This is an excellent piece on Donald Trump supporters, of whom I am one
of them. -- Steve
theguardian.com
Millions of ordinary Americans support Donald Trump. Here's why | Thomas
Frank
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/mar/07/donald-trump-why-americans-support
Let us now address the greatest American mystery at the moment: what
motivates the supporters of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump?
I call it a “mystery” because the working-class white people who make up
the bulk of Trump’s fan base show up in amazing numbers for the
candidate, filling stadiums and airport hangars, but their views, by and
large, do not appear in our prestige newspapers. On their opinion pages,
these publications take care to represent demographic categories of
nearly every kind, but “blue-collar” is one they persistently overlook.
The views of working-class people are so foreign to that universe that
when New York Times columnist Nick Kristof wanted to “engage” a Trump
supporter last week, he made one up, along with this imaginary person’s
responses to his questions.
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When members of the professional class wish to understand the
working-class Other, they traditionally consult experts on the subject.
And when these authorities are asked to explain the Trump movement, they
always seem to zero in on one main accusation: bigotry. Only racism,
they tell us, is capable of powering a movement like Trump’s, which is
blowing through the inherited structure of the Republican party like a
tornado through a cluster of McMansions.
Trump himself provides rather excellent evidence for this finding. The
man is an insult clown who has systematically gone down the list of
American ethnic groups and offended them each in turn. He wants to
deport millions upon millions of undocumented immigrants. He wants to
bar Muslims from visiting the United States. He admires various foreign
strongmen and dictators, and has even retweeted a quote from Mussolini.
This gold-plated buffoon has in turn drawn the enthusiastic endorsement
of leading racists from across the spectrum of intolerance, a gorgeous
mosaic of haters, each of them quivering excitedly at the prospect of
getting a real, honest-to-god bigot in the White House.
All this stuff is so insane, so wildly outrageous, that the commentariat
has deemed it to be the entirety of the Trump campaign. Trump appears to
be a racist, so racism must be what motivates his armies of followers.
And so, on Saturday, New York Times columnist Timothy Egan blamed none
other than “the people” for Trump’s racism: “Donald Trump’s supporters
know exactly what he stands for: hatred of immigrants, racial
superiority, a sneering disregard of the basic civility that binds a
society.”
Stories marveling at the stupidity of Trump voters are published nearly
every day. Articles that accuse Trump’s followers of being bigots have
appeared by the hundreds, if not the thousands. Conservatives have
written them; liberals have written them; impartial professionals have
written them. The headline of a recent Huffington Post column announced,
bluntly, that “Trump Won Super Tuesday Because America is Racist.” A New
York Times reporter proved that Trump’s followers were bigots by
coordinating a map of Trump support with a map of racist Google
searches. Everyone knows it: Trump’s followers’ passions are nothing
more than the ignorant blurtings of the white American id, driven to
madness by the presence of a black man in the White House. The Trump
movement is a one-note phenomenon, a vast surge of race-hate. Its
partisans are not only incomprehensible, they are not really worth
comprehending.
* * *
Or so we’re told. Last week, I decided to watch several hours of Trump
speeches for myself. I saw the man ramble and boast and threaten and
even seem to gloat when protesters were ejected from the arenas in which
he spoke. I was disgusted by these things, as I have been disgusted by
Trump for 20 years. But I also noticed something surprising. In each of
the speeches I watched, Trump spent a good part of his time talking
about an entirely legitimate issue, one that could even be called leftwing.
Yes, Donald Trump talked about trade. In fact, to judge by how much time
he spent talking about it, trade may be his single biggest concern – not
white supremacy. Not even his plan to build a wall along the Mexican
border, the issue that first won him political fame. He did it again
during the debate on 3 March: asked about his political excommunication
by Mitt Romney, he chose to pivot and talk about … trade.
It seems to obsess him: the destructive free-trade deals our leaders
have made, the many companies that have moved their production
facilities to other lands, the phone calls he will make to those
companies’ CEOs in order to threaten them with steep tariffs unless they
move back to the US.
Trump embellished this vision with another favorite leftwing idea: under
his leadership, the government would “start competitive bidding in the
drug industry”. (“We don’t competitively bid!” he marveled – another
true fact, a legendary boondoggle brought to you by the George W Bush
administration.) Trump extended the critique to the military-industrial
complex, describing how the government is forced to buy lousy but
expensive airplanes thanks to the power of industry lobbyists.
Thus did he hint at his curious selling proposition: because he is
personally so wealthy, a fact about which he loves to boast, Trump
himself is unaffected by business lobbyists and donations. And because
he is free from the corrupting power of modern campaign finance, famous
deal-maker Trump can make deals on our behalf that are “good” instead of
“bad”. The chance that he will actually do so, of course, is small. He
appears to be a hypocrite on this issue as well as so many other things.
But at least Trump is saying this stuff.
All this surprised me because, for all the articles about Trump I had
read in recent months, I didn’t recall trade coming up very often. Trump
is supposed to be on a one-note crusade for whiteness. Could it be that
all this trade stuff is a key to understanding the Trump phenomenon?
* * *
Trade is an issue that polarizes Americans by socio-economic status. To
the professional class, which encompasses the vast majority of our media
figures, economists, Washington officials and Democratic powerbrokers,
what they call “free trade” is something so obviously good and noble it
doesn’t require explanation or inquiry or even thought. Republican and
Democratic leaders alike agree on this, and no amount of facts can move
them from their Econ 101 dream.
To the remaining 80 or 90% of America, trade means something very
different. There’s a video going around on the internet these days that
shows a room full of workers at a Carrier air conditioning plant in
Indiana being told by an officer of the company that the factory is
being moved to Monterrey, Mexico, and that they’re all going to lose
their jobs.
As I watched it, I thought of all the arguments over trade that we’ve
had in this country since the early 1990s, all the sweet words from our
economists about the scientifically proven benevolence of free trade,
all the ways in which our newspapers mock people who say that treaties
like the North American Free Trade Agreement allow companies to move
jobs to Mexico.
Well, here is a video of a company moving its jobs to Mexico, courtesy
of Nafta. This is what it looks like. The Carrier executive talks in
that familiar and highly professional HR language about the need to
“stay competitive” and “the extremely price-sensitive marketplace”. A
worker shouts “Fuck you!” at the executive. The executive asks people to
please be quiet so he can “share” his “information”. His information
about all of them losing their jobs.
* * *
Now, I have no special reason to doubt the suspicion that Donald Trump
is a racist. Either he is one, or (as the comedian John Oliver puts it)
he is pretending to be one, which amounts to the same thing.
But there is another way to interpret the Trump phenomenon. A map of his
support may coordinate with racist Google searches, but it coordinates
even better with deindustrialization and despair, with the zones of
economic misery that 30 years of Washington’s free-market consensus have
brought the rest of America.
It is worth noting that Trump is making a point of assailing that
Indiana air conditioning company from the video in his speeches. What
this suggests is that he’s telling a tale as much about economic outrage
as it is tale of racism on the march. Many of Trump’s followers are
bigots, no doubt, but many more are probably excited by the prospect of
a president who seems to mean it when he denounces our trade agreements
and promises to bring the hammer down on the CEO that fired you and
wrecked your town, unlike Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton.
Here is the most salient supporting fact: when people talk to white,
working-class Trump supporters, instead of simply imagining what they
might say, they find that what most concerns these people is the economy
and their place in it. I am referring to a study just published by
Working America, a political-action auxiliary of the AFL-CIO, which
interviewed some 1,600 white working-class voters in the suburbs of
Cleveland and Pittsburgh in December and January.
Support for Donald Trump, the group found, ran strong among these
people, even among self-identified Democrats, but not because they are
all pining for a racist in the White House. Their favorite aspect of
Trump was his “attitude”, the blunt and forthright way he talks. As far
as issues are concerned, “immigration” placed third among the matters
such voters care about, far behind their number one concern: “good jobs
/ the economy”.
“People are much more frightened than they are bigoted,” is how the
findings were described to me by Karen Nussbaum, the executive director
of Working America. The survey “confirmed what we heard all the time:
people are fed up, people are hurting, they are very distressed about
the fact that their kids don’t have a future” and that “there still
hasn’t been a recovery from the recession, that every family still
suffers from it in one way or another.”
Tom Lewandowski, the president of the Northeast Indiana Central Labor
Council in Fort Wayne, puts it even more bluntly when I asked him about
working-class Trump fans. “These people aren’t racist, not any more than
anybody else is,” he says of Trump supporters he knows. “When Trump
talks about trade, we think about the Clinton administration, first with
Nafta and then with [Permanent Normal Trade Relations] China, and here
in Northeast Indiana, we hemorrhaged jobs.”
“They look at that, and here’s Trump talking about trade, in a
ham-handed way, but at least he’s representing emotionally. We’ve had
all the political establishment standing behind every trade deal, and we
endorsed some of these people, and then we’ve had to fight them to get
them to represent us.”
Now, let us stop and smell the perversity. Left parties the world over
were founded to advance the fortunes of working people. But our left
party in America – one of our two monopoly parties – chose long ago to
turn its back on these people’s concerns, making itself instead into the
tribune of the enlightened professional class, a “creative class” that
makes innovative things like derivative securities and smartphone apps.
The working people that the party used to care about, Democrats figured,
had nowhere else to go, in the famous Clinton-era expression. The party
just didn’t need to listen to them any longer.
What Lewandowski and Nussbaum are saying, then, should be obvious to
anyone who’s dipped a toe outside the prosperous enclaves on the two
coasts. Ill-considered trade deals and generous bank bailouts and
guaranteed profits for insurance companies but no recovery for average
people, ever – these policies have taken their toll. As Trump says, “we
have rebuilt China and yet our country is falling apart. Our
infrastructure is falling apart … Our airports are, like, Third World.”
Trump’s words articulate the populist backlash against liberalism that
has been building slowly for decades and may very well occupy the White
House itself, whereupon the entire world will be required to take
seriously its demented ideas.
Yet still we cannot bring ourselves to look the thing in the eyes. We
cannot admit that we liberals bear some of the blame for its emergence,
for the frustration of the working-class millions, for their blighted
cities and their downward spiraling lives. So much easier to scold them
for their twisted racist souls, to close our eyes to the obvious reality
of which Trumpism is just a crude and ugly expression: that
neoliberalism has well and truly failed.
Thomas Frank is the author of Listen, Liberal or Whatever Happened to
the Party of the People, published 15 March by Metropolitan Books
This article was amended on 9 March 2016 to reflect the fact that
Nafta stands for the North American Free Trade Agreement. An earlier
version of this article referred to it as North Atlantic Free Trade
Agreement.
--
That which men capable of independent thought understood intellectually
decades ago, men less so well endowed, finally, understand viscerally.
They have woken up and smelled the agenda: the ship has an iceberg
embedded in the hull; and it was Political Correctness – or Cultural
Marxism – which put it there.
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