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Jibrin Ibrahim

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Sep 18, 2020, 5:34:59 AM9/18/20
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CENTRE FOR DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT (CDD) ELECTION ANALYSIS CENTRE: PRE-ELECTION PRESS BRIEFING

Abuja, September 17, 2020, On the Preparation for the September 19, 2020 Edo State Governorship Election

Invited guests, ladies and gentlemen of the Press.

The Edo Election is another Litmus Test of Nigeria’s Commitment to Organising Credible Polls:

KEY POINTS

  • Parties Claims and Counter Claims of Victory: A Recipe For Violence;

  • US, UK Visa Bans, Other Sanctions, Very Laudable

  • Deliver Your Polling Unit Directive - A Likely Cause of Partisan

    Clashes

  • Fake News, Misinformation and Disinformation May Induce Voter

    Apathy

  • Voters Should Observe COVID 19 Protocol to Prevent Rise of

    COVID Cases

  • INEC may need to extend the voting hours as long as possible

  • Vote Buying and Selling may determine victory.

    Introduction

    On September 19, two days from today, voters in Edo State will head to the polls to elect a governor. The election is yet another opportunity for the people to exercise their democratic and constitutionally guaranteed right to elect a leader of their choice. The Nigerian State, political actors and the institutions responsible for the management of the electoral process owe a

collective duty to ensure eligible voters are free to exercise their franchise in an atmosphere that is both peaceful and participatory. For the avoidance of doubt, the character of the electoral process, and the credibility of its outcomes in Edo State hold far reaching implications for the entire democratic process in Nigeria. The election is therefore another litmus test for a broad assessment of the commitment of relevant actors and institutions to deepening Nigeria’s democratic experience. Our expectation, which is line with the hopes of citizens in the state and across Nigeria, is that the election is credible, its processes transparent and outcome reflects the will of the people. Any breach to electoral laws and regulations must be sanctioned and we are in support of due process mechanisms visa bans, threats of assets seizures and other sanctions targeting election riggers and those who engage in attempts to subvert the genuine will of the people by the United States and United Kingdom Governments.

CDD Election Observation Methodology

As part of its contribution to the goal of deepening the culture of credible elections in Nigeria, the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) through its dedicated Election Analysis Centre (EAC) will closely observe key aspects of the electoral process in Edo State. CDD methodology for the observation of the election is in line with core principles of non-partisan election observation as enshrined in extant national laws, guidelines and international best practices. The CDD EAC deployment plan is based on purposive sampling technique. The EAC will select wards and Polling Units to be observed on the basis of the situational and political contextual analysis of the State. Hence, the choice of wards and PUs to be observed was informed by the following consideration: number of polling unit in a ward relative to other wards in LGA in both States, history of incidents of electoral violence and widespread electoral malpractice in previous elections particularly the 2016 off cycle and the 2019 general elections, cases of pre- election violence, and the Local Government Areas and strongholds of key contestants and political parties.

Pre-Election Environment

In the final build up to the election, CDD long term observers have also been monitoring, and reporting on the character of the pre-election environment with the objective of collecting, and disseminating information to critical stakeholders for early warning to prevent and mitigate electoral violence. In

spite of efforts of key stakeholders to persuade the major party candidates to commit to peaceful conduct and engage in issue-based campaign, the electoral environment continues to be gripped by needless partisan tension.

Deliver Your Polling Unit 100 Percent Directive: A Likely Cause of Partisan Clashes

CDD notes with concern the recalcitrance of political actors and their surrogates who continue to instruct their die-hard supporters to ensure 100 percent victory at all cost in their respective polling units. Observers report that party thugs are being deployed to local governments to “deliver” votes and there is likelihood of a breakdown of the peace. While politicians may argue that there is nothing wrong in wanting to win 100 percent, the problem lies in the fact that supporters are likely to adopt both fair and foul means to ensure such objectives are realized. The notion that a democratic election should be won 100 percent by one party contradicts what is known that voters support different parties. CDD expects the leading contestants in communicating to their supporters, to make it clear they (contestants) do not endorse any form of electoral malfeasance. It is not too late for the candidates and their parties to make these open announcements to distance themselves from supporters’ actions which constitute infractions on the laws and the rules of proper democratic conduct.

Parties Claims and Counter Claims of Victory: A Recipe for Violence

Another very dangerous trend in the final build up to the election is the tendency of politicians and their surrogates to make baseless and outlandish claims to victory, even before the election has been held. CDD observers report that there has been an upsurge in claims and counter claims of victories by major rival party camps. While some politicians have sponsored online polls to give the impression to their supporters that they are coasting home to victory already, others have been busy claiming the election is already won. CDD observation indicates these claims are meant to delegitimise the outcome in case of a loss and create the impression that they have been cheated of victory. If these claims are not countered to disabuse the minds of the electorate, especially at the grassroots, it could become the basis to incite supporters to engage in conduct inimical to public peace. The hotspots of possible violence identified by CDD include: Etsako West, Etsako East, Etsako Central, Owan West and Akoko-Edo in Edo North Senatorial district. In Edo South, Oredo, Orhionmwon, Egor, Ovia North

East, and Ikpoba-Okha LGAs have shown such early warning signs. While in Edo Central Senatorial district, Esan Central, Esan North East and Esan West.

Misinformation and Disinformation May Induce Voter Apathy

CDD has also been monitoring the role of fake news and misinformation in the electoral process. The fake news, disinformation and misinformation ecosystem in Edo State is driven by a variety of platforms on social media. Both the APC and PDP in Edo state have dedicated media teams with clearly defined structures designed to maximise their online presence. While the PDP is using targeted and sponsored messages on both Instagram and Twitter, the APC is supporting a structured team of up to 300 canvassers spread across Facebook, Twitter, Nairaland and WhatsApp groups. In addition to attempts at discrediting their political opponents, disinformation narratives have also turned against the electoral management body – INEC. Fake news peddlers have been targeting INEC with a view to delegitimise what it does, and create suspicion in the mind of the public. The two major parties have engaged in disinformation campaigns with allegations of bias against INEC. The disinformation campaign is having an effect on the ground. CDD observers report that one of the possible effects of fake news and disinformation is that it could dampen voter enthusiasm and participation in the process.

Considering the role old videos and pictures played in the pre-election environment, we expect the same to take centre stage on election day alongside the circulation of false results. We call on Edo citizens to beware of fake news.

COVID-19: Voters Should Please comply with Health Protocols

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to create challenges for the management of elections, Citizens will have to find the resolve to obey the INEC guidelines for conducting elections during the pandemic. Citizens are enjoined to obey protocols such as physical distancing rules and wearing of face masks during the polls to avoid an explosion of cases post elections. As of 15 September 2020, Edo State has 2,610 confirmed cases of COVID-19. This constitute 4.6% of the total number of cases in Nigeria. Of the 2,610 cases, 2,420 have been discharged while there are 90 active cases and 100 deaths respectively.

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INEC May Need to Extend Voting Hours

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted on all aspects of social, economic and political life. We commend INEC for the introduction of the Covid-19 complaint policy on conduct of elections. The prevailing atmosphere created by the on-going pandemic and high risk of electoral violence might lead to the loss of some ad hoc staff on the day of the elections. It is imperative that a backup plan be immediately activated. CDD will like to point out that given the extra health precautions and social distancing policy to be adopted during polling, voting may take longer than normal. We hereby call on the Commission to prepare to provide for extended polling hours.

Security Deployment

CDD observers report an increase in the deployment of security operatives across Edo State. The role of security in the election remains to deter trouble makers, protect election materials and ensure the space is safe for poll officials, voters and election observers. CDD calls on the security operatives deployed in Edo State not to engage in any acts, which would intimidate or scare voters away from exercising their democratic right to vote. CDD similarly calls on the officers of the police and sister security agencies deployed to the State to ensure they do not descend into the arena of partisanship. CDD calls on the high command of the police and other security agencies to ensure there is no gap between the numbers of deployment and the officers on the ground.

Vote Trading

CDD observers reported an emerging trend in the pattern of vote buying wherein it is the voters who are now searching for the highest bidder among the political camps to sell their vote to. A number of voters interviewed insisted that the only thing, which would make them to vote, is if a contestant agrees to pay an amount for the vote. Beyond individual voters searching for willing buyers to sell their votes to, it is similarly disturbing, as confirmed by our observers that barely three days to the Edo State governorship election, the National Directorate of Employment (NDE) under the Minister of State for Labour and Employment decided to empower 2,000 women in the State. CDD is worried that this puts a partisan coloration to a government run

empowerment scheme, just as it would motivate politicians in the opposing camp to engage in similar schemes to woo voters with incentives, which flout the provisions of the Electoral Act. Security agencies must remain vigilant in checkmating illegal voter inducement.

Voter turnout

CDD believes the Edo Election presents a real opportunity to prevent some of the unacceptable fallouts from previous elections, wherein there were clear attempts to taint the vote through an inflation of voter turnout. This was the case in the last governorship election wherein turn out increased by over 200 percent in LGAs like Okene in Kogi state, from where the incumbent hails. In 2015 governorship election, 35,143 voters (30% turnout) were accredited for the election compared to 114,001 (86.9%) in 2019. In Edo, INEC should be able to anticipate such magnitude of electoral fraud, so it does not become a rubber stamp for a fraudulent process.

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

Jibrin Ibrahim

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Sep 25, 2020, 2:00:19 PM9/25/20
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The Edo Governorship Election and the Consolidation of Electoral Democracy

 

Jibrin Ibrahim, Friday Column, Daily Trust, 25th September 2020

 

Last Saturday’s governorship election in Edo State was a positive development for electoral democracy in Nigeria. This is despite the fact that in the build-up to the election, there was a lot of desperation displayed by politicians engaged in “do or die” politics, inflammatory campaigns and pre-election violence. There was palpable fear that the atmosphere would degenerate into systematic disregard for the rules and procedures of the electoral process set out in law and regulations thereby affecting the outcome. The conduct of the campaign was bad tempered with outlandish claims by the leading parties that they would deliver massive majority outcomes and threats of violence. This created a climate of fear that might have kept voters away from the polls. 

There was also a problem of widespread circulation of fake news and misinformation being used to create tension and fear about plots to mess up electoral outcomes. A toxic atmosphere was therefore created. The intervention by the National Peace Committee in securing a “Peace Accord” and the stern warning by the Oba of Benin to all politicians to avoid violence played a role in calming the atmosphere and creating an atmosphere that enabled voters to come out to vote. The President also made a formal commitment that he would guarantee free and fair elections. Finally, the security agencies were neutral and non-partisan in their interventions keeping violence to a bare minimum. One of the most important elements was that Edo citizens also considered the stakes in the elections very high and were determined to come out to exercise their mandate. At the end however, the election was violence-free and credible. The outcome was a winner whose victory has not been contested.

It is interesting that at the beginning of the story of the election, it was all about an individual who was not even on the ballot. Adams Oshiomhole made it about himself. Recall April 2011 when elected Governor of Edo State, Adams Oshiomhole visited with Oba Erediauwa of Benin to brief his Royal Highness that the godfather of Edo politics, Chief Tony Anenih has been defeated and sent into political retirement. Adams Oshiomhole returned to the theme of godfatherism on 28th September 28 2016 when he formally announced the complete termination of godfatherism in the state. The occasion was the defeat of Osagie Ize-Iyamu of the PDP by his own imposed candidate, Godwin Obaseki. He formally declared that he had eliminated all the remaining godfathers in the State naming specifically Tom Ikimi, Gabriel Igbinedion and Raymond Dokpesi as the last eliminated godfathers after the earlier ouster of Tony Anenih: “We have humbled Chief Tom Ikimi even in the local government he claimed to have created. We defeated Chief Raymond Dokpesi in his polling unit, his ward and his local government,” he said. 

One person in the audience, newly elected Governor Obaseki did not understand the message. He thought the announcement was about the end of godfatherism. He was to find out soon enough that what was said was not what was meant. The message was that Adams was the new godfather. When the godfather gave instructions to godson Obaseki, who naively thought he was governor, the crisis began that ended up with his disqualification for a second term. Only a godfather can stop a sitting governor from getting a second term ticket. As I have said before, on the scale of godfatherism, Adams Oshiomhole scores high because of his three core competences – street fighting, transaction politics and taking no prisoners. Like all godfathers, Adams met his conqueror at the last election and joined the list of those he had overthrown previously. The people turned out to vote and they chose the sitting Governor over the candidate Adams had imposed on the ballot for the ruling APC. The verdict was accepted by all parties as the election was credible.

Nonetheless, our observers from the Centre for Democracy and Development noted with concern the high level of the illegal commerce of votes. A number of tactics were used by political actors on both sides of the partisan divide to procure votes. Party officials were seen openly giving voters gifts such as Ankara fabric, spaghetti and other food items. There was also direct purchase of votes and the observers reported cases where tickets were also given in lieu of cash for voters to vote and then return to use the ticket for collection of the cash. The amounts paid for votes ranged between N1000 and N5000. The scale of vote buying and the brazenness with which it was carried out in the open tainted the democratic credibility of the election. The fundamental question, which arises from the brazen manner in which vote buying was done in the Edo election, is whose responsibility it is to enforce the extant electoral laws of Nigeria, which has criminalised vote buying. I pose this question because law enforcement officials largely looked the other way while vote buying was going on. No efforts whatsoever were made to bring to book the perpetrators of these acts, which corrupt the electoral process. The consolidation of democracy requires that this process of commercialisation of the people’s mandate must be stopped.

 

Deepening our democracy also requires that candidate selection be carried out democratically as set out in the Electoral Act. The blockage of candidates from a level playing ground in party primaries resulting in defections from each of the major political parties, intra-party fractionalization, and disputes over which factions was in control of party secretariats at the state and local government levels must end. Our politics have also become too much of a zero-sum game in which contestants are ready to destroy party and society if that can lead them to power. It was in this context that the political culture of the abuse of power of incumbency became edified. 

One commendable innovation INEC introduced at the Edo election was the result viewing portal, which improved transparency and accountability of the collation and declaration of results. Moving forward, this can only enhance citizens’ trust in the electoral process. There was a lot of fear that the Edo election would be conducted under high levels of violence by thugs. There was widespread relief that the level of violence was minimal and most citizens who wanted to vote were able to do so. The key stakeholders – INEC, security agencies, political parties and citizens played their roles largely, in accordance with the law and regulations. The Edo 2020 Governorship election is therefore another important step in the consolidation of Nigeria’s electoral democracy. The determination shown by the electorate to protect their mandate is a significant takeaway. Peaceful and credible elections are possible and must become the norm in Nigeria.

Salimonu Kadiri

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Sep 25, 2020, 9:36:39 PM9/25/20
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​Professor Jibrin Ibrahim,

I don't know what kind of information you intend to convey with the following excerpts of yours in the Daily Trust on Edo Govern. election.
(1) The conduct of the campaign was bad tempered with outlandish claims by the leading parties that they would deliver massive majority outcomes and threats of violence. This created a climate of fears that might have kept voters away from the polls. Would it not have been objective and honest to say that the threat of violence created a climate of fear that kept voters away from the polls in view of the fact that voters' turnout was 557,443 out of 1,726,738 PVC holders? The fact at our disposal is that 75% of eligible voters were kept away from the polls by threat of violence.

(2) There was widespread relief that the level of violence was minimal and most citizens who wanted to vote were able to do so. How minimal was the violence you are talking about when citizens who actually planned to vote in the election by collecting their permanent voter's cards were 1,726,738 and 1,169,295 could not vote because of what they considered as serious violence? How reasonable is your assertion that most citizens who wanted to vote were able to do so when only 557,443 or 25% of eligible voters of 1,726,738 were able to vote? How do you know that the 1,169,295 or 75% of eligible voters abstained voluntarily from voting?

(3) There was also direct purchase of votes ....//... The amounts paid for votes ranged between N1000 and N5000. The scale of buying and the brazenness with which it was carried out in the open tainted the democratic credibility of the election. ...//... law enforcement officials largely looked the other way while vote buying was going on. That was a great observation. 

(4) Inspite of your eyewitness account in (3) you still concluded, "The key stake holders - INEC, security agencies, political parties and citizens played their roles largely in accordance with the law and regulations." If the law and regulations were followed, don't you think that INEC should have declared the election inconclusive because of the extremely low turnout of voters and due to what to you considered to be minimal violence, but which 1, 169, 295 potential Edo voters experienced as serious violence? Can you enlighten me about which electoral law and regulations allowed security agencies not to arrest vote buyers and sellers as witnessed by you?
S. Kadiri


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Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Edo
 
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OLAYINKA AGBETUYI

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Sep 26, 2020, 8:45:42 AM9/26/20
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In other words the election that gave Obaseki a second term was really not free and fair.

Voters who feared Obaseki would use power of incumbency to instigate violence against his former supporters in the APC refused to come out.

Therefore only loyal supporters of the PDP came out to vote their party back in.

This is why my original question still stands.  Will he now start abandoning APC programmes and start implementing PDP programmes with a clear conscience and credibility?

He calls for everyone to rally round him to build Edo State.  Including his alienated former electorate who still believe in the party he abandoned but were terrorised away from the polls?


OAA



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From: Salimonu Kadiri <ogunl...@hotmail.com>
Date: 26/09/2020 02:44 (GMT+00:00)
Subject: Re: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Edo

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​Professor Jibrin Ibrahim,

I don't know what kind of information you intend to convey with the following excerpts of yours in the Daily Trust on Edo Govern. election.
(1) The conduct of the campaign was bad tempered with outlandish claims by the leading parties that they would deliver massive majority outcomes and threats of violence. This created a climate of fears that might have kept voters away from the polls. Would it not have been objective and honest to say that the threat of violence created a climate of fear that kept voters away from the polls in view of the fact that voters' turnout was 557,443 out of 1,726,738 PVC holders? The fact at our disposal is that 75% of eligible voters were kept away from the polls by threat of violence.

(2) There was widespread relief that the level of violence was minimal and most citizens who wanted to vote were able to do so. How minimal was the violence you are talking about when citizens who actually planned to vote in the election by collecting their permanent voter's cards were 1,726,738 and 1,169,295 could not vote because of what they considered as serious violence? How reasonable is your assertion that most citizens who wanted to vote were able to do so when only 557,443 or 25% of eligible voters of 1,726,738 were able to vote? How do you know that the 1,169,295 or 75% of eligible voters abstained voluntarily from voting?

(3) There was also direct purchase of votes ....//... The amounts paid for votes ranged between N1000 and N5000. The scale of buying and the brazenness with which it was carried out in the open tainted the democratic credibility of the election. ...//... law enforcement officials largely looked the other way while vote buying was going on. That was a great observation. 

(4) Inspite of your eyewitness account in (3) you still concluded, "The key stake holders - INEC, security agencies, political parties and citizens played their roles largely in accordance with the law and regulations." If the law and regulations were followed, don't you think that INEC should have declared the election inconclusive because of the extremely low turnout of voters and due to what to you considered to be minimal violence, but which 1, 169, 295 potential Edo voters experienced as serious violence? Can you enlighten me about which electoral law and regulations allowed security agencies not to arrest vote buyers and sellers as witnessed by you?
S. Kadiri


From: usaafric...@googlegroups.com <usaafric...@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Jibrin Ibrahim <jibrinib...@gmail.com>
Sent: 25 September 2020 19:28
To: 'chidi opara reports' via USA Africa Dialogue Series <usaafric...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: USA Africa Dialogue Series - Edo
 

The Edo Governorship Election and the Consolidation of Electoral Democracy

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OLAYINKA AGBETUYI

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Sep 26, 2020, 3:17:48 PM9/26/20
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AFDENDUM:

I said the tenor of any democracy is the quality of its followership.

The majority of Edo electorate seems have borne this out eloquently by allowing their electoral silence ( when analysed ) speak louder than words.

Rather than risk life and limb for unscrupulous politicians they have left stage 2 of the battles in the hands of their elected representatives in the Edo Assembly whose votes Obaseki will need to get bills passed, appropriations approved, in short get the business of governance going.


Good luck Mr.  Governor!

OAA



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The Edo Governorship Election and the Consolidation of Electoral Democracy

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Jibrin Ibrahim

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Sep 27, 2020, 3:27:22 PM9/27/20
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Two points about the election

1) the campaign was frightening and suggested there would be massive violence and fraud.

2) The election did not turn out to be as bad as it was projected to be so a little victory.

Yes there were many violations but my assessment is that they were not sufficient to   invalidate the election.

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

Okechukwu Ukaga

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Sep 28, 2020, 4:21:53 PM9/28/20
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Jibrin,
Thank you for the clarification. To be even more clear, it is pertinent to note that of all the recent gubernatorial elections in Nigeria (including Kano, Kogi, Belyesa, Imo, Oyo, etc) this (Edo) has been judged by all objective observers as the best conducted, and most reflective of the people's vote. Kogi and Kano seem to be the worst. Imo is in a category of itself as the supreme court replaced the INEC declared winner the party that came 3rd (and a person previously judged by court as not the true candidate of that party). So Edo election was a great improvement. Hopefully Ondo would be as good or better and not a fall back to what happened in Kogi and other places. 
OU





Jibrin Ibrahim

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Sep 29, 2020, 5:41:33 AM9/29/20
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Yes indeed, thanks

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim
Senior Fellow
Centre for Democracy and Development, Abuja
Follow me on twitter @jibrinibrahim17

Salimonu Kadiri

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Sep 29, 2020, 9:05:15 AM9/29/20
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​What kind of clarification are you referring to? With 1 million, 169 thousand, and 295 Edo people's votes which disappeared at the polling booths, your comparison with Imo governorship election is appropriate. INEC declared the results of March 2019 gubernatorial election in Imo State as follows : Emeka Ihedioha, PDP, 273, 404 votes; Uche Nwosu, Action Alliance, 190,364 votes; Ifeanyi Ararume, APGA, 114,676 votes; and Hope Uzondima, APC, 96,458. Therefore, INEC declared Emeka Ihedioha elected Governor. At the Supreme Court, Hope Uzondima was able to prove that INEC unlawfully excluded election results from 388 polling units amounting to 213, 295 votes from overall collated results. INEC response was that election never took place in the 388 polling units belonging to the strongest political base of Uzondima. If election did not hold in the 388 polling units as claimed by INEC, then the election as a whole would have been inconclusive. However, the excluded election result from the 388 polling units resurfaced and was admitted and counted by the Supreme Court which gave Hope Uzondima a total vote of 307,850 against Emeka Ihedioha who polled 275,307 votes. 
S. Kadiri  


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