new incoming president of the parliament.

"I've never been treated like this in the 15 years that I've been
coming here," said an angry Ian Paisley afterwards.

He said he was not a right-winger with extreme views and
added: "Anyone who examines my voting record here and at
Westminster will know this is not the case. In fact on a number
of issues I'm quite middle of the road," declared the DUP leader.

At the opening session he spoke for 15 minutes on the
subject and demanded that he be reseated elsewhere.

He said he objected to the authorities at the parliament
deciding which way he veered politically.

At the opening session of the parliament Dr. Paisley
discovered a member of Jean-Marie Le Pen's National Front Party
sitting right in front of him.
He now wants the new president of the parliament to relocate him
back to where he has been sitting for the last 15 years -- in the
middle section of the parliament.

He said that this middle section was a position which was
more "representative" of his personal and political views.

********************

10. Welcome Home Party for Christine Reid Boston's

A welcome-home party for Christina Reid was held at
O'Keeffe's Bar in San Francisco on Saturday, July 2. Chris, a
member of the Boston Three, recently completed a three-year
prison sentence.

Chris is a long-time Bay Area resident, and a graduate of
San Francisco State University with a degree in Engineering. She
was a member of Irish Northern Aid and Students for a United
Ireland before her arrest.

O'Keeffe's was crowded with old friends, well-wishers, and
contributors to the Boston Three Defense Fund. All of the
supporters present were delighted to get an opportunity to
personally congratulate Chris on her release.

Mary McLoughlin, an organizer of the event, thanked the
crowd for attending, and promised that the very lively atmosphere
at the party would not be interrupted by any long speeches. She
asked that everyone present "please continue to support our
political prisoners, including those, such as the H-Block Four
and Chris' co-defendants in the Boston Three, who are held in the
United States."

Entertainment was provided by folk singer Eamon J. Kelly,
who is well-known locally for his spirited performances at
Republican gatherings.

The party was hosted by Tim and Annie O'Keeffe, proprietors
of one of San Francisco's most popular Irish bars. Earlier this
year, the O'Keeffes were honored for their enduring dedication
and generous support for the Irish Republican movement at
SF-INA's annual dinner-dance.

The Boston Three

Richard Johnson
17422-038
FCI Allenwood
P.O. Box 2000
Unit 3A
Whitedeer, PA 17887
Birthday - July 6

Peter Eamon McGuire
FS 3
Room 407
PCCF
26 Longpond Road
Plymouth, MA 02360
Birthday - December 14

Martin Quigley
41064-066
FCI Allenwood
P.O. Box 2000
Unit 3A
Whitedeer, PA 17887

***************

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