Femi Fani-Kayode is like a tussled and ruffled dog, barking away its panic and mistaking it for strength. He asserted, "They say they
want to establish RUGA settlements all over the country for the Fulani and their cows," and he followed it up with a question, "Is cattle business Government business?" That is the type of question one should expect from a social Darwinist
who believes in the law of the jungle, the survival of the fittest. Livestock farming or animal husbandry just like crop or arable farming is the responsibility of government anywhere in the world. Nigerians consume over twenty-thousand of cows as beef per
day and that should the business of the government if it were not to abandon part of Section 16 (2c) of the 1999 Constitution which obliges the State (government), among other things, to direct its policy towards ensuring suitable and adequate food for all
citizens. Nigeria, in fact, has had the most irresponsible government on earth which is why it has allowed nomadic pastoralism in the country till date whereby herdsmen have to trek hundred kilometres daily, to find forage and water for their cattle in wild
growing forest. Why should Nigeria have Ministry of Agriculture, both at Federal and State's level, with employed agricultural Engineers and Veterinary Scientists, if livestock farming and animal husbandry are not part of their business? If Rural Grazing Areas
(RUGA) are to be established, I think it will make sense economically, to establish them as ranches in the natural habitat of the animals.
… are we really one nation? Were we EVER one nation, Femi Fani-Kayode asked? Thereafter he veered off to answer
the questions self as follows. Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the Premier of the Old Western Region of Nigeria and the erstwhile Leader of the Yoruba, raised this question in his famous book titled ''Paths To Nigerian Freedom" as far back as 1947 and his answer
was a resounding "no". …//… It is one of the greatest ironies of our history that the same Awolowo that wrote that brilliant book and displayed such remarkable, unprecedented and prophetic insight about the nature and future of our nation was a major player
in the savage and cruel war that was waged and brutal genocide that was unleashed against the innocent civilian population of Biafra in the name of keeping Nigeria one.
This Contradiction in Awolowo's otherwise and extraordinary legacy of excellence, principle and patriotism is something that I have never
been able to comprehend or understand.
While it is true that Awolowo said that Nigeria was not a nation but a geographical expression, he also advocated that the various constituents
of the geographical expression should work together under a Federal Constitution. Expressing his opposition to self-government for Nigeria as it was agitated from certain quarters in 1947, Awolowo wrote, among other reasons, that the existence of a microscopic
literary class would lead to exploitation of the great majority illiterates by the intelligentsia. Obafemi Awolowo was totally against Unitary form of Government for Nigeria which he expressed in his 1960 Autobiography as follows,
"The implicit and unshaken loyalty which the Ibos had shown to Dr. Azikiwe during the Ikoli -Akinsanya crisis, did not arise in my view from ideological faith but rather from linguistic affinity and ethnic self-assertion. This, I warned, was an ominous
pointer to the future. Nigeria under a unitary constitution might be dominated by those, whatever their number,
who owed greater allegiance to ethnic affinity than to principles and ideals. (p.164)" He continued,
"As between the various ethnic groups, I argued, there were differing standards of civilisation as well as uneven stages in the adoption of western education and the emulation of western civilisation.
A unitary constitution with only one central government would only result in frustration to the more pushful and more dynamic ethnic groups, whereas the division of the country into regions along ethnic lines would enable each linguistic group not only to
develop its own peculiar culture and institutions but to move forward at its own pace, without being unnecessarily pushed or annoyingly slowed down by the others (p.164-165)." That Nigeria ever had Federal Constitution starting from 1951 was due
to the efforts and insistence of Awolowo and Chief Bode Thomas while the NCNC preferred Unitary form of government. Femi Fani-Kayode will never comprehend or understand the role played by Awolowo during the civil war without the knowledge of what happened
after the December 1959 Federal elections which produced the government that was to usher Nigeria into Independence in 1960 and the political developments that led to the actions of the Five Majors on 15 January 1966.
None of the three major political parties and their allies won enough seats in the Parliament to form the government in 1959. The two options
for forming a government was either a national government of the three main parties, NPC, NCNC and AG or a coalition of the two. Awolowo the leader of the AG declared that he could serve in a national government led by Dr. Azikiwe of the NCNC but not in a
government led by a feudalist from the NPC. An NCNC led national government would have had comfortable majority in the Parliament. Then, on 20 December 1959, Azikiwe announced that the NCNC had signed a coalition agreement with the NPC against the will of
its ally, NEPU in the North. The agreement conceded the Prime Minister's post to the NPC while Azikiwe was to be President of the Senate. Awolowo decided to be the leader of opposition in the Federal Parliament. In fact, the AG was the opposition party in
the Northern and Eastern Region's House of Assembly respectively. When the last colonial Governor, Sir James Robertson left office in November 1960, Azikiwe became Governor General and Dr Nwafor Orizu became the President of the Senate. The father of Femi,
Chief Remi Fani-Kayode left AG to join the NCNC of which he subsequently became leader of opposition in the Western House of Assembly. Exploiting a crack within the fold of the AG leaders the NPC/NCNC controlled Federal government, on 29 May 1962, declared
a six-month State of Emergency in the Western Region and appointed an Administrator. Towards the end of the Emergency rule, the Federal Government charged Awolowo in court for treasonable felony together with top ranking members of his party. They were all
remanded in prison custody pending trials. The Fedral government seized the period of emergency rule to carve out a new Region, Midwest, for the minorities in Western Region At the end of the emergency rule, a small section of the AG had formed a new party
under Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, named United People's Party,(UPP). UPP and the NCNC in the Western House of Assembly formed a coalition government with Akintola as the Premier while Remi Fani-Kayode was the Deputy Premier. By September 1963 Awolowo and
his comrades were jailed for planning to overthrow the federal coalition government of NPC/NCNC. On 1 July 1964, the Supreme Court of Nigeria confirmed the jail sentences of Awolowo and nine of his co-appellants. Before then, the Federal government in February
1964 released preliminary census figures for the population of Nigeria that gave Northern Nigeria a population of 29.7 million out of population of 55.7 million. The Eastern and Midwest Regions rejected the census figures and expected Western Region to do
the same. On the contrary, the Western Nigerian government did not only accept the census figures, it announced that all the NCNC members of the region's House of Assembly, except five, had merged with the UPP to form a new party NNDP. In fact, Nigerian National
Democratic Party, NNDP, was the first Nigerian political party formed by Herbert Macaulay in 1922 but was inherited by Nnamdi Azikiwe in 1946 when Herbert Macaulay died. Azikiwe used NNDP to contest elections in Lagos and Western Region up till 1951 and thereafter
liquidated the party. Akintola and Fani-Kayode's government of Western Region published a white paper accusing NCNC of haven used its presence in the Federal government to practise what it termed IBOCRACY, a network which secured for the Igbo a disproportionate
share of jobs, commercial opportunities, federal scholarships, etc. The NCNC controlled Eastern Region government, through its Attorney General filed a case against the use of 1963 Census figures to allocate seats for the upcoming Federal election in December
1964 at the Supreme Court but failed. As the election was approaching, the NPC, NNDP, MDF and the Niger Delta Congress of Eastern Nigeria inaugurated the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA) under which affiliated parties were to contest the federal election.
On the other hand the UMBC and NEPU combined to form Northern Progressive Front which entered into alliance with the NCNC and AG to form United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA). Campaigns to the election were marred by violence and President Azikiwe suggested
that the 30 December elections be postponed for six months and that the UN be asked to assist in conducting it. The Prime Minister, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, rejected the suggestion and the UPGA alliance announced that the election would be boycotted. The boycott
was totally executed in the Eastern Region but partially in the North (Middle-belt and Kano), Western Region and Lagos. When the results of the election were declared, NCNC won all the fourteen seats to the Federal Parliament, in the Western Region, NNDP candidates
were declared elected in 36 constituencies against 13 for the Action Group and 5 for the NCNC. In Lagos, Theophilus Owolabi Benson, was declared elected as an Independent candidate by five votes in his Constituency (he was not nominated by the NCNC). In the
North , the NPC won 162 seats out of 167 seats. In spite of UPGA's boycott of the elections, the NNA won 198 seats out 312 seats in the parliament. Unless the election was invalidated, there was no way UPGA could catch up with the NNA. President Azikiwe rejected
the results of the elections and refused to call on Abubakar Tafawa Balewa to form a government. Since President Azikiwe was formally adress as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, he tried to order the military and the police to back his suspension of
Abubakar's government, to annul the elections and to appoint an interim government to conduct new elections. The British General Officer Commanding the Nigerian Army, Major General Welby-Everard, the Navy Commander, Commodore J.E. Wey,and the Inspector General
of the Police, Mr. Louis Edet approached the Chief Justice of the Federation to ascertain under whose command they were to operate. It turned out that under the Royal Nigerian Army Act (no. 26 of 1960) and the Royal Nigerian Navy Act (no.9 of 1960), the Army
and Navy were respectively under the general authority of the Defence Minister in matters of command, discipline and administration. The Council of Ministers and Prime Minister, but not the President despite his title as Commander in Chief, were vested with
the authority for the operational use and control of these forces. Azikiwe capitulated and Balewa agreed to form National broad-based government after elections were conducted in the boycotted areas. To the chagrin of its allies in UPGA who remained in opposition,
the NCNC joined Balewa led federal government, in March 1965.
In spite of the imprisonment of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, his party, Action Group, was waxing stronger in the West and it was thought that the
AG would win the impending elections to the Western House of Assembly on 11 October 1965. When the election was rigged in favour of NNDP, there arose general revolt in the West resulting in operation WETÌÈ. On 15 January 1966, the young Majors in the Army
struck but unfortunately, their ranks were infiltrated by ethnic supremacists who supplanted them and getting the coup executed ethnically. Major General Johnson Thompson Umunaike Aguiyi Ironsi took over after upstaging the revolutionary Majors. Joseph Tarka,
Aminu Kano and Odemo of Ishara singularly and collectively appealed to General Ironsi to release political prisoners incarcerated under the previous civilian regime but they were ignored. Instead, General Ironsi appointed a one-man commission of enquiry in
the person of Francis Nwokedi to propose a unitary form of government for Nigeria. By the end of March 1966, Francis Nwokedi had submitted its report for a unitary form of government for Nigeria and General Ironsi in some of his public pronouncements, without
plebiscite, said that Nigerians wanted one government and not many governments. His Attorney General of the Federation, Michael Chike Gabriel Onyuike, had fine-tuned Nwokeki's proposal legally for a unitary government for Nigeria, culminating in Decree no.
34 of 24 May 1966. It was the desire of General Ironsi to implement the age-long NCNC ideology of unitary form of government that made him not to release Obafemi Awolowo, an ardent federalist and a great opponent of unitary government for Nigeria, from prison.
Riot broke out throughout the North in protest against Unitary government on 28 May 1966 culminating in the military coup of 29 July 1966, in which General Ironsi and his host, Francis Adekunle Fajuyi were killed. Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon took over
and on 2 August 1966, he pardoned and released political prisoners including Awolowo. Later in August 1966, Western Leaders of Thought was formed in Ibadan and it conferred the title of
Leader of the Yorubas on Awolowo. Accepting the title, he said among other things,
"It gives me much pleasure to address this gathering of Western Nigeria leaders. The times in which we live are very difficult and most trying. There is disaffection everywhere in the country and, in most parts, there is pronounced bitterness. The emotion
for revenge wells high in almost every heart and our potentially great country now stands perilously on the brink of disintegration and chaos. Though the first scene in the first act of this prolonged tragedy was performed here in the West, the actual performances
and dramatis personae of this belong, at present, to the other parts of the Republic. It would be criminal folly, however, for us in the West to rejoice at the misfortunes of our fellow-citizens
for the happiness of Nigeria are indivisible and so are their misfortunes and adversities. There are two things which we must seek to do immediately. Firstly, we must seek to arrest the process of Nigeria's disintegration and reunite the country. Secondly,
we must put an end to the prevailing internecine hostilities, and we must organise our affairs in such a manner as to prevent a recrudescence of these hostilities. …//… It is my humble opinion that the search for unity, be it for Western Nigeria or for the
entire Republic need not elude us. It need not elude us, provided the leaders of thought throughout the land are prepared
to forget our unedifying past, and devote our full attention to selfless service to our people by promoting their welfare and happiness, recognise that revenge, naked self-interest, and injurious self-aggrandizement are obstacles to unity, and we
must resolutely eschew them. The unity which we seek today must be unity based on
selfless service to our fellowmen. This kind of unity can never fail. The bloody hostilities which we have witnessed in recent times are political, not personal. We must, therefore, seek political solutions to them. …//… It is extremely sad to note that
some leaders of thought in the country are seriously suggesting that the so-called component units of the country should
go their own separate ways as so many sovereign states. Those who advocate this course are
invoking terrible, unknowable and unpredictable disasters and catastophes on the heads of the 56 million innocent people of this country. In any case, these advocates must be reminded that there are more than four component parts in Nigeria.
There are 10 major component parts as follows: (1) Hausa/Fulani - 13.6 million; (2) Yoruba - 13 million; (3) Ibo - 7.8 million; (4) Efik/Ibibio - 3.2 million; (5) Kanuri - 2.9 million; (6) Tiv - 1.5 million; (7) Ijaw - 0.9 million; (8) Edo - 0.9 million;
(9) Uhrobo - 0.6 million; (10) Nupe - 0.5 million. There are 41 minor component units. Thirty-two of these are in the Northern Provinces, while nine are in the Eastern Provinces. I give these data in order that those who are insisting on
the breaking-up of the country may appreciate, before it is too late, the magnitude of the unspeakable calamities which the success of their advocacy is sure to import." (p.202-203, Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria, vol.1, by A.H.M. Kirk-Greene).
When it appeared to Awolowo that Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu was preparing to take Eastern Region out of Nigeria, on 1 May 1967, he told Western Leader of thought at Ibadan,
"The Eastern Region must be encouraged to remain part of the Federation. If the Eastern Region
is allowed by acts of omission or commission to secede from or opt out of Nigeria, then the Western Region and Lagos must also stay out of the Federation (p.415, Crisis and Conflict in Nigeria , Vol.1, by A.H.M. Kirk-Greene)." The above quoted
speeches of Awolowo explain why he was against the disintegration of Nigeria and he was not alone with that opinion as Samuel Gomsu Ikoku, Anthony Eronsile Enahoro, Ukpabi Asika, Joseph Tarka and others supported the war against Biafra secession. The civil
war, like all wars, was perhaps savage and brutal, but it was never a war planned and executed to wipe the Igbo in particular out of existence. After abandoning Biafra and visiting Nigeria in 1969, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe at a press conference in London on 28
August 1969 said that the accusation against Nigeria of "genocide is palpably false." The leader of Biafra himself, Lieutenant Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, in a BBC interview of 13 January 2000 was asked if he felt responsible for the waste of lives in the
war and he responded rhetorically, "how could I feel responsible when I saved people from genocide?" If Ojukwu said that his secession war prevented genocide from occurring, from where did Femi Fani-Kayode get the genocide against the innocent civilian population
of Biafra to which he is linking Chief Obafemi Awolowo?
When a crusader is deficient in integrity, who will believe in his gospel? That is the case of Femi Fani-Kayode, the son of Remi Fani-Kayode.
It was President Olusegun Obasanjo who took Femi Fani-Kayode from pigsty, showered him clean and clothed him as a Presidential spokesman before elevating him to Minister of aviation. After the end of Obasanjo's Presidency in 2007, a new king that knew no Joseph
ascended the throne and Femi became a political vagabond. His situation became worse when the EFCC accused him of being light-fingered for pocketing N250 million belonging to the Ministry of aviation. He was arraigned in court but like all corruption cases
in Nigeria, the case was knocked into coma. He accused Stela Adaeze Oduah, the Minister of Aviation under President Jonathan of mass termination of Yorubas in the ministry and replacing them with Igbo. When the Governor of Lagos, Babatunde Fashola relocated
some Igbo vagrants from Lagos to Onitsha in 2013, and the Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, made politics out of it, Femi was on the war path with the Igbo. He wrote, How the Igbo Introduced Tribalism to Nigerian Politics; Lagos, The Igbo and the Servants
of Truth; and The Bitter Truth About the Igbo.
https://www.premiumtimesng.com/opnion/105036-how-the-igbo-introduced-tribalism-to-nigerian-politics-by-femi-fani-kayode.html
The APC was officially registered as a political party in July 2013 and on 7 February 2014, Femi Fani-Kayode announced in Ile Ife that he had
joined the APC. When it was being contemplated that Bola Ahmed Tinubu would be vice running mate to Muhammadu Buhari, Femi Fani-Kayode exploded in anger against Muslim-Muslim ticket. President Jonathan took notice of Femi Fani-Kayode and invited him to a close-door
meeting at the Presidential Villa towards the end of May 2014. On 2 June 2014 Femi Fani-Kayode announced that he had quitted APC. Sooner, President Goodluck Jonathan appointed Femi Fani-Kayode as the Director of his Presidential Campaign for 2015 elections.
Out of the Presidential campaign funds received from former National Security Adviser, the EFCC has discovered that eight-hundred million naira (N800 million) was stollen and the EFCC had traced the funds to 18 different bank accounts opened in the name of
his Igbo girl friend. The case is still ongoing. Femi Fani-Kayode now consider Fulani people of Nigeria as the most dangerous creature God has ever created. The same Femi Fani-Kayode once traced his ancestors to Sokoto and even claimed that his middle name
is Lateef. In one of his writings, he asserted, "For four generations now, the Fani-Kayode have contributed positively to the affairs of this country...… I have
a little Fulani blood in me too and I am very proud of that…"
http://www.premiumtimesng.com/opinion/143284-the-nationality-question-by-femi-fani-kayode.html
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I look down on no other human being, no other race and no other nationality and I do not claim that the Yoruba are better than anyone else.
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Femi Fani-Kayode cannot be proud of the little Fulani blood in him and then turn around to hate pure-blooded Fulani.
S. Kadiri