The Igbos and the Two Nnamdis: The Tragedy of Reality Denial
The Tragedy of Reality Denial describes situations in which individuals or groups refuse to accept factual information or evidence, often to the detriment of themselves or their societies. This phenomenon can be observed in various contexts, including politics, science, and history. Psychologists believe that the factors underpinning reality denial include cognitive dissonance, self-motivated reasoning, confirmation bias, identity, and group affiliation, among others. Sociologists, on the other hand, suggest that reality denial is rooted in issues like socialization, convoluted social norms, fear, uncertainty, and social pressure. Historians argue that reality denial can be caused by historical revisionism, propaganda, deliberate forgetting, selective remembering, ethnonationalism, and more.
As history shows, the expected coalition government in the post-independence era was supposed to be formed between Chief Nnamdi Azikwe (referred to as Zik) and Chief Obafemi Awolowo (referred to as Awo). Following the 1959 election, Ahmadu Bello's NPC won 142 of the 312 seats in Nigeria's Federal House of Representatives, Zik's NCNC won 89 seats, while Awo's AG won 73 seats. Since none of the parties could form a government, Awo approached Zik, proposing that, given the circumstances, a coalition between NCNC and AG would serve Nigeria best. Awo offered Zik, as the leader of the supposed coalition with more members in parliament than Awo's AG, the role of Nigeria's first independent prime minister, while Awo would become the finance minister.
However, instead of joining forces with Awo, Zik formed an alliance with the NPC. Zik did not inform Awo of his decision; Awo heard about it in a public broadcast by British Governor-General James Robertson. In that announcement, Robertson appointed Tafawa Balewa as Prime Minister, citing that he represented the largest party in the House of Representatives, and appointed Zik as Governor-General, stating he was a "junior coalition partner." Zik's decision, which he justified as an attempt to prevent the North from breaking away from Nigeria, resulted in him receiving a ceremonial post as Governor-General, devoid of real power.
As things turned out, Zik's betrayal marked the end of his ambition to lead Nigeria, which he never realized in his lifetime.
As a historian, we often confront "What if?" scenarios.
"What if?" scenarios in historical scholarship involve the exploration of alternative outcomes or events that did not occur but could have shaped history differently. These scenarios are often speculative and serve as a thought experiment rather than a rigorous analysis of actual historical events. What if the American Revolution had failed? What if the Industrial Revolution had not happened in England? What if World War I had been avoided? What if Awo and Zik had teamed up to lead Nigeria at independence in 1960? While these "what if" questions can stimulate historical thinking and discussion, it's important to recognize that they fall into the realm of counterfactual history, which doesn't adhere to the conventional standards of historical research. Nonetheless, "what if" questions can be valuable for considering the complexity of historical causality and the interconnectedness of events.
What if Awo and Zik had teamed up to lead Nigeria at independence in 1960?
Certainly, there would not have been the first military coup and the Biafran Civil War. In other words, Igboland and its history would certainly have been different than it is today. If there was no military coup and no Biafra War, the history of Chief Odumegwu Ojukwu would have been different, too. There would have been no Nnamdi Kanu, no IPOB, no ESN, and the turmoil that now defines Igboland, thanks to Nnamdi Kanu and his group of terrorists, would not exist.
When I wrote that Nnamdi Kanu orchestrated the burning of Lagos in the name of ENDSARS, many Nigerians of Igbo extraction took to Twitter, Facebook, and other social media platforms to harass and bully me, but it had no effect. They even appealed to my university to terminate my employment. They left hundreds of messages on my phone in their efforts to silence me – to no avail.
In essence, they accused me of lying, compelling me to provide evidence to support my claim. Even when I provided incontrovertible evidence of Nnamdi Kanu, IPOB, and ESN as the masterminds behind the burning of Lagos, they did not stop to reconsider their stance for once.
Clearly, these Igbos and their cohorts, wherever they may be found, are in a state of reality denial. The cognitive dissonance they are experiencing prevents them from seeing how their self-concept and their actual state, particularly in the context of Nigeria, are in dissonance with reality. To them, the only person in Nigeria is one who selectively processes information to support their preconceived notions while ignoring or downplaying information that contradicts them.
When tracing the problems of Nigeria, Chinua Achebe blamed others but not the Igbos, a theme that defined his scholarship. In "There Was a Country," he unabashedly claimed that he and his peers were brought up with a promise: the promise of ruling Nigeria. Regrettably, rather than blaming Zik and Ojukwu for their greed, he adulated himself by scapegoating others. This reality denial has since been embraced not only by Chimamanda Adichie but also by many of Peter Obi's followers.
Today, October 20, 2023, marks the three-year anniversary of Nnamdi Kanu's hijacking of ENDSARS and the orchestration of the burning of Lagos. In these past three years, there have been repeated calls for justice for the victims of highhandedness by security forces in their efforts to disperse protesters. However, there has not been a single call for justice for Lagos State, various individuals whose properties were burnt and destroyed, and members of the different security forces who lost their lives during ENDSARS protests.
While the ENDSARS protests were ongoing, Nnamdi Kanu was coordinating members of IPOB and ESN, all of whom were Igbos, on his Biafran Radio and on YouTube. On different occasions, Nnamdi Kanu detailed which properties purportedly belonged to Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Sanwo-Olu, Sanwo-Olu's mother, and their respective addresses. He also named police officers leading various formations, their children's names, and the schools their children were attending, broadcasting this information to protesters. Protesters from different locations submitted reports in real-time and demanded arms and ammunition during the live-radio broadcasts.
Acts like the ones described above are not the actions of protesters but those of terrorists. No nation, regardless of its wealth or poverty, would sit idly by and allow such perfidy to continue unchecked.
Despite the fact that evidence of all these actions is publicly available, those who delight in denying reality have not stopped blaming the government for deploying soldiers to quell the ENDSARS protests. In their view, the government should have allowed the protests and the burning of Lagos to continue.
No amount of reality denial can erase the fact that Nnamdi Kanu allegedly orchestrated the burning of Lagos, the killing of security operatives, and more during the ENDSARS protests.
Reality denial can have significant and far-reaching consequences, including misinformed decision-making, polarization, economic impact, erosion of trust in institutions, inadequate crisis response, social division, loss of empathy, and historical distortion.
What if Kanu and his group of terrorists had not hijacked the ENDSARS protests? The history of Nigeria, particularly with regard to the ENDSARS protests, would have been different. Would Sanwo-Olu have won reelection as Governor of Lagos? Even though "what if" scenarios are counterfactual, they serve as a means of accepting reality rather than denying it.
Isn't it ironic that, just as was the case in 1959/60 when Zik betrayed Awo and brought a shame on himself, most Igbos see nothing wrong in what Nnamdi Kanu and his group of terrorists are doing to Igboland. They continue to shift blame elsewhere.
(c) Bukola Adeyemi Oyeniyi
October 20, 2023
Source: https://nigeriaindepth.com/the-igbos-and-the-two-nnamdis-the-tragedy-of-reality-denial/
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Bukola A. Oyeniyi
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Missouri State University
College of Humanities and Public Affairs
History Department
Room 440, Strong Hall,
901 S. National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Email: oyen...@gmail.com
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"No amount of reality denial can erase the fact that Nnamdi Kanu allegedly orchestrated the burning of Lagos, the killing of security operatives, and more during the ENDSARS protests"
I thought you are so sure of your assertions you would have gone beyond the qualification represented by 'allegedly."
It is also claimed that the violence of the ENDSARS protests was orchestrated by the gov so as to discredit the movement.
One also wonders why the army was drafted to shoot at the Lekki Toll Gate protesters when there was no violence there.
I am of the view that the Lekki Toll Gate protesters, as the most articulate, the best organised and violence free arm of EndSars had become a threat to the traditional parasitic style of governing Nigeria, moving from the earlier focusing on ending Sars to demanding transformations in how the country is run, and garnering huge national and international support in the process, with the Catholic church holding mass at the site, from what I recall, and world leaders in politics and industry lending support as it became a magnet for youth activism, fueled by large donations funneled through innovative financial services, moving to Bitcoin after Flutterwave was blocked by naija govt as the participants demonstrated their vision for Nigeria through philanthropy for people in need who were at the protest site.
The journey continues.
Thanks
Toyin
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Bukola A. Oyeniyi
*****************************************************************************************************
Missouri State University
College of Humanities and Public Affairs
History Department
Room 440, Strong Hall,
901 S. National Avenue
Springfield, MO 65897
Email: oyen...@gmail.com
***********************************************************
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Oluwatoyin Vincent Adepoju,
Of course, the philosopher in you knows the difference between an allegation and an assertion.
The sceptic questions the assertion that Jesus defied - not deified, but defied the laws of nature when - as is alleged , “Jesus walked on water” about which alleged super-natural event Leonard Cohen the poet opined, “And Jesus was a sailor when he walked upon the water”. Of course only the sophist would want to argue with the latter.
As a neutral observer, going through the whole article, my impression was that as the seasoned scholar and commentator that he is, Oyeniyi Bukola Adeyemi was ( as to be expected) being cautious, in the earlier part of his submission, careful enough not to overstate his case or to make any contentious claims that could not be substantiated.
In his introductory paragraph he sets out the parameters and inevitably as a Nigerian you probably belong to one or more of the categories, influenced by the various factors that he outlines: “cognitive dissonance, self-motivated reasoning, confirmation bias, identity, and group affiliation, among others…socialization, convoluted social norms, fear, uncertainty, and social pressure…historical revisionism, propaganda, deliberate forgetting, selective remembering, ethnonationalism, and more.”
So in your view - as a historian, maybe even as a first person witness, miscreant or participant in the Lagos uprising or better still as Adepoju the omniscient what could be your beef with “No amount of reality denial can erase the fact that Nnamdi Kanu allegedly orchestrated the burning of Lagos, the killing of security operatives, and more during the ENDSARS protests" ???????
It reminds me of the opening of Buber’s The way of man according to the teachings of Hasidism in which the chief of the gendarmes asks the pious rabbi ,” How are we to understand that God, the all-knowing, said to Adam, “Where art thou?”
( That was also a flaw in Yusuf Islam’s (Cat Stevens ) assertion -in one of his lectures, that the Torah was flawed ( “had been tampered with”) because, how could the Omniscient Almighty ask that kind of question, that only someone like Cornelius Ignoramus could ask? )
“Despite the fact that evidence of all these actions is publicly available” -according to Professor Adeyemi what seems to be so startling to you is that he did what he is logically and evidentially entitled to do, that is, he moved from allegation to confident assertion : “Today, October 20, 2023, marks the three-year anniversary of Nnamdi Kanu's hijacking of ENDSARS and the orchestration of the burning of Lagos.”
In context, I see no inherent contradiction between the allegation and the assertion. Do you? Where?
As to the rest of the subject matter covered, of relevance, from Chapter 17 Independence Achieved pages 237 - 258 of Michael Crowder’s The Story of Nigeria .
from page 245
“The federal elections, as the table below shows, returned no party with a large enough majority to form a government, by itself. After a week of strenuous negotiations the N.P.C. and the N.C.N.C agreed to form a coalition government, leaving the Action Group in opposition. During that week there had even been talk of an Action Group - N.C.N.C. alliance, which would have led to the unhappy situation of confronting South and North as Government and Opposition
Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa , who was knighted in the new Years Honours ,became Prime Minister and Dr Azikiwe, leader of the N.C.N.C., to the surprise of many, opted for the dignified but in itself politically uninfluential post of President of the newly formed Senate, which had an equal number of Senators nominated by each regional government. There was considerable speculation as to whether Dr Azikiwe would become Nigeria’s first African Governor-General, or whether he was waiting for the post of Foreign Minister when Nigeria, on Independence, took over control of external affairs. As it turned out there were no major changes in the government on Independence and Dr Azikiwe, on the 16th November 1960, became Governor-General of the independent federation.”
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HISTORY LESSON: "Nothing's Changed" is so political