There’s probably no more pressing issue that imperils the collective destinies of Nigeria’s aspirational middle-class youth than the naggingly disruptive violence of never-ending ASUU strikes. This week, I’ve decided to invite Professor Moses Ochonu, my friend of nearly three decades who has invested tremendous emotional energy on this issue, to write a guest column on the just suspended ASUU strike. I hope his dispassionate diagnosis of the issues and his thoughtful counsel to ASUU will ignite a soul-searching conversation about pedagogical accountability in our universities and about productive alternatives to strikes. Enjoy:
By Moses E. Ochonu
ASUU has called off its strike. The strike will predictably be spun as a success, but it was largely a failure. It cost the union an enormous amount of societal symbolic and perceptual capital while yielding few returns.
ASUU won a few modest concessions, but most of them were in the form of government promises. We know how these promises usually turn out. The government reneges on them, leading to another strike, and another poorly implemented “agreement.” And on and on it goes in a rinse and repeat cycle that torments and shortchanges students and their parents.
What’s more, the latest “resolution” does not break any new ground and is largely premised on the old MOU and the entitlements enshrined therein. The strike essentially reaffirmed the status quo.
What this means is that ASUU has not achieved much from the strike and merely cut its losses when it realized that it had no leverage and was losing the PR battle in the public domain.
Speaking of losing support, ASUU loses a large slice of public opinion with each strike.
It shouldn’t be so because, all things considered, ASUU has been a net benefit to the Nigerian university sector.
The problem is that it is a union moored to an outdated method of struggle, rigidly unwilling to acknowledge the limitations and diminished public appeal of its actions and rhetoric. For good or bad, most Nigerians now blame strikes as much as they blame government inaction for the problems in Nigerian universities. They no longer see strikes as a solution but as part of the problem.
More tellingly, most Nigerians consider lecturers to be self-absorbed, tone-deaf, insensitive, and navel-gazing operatives who are incapable of seeing how they have become part of the problem and how they’ve become the primary culprits for the absence of moral and instructional accountability and the decline of academic quality control in the system.
Unless lecturers look inward, become self-critical, and begin to live up to their familiar claim that they are saviors of a comatose university system, they will continue to lose public support and will eventually become irreverent objects of scorn with no moral sway and only the power to blackmail and take hostages, the hostages being students.
Where is ASUU when Nigerians discuss the problems of poor and non-existent teaching; rampant sexual harassment; poor supervision and mentorship; corruption and ethical violations; plagiarism; a flawed academic staff recruitment process; lax and politicized academic staff promotion requirements; the absence of merit pay for productive and exemplary lecturers; tyranny towards students; and pedagogical poverty?
Not only is ASUU often missing from and uninterested in such discussions, it usually supports and provides refuge for its members accused of failing in these areas. The union is happy to be an incubator for and rewarder of mediocrity and nonchalance among its members.
And yet, to neutrals and independent stakeholders, the aforementioned issues, for which lecturers are culpable, and which are directly within their purview, are as responsible for the decline of university education in Nigeria as the funding and infrastructure issues often privileged in ASUU propaganda.
If you ask the question of why standards are falling, research quality and quantity declining, and graduates getting worse despite ASUU “winning” significant salary and funding increases over the last three decades, ASUU deflects by blaming the poor quality of admitted students; that is when its goons are not attacking you for daring to pose such a “sacrilegious” question. ASUU never takes responsibility or accepts blame.
It is no longer enough for ASUU people to deflect these issues by saying that these are policy and governance issues under the remit of regulators and universities management and that ASUU is a trade union that is only concerned with the pecuniary interests and institutional comforts of its members.
If that claim is true then why does ASUU preface and bookend its statements and rhetorical expressions with the claim that it is fighting to save the university system for the benefits of everyone—students, parents, and society?
Why not stick to the rhetorical script of members-only priorities? Why pivot self-interestedly and strategically to the mantra of bringing salvation to university education for the benefit of all?
ASUU cannot have it both ways. If they’re only a trade union then they should stop assaulting us with claims of caring about and trying to save our universities from ruin.
ASUU people cannot insist on being judged as a trade union with a members-focused mandate when matters of ethics, abuses, and dereliction of duties are mentioned but then turn around, when they desire support for their strike, to claim that they are fighting for all stakeholders and trying to save the university.
Clearly, ASUU is plagued by a crisis of identity and rhetorical confusion that it needs to resolve.
If ASUU people are truly concerned about the salvation of our universities, they have to start addressing the failings of their members and commit to helping to hold failing and erring members accountable.
Only then will they win back the support of Nigerians who have become disillusioned with ASUU’s rhetorical claims and its increasingly counterproductive and fruitless industrial actions.
Let me sketch out what ASUU needs to do to win back public support and reacquire lost social capital.
ASUU needs to articulate a clear, unequivocal opposition to the problems of sexual harassment in Nigerian universities. For starters, it should drop its opposition to the sexual harassment bill being considered in the National Assembly and work with the bill’s sponsors to refine it. ASUU should articulate an equally clear opposition to plagiarism among its members.
In both the plagiarism and sexual harassment domains, ASUU should abandon its odious practice of defending and protecting the accused and in some cases even threatening to go on strike on their behalf when they are punished.
The union should take the lead in stemming the problem of poor class attendance, nonchalant teaching, and poor research supervision, which are common practices among its members.
The union should stop standing in the way of disciplining lecturers who fall short in these areas.
ASUU should protest the irregular and corrupt recruitment of academic staff with as much fervor as it protests the nonpayment of earned allowances, and the union should insist on the implementation of rigorous academic promotion criteria, which would help rid their ranks of ineffectual and uncommitted lecturers.
ASUU should support the implementation of merit pay, a system in which, in addition to base pay set uniformly by rank, lecturers who distinguish themselves through their teaching and research outcomes/output are given salary increases as a reward and as an incentive to catalyze excellence in teaching/supervision and research.
ASUU should support and help develop the modalities for the implementation of student teaching evaluations in all universities.
Finally, ASUU should support and help champion the development of what I call a Students Bill of Rights (SBOR), which would outline the rights and protections students enjoy in their academic relationships with lecturers, and which would protect students against abuses, tyranny, unethical exactions, exploitation, and vindictiveness.
Doing all these would buttress ASUU’s claim that it is not only concerned with the welfare of its members but also with saving a collapsing higher education system.
Ochonu is Professor of African History at Vanderbilt University in Nashville, Tennessee, USA, and can be reached at meoc...@gmail.com
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/usaafricadialogue/1287402938.1369389.1610813234508%40mail.yahoo.com.
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/usaafricadialogue/196829174.5460737.1610967153909%40mail.yahoo.com.
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/usaafricadialogue/196829174.5460737.1610967153909%40mail.yahoo.com.
When Moses Ochonu or Farooq Kperogi or Toyin Falola or Olayinka Agbetuyi write on ASUU, they will approach the discourse from different perspectives and end up reaching slightly different conclusions regarding potential solutions going forward. Their presentations could be harsh or mild based on personal style and they would each make valuable points but NONE of them would be entirely correct in their opinion. Yet, what unites them is that they are all passionate about improving the state of higher education (universities) in Nigeria. None of them would be doing it from the perspective of seeking to bring down ASUU or its members. This is where I have a serious problem with many ASUU members. For most uncritical ASUU members, you are either entirely in (for them) or entirely out (against them), as they are mostly completely intolerant of dissenting views. This groupthink has become idiosyncratic of discourse in ASUU matters.
One recurring problem with unrepentantly pro ASUU academics is that they often refuse to engage in any self-reflection. They often refuse to consider alternative views. They often gloat in self-righteousness. The only time the majority of them are at peace with you is when you are condemning the government or you find no fault in their approach. It is why many hard core ASUU champions are generally pleased with Moses in any opinion piece where he is calling out the government. But I digress, the point really is we mostly agreed that the government is inept and unreliable in how they deal with issues of national importance. That did not start in 2005 or even 1999, it has been with us. We are, therefore, not dealing with the government in these ASUU discussions.
The way some ASUU members generally refuse to examine any opposing view, any alternative position and any suggestion that is different from the core ASUU directives I do personally find appalling. This idea that you cannot speak on ASUU and university education issues (even if you are a Nigerian) just because you are in the diaspora or because you did not have your education in Nigeria or that you live in comfort is reductionist and red herring.
I have always wanted to know ASUU’s position on the following:
· Sexual harassment (why is it wrong to call out ASUU on this?)
· Plagiarism
· Publishing in predatory journals
· Corrupt staff recruitment and promotion
· Violations of students rights and unethical treatment of students
Why do colleagues turn on a writer who asks these important questions? We have discussed ASUU far too many times on this platform and we would again and again. We do it for the love of ASUU and for love of country.
I do have more questions, just so I can regain my clarity and become better informed.
· Why should ASUU members receive full salaries for 9 months for work they did not do? Within the current Nigerian laws it is explicit no one should be paid if they did not work. Now it is 9 months not 9 days. Is the government right or wrong violating its own laws by paying ASUU? There were some ASUU members boasting on social media and posting different activities they have been engaging in for money during those nine months. I have been on strike about 11 times in the last 16 years and I did not receive a dime.
· Why does ASUU coerce (not picketing) non members during strike? What is the view of members to democratise the union(s)? Why should we not allow members to opt-in rather than opt-out of ASUU, for instance, so we can see genuine commitment of “members”.
Finally, I am convinced nobody hates ASUU or its members, I believe everyone just loves to see the university system better functional. That universities have shut down for a total of 4 years and 3 months in since 1999 is beyond embarrassing. That is more than the tenure of one elected government. The method that ASUU has used for a while has worked up to a point and has been helpful for universities development in Nigeria. But, it no longer works and far too many people who should know have called out ASUU on this. The continuous refusal of ASUU to even consider changing strategy and propensity of ASUU warriors labelling their peers elsewhere as a result of such calls is what I personally find frustrating.
I recently argued this elsewhere, posted on this forum last Christmas – see https://opinion.premiumtimesng.com/2020/12/24/asuu-as-abiku-ogbanje-the-need-to-democratise-and-reposition-our-unions-by-gbolahan-gbadamosi/
Gbolahan Gbadamosi
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/usaafricadialogue/DB6PR04MB2982DA21D656E302392E82C2A6A40%40DB6PR04MB2982.eurprd04.prod.outlook.com.
· Sexual harassment (why is it wrong to call out ASUU on this?)
· Plagiarism
· Publishing in predatory journals
· Corrupt staff recruitment and promotion
· Violations of students rights and unethical treatment of students"