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Ahrar AhmadJune 01, 2020
It is almost axiomatic that free speech is indispensable to democracy.
It is also obvious that almost all human progress depends upon an environment of free thought and free expression. Scientific advances would not be possible without challenging and revising received wisdom and provoking new explanations based on logic and evidence. Human creativity would not be possible without allowing the audacity of imagination to extend aesthetic tastes and frontiers. Intellectual growth would not be possible without the willingness to tolerate diverse, sometimes contradictory, answers to life's enduring questions.
Human existence may be possible without these freedoms, but the human condition would be bereft of beauty or joy or meaning.
However, it is important to point out that the notion of "free speech" may be problematic, and generate awkward questions.
Can speech be absolute, universal, unconditional? Are there no limits or boundaries or responsibilities regarding the exercise of free speech that we must acknowledge? Shouldn't historical contexts, cultural dynamics and social norms determine the quality or level of free speech that may be practiced?
Moreover, should we allow the leakage of state secrets that may jeopardise national security? Pornography that objectifies and degrades women? Hate speech that not only disparages minorities, but may make them unsafe? Information that is demonstrably false, confusing and dangerous to public welfare, or may hurt the sentiments of some, particularly on matters of race, identity and religion?
Also, what happens when two rights collide – when one's right to free speech goes against someone else's right to a fair trial (which may be jeopardised by media reporting), or against someone else's right not to be defamed, or against someone else's right to conduct daily life without disruptions?
These concerns are all legitimate, but are neither unique nor novel. There is a long and lively jurisprudential tradition that has evolved around such questions. There have been doctrines that have been established, tests devised, definitions provided, guidelines presented, and reasonable conditions clarified. These may well serve as the basis to approach, if not resolve, some of these problems.
Moreover, it is most reassuring that the trajectory of free speech, considered in this essay essentially as "political speech", has almost always been upward. Its ambit and authority have expanded steadily. This evolution will be discussed here with reference to court cases in the US judicial system.
II
During WWI and the Red Scare days that followed, the US Supreme Court interpreted "free speech" very narrowly and upheld the conviction of citizens for distributing leaflets to oppose the draft (Schenck v. US, 1919), calling a strike to oppose US efforts to overthrow the Communist regime in the USSR (Abrams v US, 1919), publishing a "left-wing manifesto" in which the author had advocated the overthrow of the government (Gitlow v NY, 1925), or just being associated with the Communist Party (Whitney v CA, 1927).
In these cases the Court used the "clear and present danger test" where the exercise of free speech could supposedly endanger the public in some way, or the "bad tendency test" where it could possibly lead to "evil" consequences in the future. Incidentally, it was in Schenck that Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes had famously remarked that one cannot be allowed to "falsely shout fire in a crowded theatre" (and elsewhere, is reported to have said that "the right to swing your arm ends where my face begins"). Ironically, Justice Holmes became one of the fiercest defenders of free speech later.
By the 1930s, when the Red Scare had abated (the US recognised the USSR in 1933), the Depression was creating economic havoc, President Franklin D. Roosevelt had his majority in the Court by the late 30s, and the orientation towards free speech shifted.
Justice Cardozo instituted the "preferred position" doctrine (Connecticut v Palko, 1937), which held that there was a "hierarchy of constitutional rights" in which free speech would always be privileged over others. Justice Harlan Stone (US v Carolene Products, 1938), in probably the most famous footnote in constitutional history, invoked the standards of "strict scrutiny" to apply to laws that sought to limit rights under the constitution. Even the requirement to salute the national flag, mandated in many States, was invalidated as an infringement of First Amendment rights (West Virginia State Board of Education v Barnette, 1942).
The Warren Court (1953-1969) advanced free speech aggressively. In Yates v. US (1957) the Court made the crucial distinction between advocacy of an idea and incitement to action, and ensured the protection of the first (a belief cannot be a crime). Based on this ruling, many imprisoned members of leftist parties who had been jailed under the Smith Act (1940), or because of anti-communist hysteria following WWII (McCarthyism), were released.
This principle was further sharpened in Brandenburg v Ohio (1969), when the conviction of a Klan leader for an ugly racist rant, was declared unconstitutional because while his speech was inherently offensive and inflammatory, it did not advocate "imminent lawless action", the Court's only condition for limiting speech. All previous "tests" for political speech were thus rendered moot under this stringent standard.
Thus, it became perfectly legal to criticise, satirise, or condemn any law or leader, any historical event or ideological position, any people or policy, or propagate anything utterly silly (after all, as the Courts pointed out, citizens have the right to be stupid), as long as a specific criminal act was not being directly encouraged. Citizens can agitate to "throw the bums out", or mobilise to "destroy capitalism", or demand to "end the lock-down", or denounce "gays, or Muslims, or vegetarians, or abortion defenders, or Senator X, or a book, etc. as evil", but one cannot provoke public harm by saying "hit that person" or "rob that bank" or "vandalize that building".
The Courts also expanded free speech rights through the "vagueness" and "over-breadth" doctrines which stipulated that unless the language of laws that limit speech is clear and specific, they would be over-thrown. On this basis, it supported the right of school children to wear black arm bands to oppose the Vietnam War as "symbolic speech" (Tinker v. Des Moines, 1967), which was also invoked to allow the burning of the US flag as political opinion (Texas v Johnson, 1989); established the three conditions (actual malice, knowledge of falsity and reckless disregard of facts) to justify a libel suit (New York Times v Sullivan, 1964); and clarified that "no prior restraint" can be imposed on the press by the government, and thus permitted the publication of the Pentagon Papers (New York Times v US, 1971). The one issue on which the Court dithered involved national security including protection to "whistle-blowers".
Undoubtedly, there has been a persistent expansion of free speech in the US. This pattern is obvious in most democratic countries. Unfortunately, Bangladesh defies that trend.
III
Three kinds of evidence may be presented in support of that last contention.
First, Bangladesh fares poorly in measures which compare the robustness of freedom in various countries. Bangladesh was ranked 151 out of 178 countries by Reporters without Borders, with Sri Lanka at 127, India 142 and Pakistan 145. In the Human Freedom Index of the Cato Institute, Bangladesh was ranked 138 out of 162 countries, slightly ahead of Pakistan at 140, but behind Sri Lanka at 110, and India at 94. Freedom House classified Bangladesh in 2020 as only "partly free" with a total score of 39, slightly better than Pakistan with 38, but much below Sri Lanka with 56 or India with 71.
What is even more troubling is the fact that in most of these rankings, Bangladesh's position appears to be worsening. For Reporters without Borders, its position slipped by one over the previous year, in the Cato Institute index it came down by .08 from 2019, and in the rank ordering of Freedom House, Bangladesh was clustered with countries which had significant deteriorations in composite scores.
Second, the Information, Communication and Technology Act (ICT, 2006, amended 2013), and the Digital Security Act (DSA, 2018) appear to problematise the right of free speech granted in several provisions, but most explicitly in article 39, of the constitution of Bangladesh.
Section 57 of the ICT Act criminalises any "material that is false or obscene" … which may influence the reader "to become dishonest or corrupt", causes "to deteriorate … or the possibility to deteriorate law and order, prejudice the image of the state, or person" or "may hurt religious beliefs instigated against any person or organization".
Similarly, Section 21 of the DSA indicates that any person who carries out "any propaganda or campaign against the liberation war of Bangladesh, cognition of liberation war, Father of the Nation, national anthem or national flag", or Section 25 which suggests that any person who "sends such information which is offensive or fear inducing (and intends) to annoy insult, humiliate, or denigrate a person … or tarnishing the image of the nation, or spread confusion" will all be considered to be criminally liable.
Allowing the sweeping generalities and ambiguities inherent in these acts as the basis for criminally prosecuting people would probably have embarrassed even Emperor Draco (from whom the word Draconian is derived). Moreover, giving police almost unlimited power of search, seizure and arrest without warrant, imposing severe punishment regimes, and making some offences non-bailable, made the Acts even more menacing.
Third, it was hoped that these Acts were "ones for the book" and would not be used much. Jyotirmoy Barua indicated that between 2006 and 2013 no cases were prosecuted under Section 57. However, after that, the numbers began to increase exponentially and between 2013 and April 2018, Human Rights Watch calculated that 1,271 charge sheets had been submitted under this Section.
Under the DSA, which superseded Section 57, The Daily Star reported that there were 34 cases filed in 2018, 63 in 2019, and by May 6 of 2020, almost 60 involving about 100 people. Newspapers regularly carry the names and pictures of people (some in handcuffs) charged under this Act.
Politicians of the ruling party and the police have used these Acts primarily to file cases against editors, reporters, photographers, bloggers, baul/sufi artistes, writers and even cartoonists. It is noteworthy that, as Shahdin Malik has pointed out, while "spreading rumours" or "criticising the government" are not specifically mentioned in the DSA, people ARE being arrested on those grounds.
It would seem that the entire exercise was really intended to limit historical enquiry, critical thinking, political satire, policy disagreement, journalistic investigation or personal expression. More than a "chilling effect" on free speech, these laws hang like the sword of Damocles over the population waiting to drop on any hapless citizen at the slightest provocation.
IV
There are three reasons why this is SO frustrating. first, bangladeshis pursued their ideals and earned their independence through a long and intense struggle in which many suffered and millions died. it must be remembered that our national consciousness was rooted in the resistance of the people against those seeking to take away our bhasa (speech) from us. it was not merely a movement to reclaim our beloved language, an essential marker of our identity, but also, in a philosophical sense, it was a metaphor for the freedoms and rights that speech entails.
Second, many of the cases filed today are by people who were allegedly "offended" by someone's exercise of free speech. As Justice Warren had pointed out, the right of free speech means NOTHING if it does not protect speech that someone may find offensive (nice, sweet, agreeable speech does not need protection).
Socrates chose suicide over imposed silence. Khona (famous for her pithy "bochons") had her tongue cut off. Giardano Bruno, a brilliant scientist, was burned at the stake. Galileo was forced to endure house arrest and cease all research and writing, all because what they proposed or taught had offended established beliefs and institutions. Bangabandhu, our Father of the Nation, spent almost half his adult life in prison because the ruling elite had felt mightily offended by his criticisms and demands.
Similarly, every Prophet in the Abrahamic tradition faced persecution because their teachings had offended dominant ideas and practices. The first had to flee his country barely ahead of the Pharaoh's forces and was left wandering in the desert for 40 years, the second was brutally crucified, the last, our very own Hazrat Muhammad (SAW), was hounded out of his beloved city under extremely dire and desperate circumstances. Doesn't history teach us anything?
It must be remembered that the State has NO responsibility to protect the sentiments of hyper-sensitive people and shield them from being "hurt" or offended. These people must educate themselves, grow up, and become tougher. Otherwise it would not only lead to the trivialisation of political discourse, it would also lead inescapably to the "tyranny of the minority" where any small group of people could simply complain of being "hurt", and use it as a pretext to take away people's rights.
Third, such efforts commit the fallacy of "absolutes". It assumes that the ruling establishment has absolute power to do anything it wants; that it possesses absolute knowledge and its official narrative is supreme and permanent; and that the conflation of party, government and State, will give it absolute protection from all challenges. History neither supports, nor forgives, such absolute arrogance.
Limiting free speech may create an atmosphere of threat and intimidation that may provide current rulers (regardless of party) with a sense of smug assurance, and may even contribute to prolonging a particular regime. But this is illusory and always temporary.
When they are no longer in power, they will themselves face, with extreme prejudice, the same environment of intolerance, bullying and arbitrariness that they have visited on others. In the same way they had criminalised anyone questioning their version of history, that version itself will be criminalised. This logic is immutable, this cycle of events inevitable.
We must remember that leaders are never glorified for the number of years they have remained in power, but for the legacy they leave behind. Our leaders must decide whether they want to construct an inclusive, accountable, and democratic future for us, or whether they are merely interested in holding on to power as long as they can. The first will confer greatness on them, the second will bring them dishonour.
In this context, it may be pointed out that it is counter-intuitive for the current government to restrict speech. Its achievements are impressive – remarkable economic growth, respect in the international arena, successful trial of war criminals, containment of fundamentalist activism, and so on. It faces no political challenges whatsoever. Given all this, it can easily demonstrate its graciousness and confidence, and regain the high moral ground, simply by expanding the public space for debate, discussion and criticism.
Limiting speech does not indicate a regime's strength, but only its insecurities, its doubts, its pettiness. When leaders can afford to hold their heads high like the Kings of the Jungle, why should they behave like frightened alley cats?
The success of democracy rests on tolerance. The only answer to a bad idea is not to stifle it, but to present a better idea. When any regime does the first, it proves that it lacks the ability to do the second. No democracy can, or should, function under that shadow.
Ahrar Ahmad is the Director General of Gyantapas Abdur Razzaq Foundation, Dhaka.
Email: ahrar...@bhsu.edu
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I only skimmed your article as I could not conjure up its gist from the introduction. At first it seemed to delineate the boundaries of free speech in light of some US supreme court cases. Not sure your introduction was able to establish what the central premise of the article was , the lack of free speech in Bangladesh or the boundaries of free speech in USA (and why/how both tied ).
If USA's cases are to be taken as universal principle, than the below is my understading,
i) No free speech should be allowed that threatens physical harms or violence .
ii) On national security vs free speech, greater public good trumps state secrecy. The pentagon paper case established that.
iii) Journalists are entitled to anonymous sources and have high bar for liable. Washington Post case during watergate proved it.
iv) Public position /politicians have high bar to reputation case. Sever personal criticism comes with positions, even name calling is part of political expression (out of anguish agasint certain policies of a politician) .
v) Pornographic or violent materials can be censored from broader public display to protect the minors.
vi) Improper , hate filled or incendiary speeches, however objectionable, cannot be banned. Medias may not accommodate them. Hence society often pressure media outlets or organizations not to give platform to improper or hateful speeches.
I’m sure Anisuzzaman had many contributions to Bangladesh. Recognizing those contributions does not and should not preclude one from unmasking his hycpociacies and fakeness in professing his idealisms only when it served the interests of his domain of politics, but totally keeping blind eye and self-muzzled silence when those idealisms were mercilessly violated on the opponents.
Word is cheap. We all can write or preach lofty ideals in paper and speeches. But how many of us are practiced it, especially when it goes against the interests of our party/companions ? One can be very eloquent or have multiple academic degrees but not have the wisdom/courage to side for humanity , for democracy, for human rights for ALL, including the people he/she politically opposed to.
I'm afraid people like Anisuzzaman, Muntasir Mamun Shariar Kabir, Anisul haq talk about democracy only when it favors their own party/domain of politics. They are mum when it doesn't. He and many Awami so called intellectuals could not overcome their self imposed AL-India loyalty straitjacket to defend his/their purported idealism for democracy, human rights, ‘secularism' etc when it rubs against their chosen sides.
Their vows of till death do us part with AL and India is bound in common hatred of Islamic politics/values and their desire of being in power at any cost t have made them willingly blind to the atrocities and usurpation of those very values they seem to champion only in words.
Anissumman's intellectual vertebra, steely in paper/preaching, became too supine to stand up against AL when AL becames one-party dictator in voteless power grabbing. His silence of Awami atrocities, assaults on democracy and vote robbing, his association and blessing have empowered and legitimized AL and perpetuated its misrule. How can one regard him a pro-democracy intellectual after this?
He could not overcome his past associations and roles with AL during independence/post independence period that gave him notoerity to stick with his purported principle and oppose current metmorposided AL that annihilated democracy from Bangladesh.
Similarity, he talks a big talk about secularism . But his secularism preaching hits a self-imposed India loyalty wall when BJP Hinduva lynches Muslims, implement religion based citizens test and persecute Indian Muslims into Bangladesh ! Anisuzzman ideals take a vacation then. Because like many others , his 'secularism' is just a coded word for anti-Islamism when it fails universal test.
He also talked about human rights of 'Nastik' (agreed ), but he was totally silent when Madrasaha/Islamic people were extra-judicially killed in so called cross fire, when Hefajot protesters were killed in the dark of the night by state forces.
We do not hear anything from Anissuzzaman or his likes on human rights for he victims of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearance. Because that will embarrass his political party AL. So, his human rights crocodiles tear takes a hiatus .
The selective outrage and cheery picking values only for his domain of people or politics, not for universal application, make him hypocrite and fake at best.
3) Frankenstein of your own making :
You have extolled this one-party regime in your article, oblivious to its very illegitimate and anti-democratic nature of this regime. That gives the regime oxygen! How can you expect free speech in a dictatorship that is devoid
of democracy? It’s contradictory and unrealistic to expect free speech while tolerating one party dictatorship that
has occupied/politicized/criminalized every state institutioins , including election system and judicial
system.
Democracy is a precondition of free speech. And free fair election is a precondition of democracy. Without democracy you cannot have accountability or checks and balance in the governance. As a result we see unbriddled corruptions, lawlessness in Bangladesh . That's why Abrar gets beaten to death by the regime goons for exercising his free speech. That's not a law and order case, that a symptom of the cancer this AL dictator culture has caused .
So your clamoring for free speech , however commendable , is hopelessly futile unless you address the root cause , the one party dictatorship .
I have not heard from you, Anisuzzaman, the Daily star, Mahfuz Anam, Matiur Rahman or others vocally criticizing this Awami dictator regime for vote robbing, for attacking political opponents to create fearful atmosphere on election eve , for extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of political opponents, for sham govt controlled-witness-kidnapping war crime trial etc.
On the contrary , out of the common hatred against Islamic politics and out of unbridled love for India (even at the expese of Bangladesh interests), they egged, fed , encouraged this AL to become a baby Frankenstein. They thought it would be thier own loayl frankenstein, so long it devours BNP and Jamaat. Little that they knew it eat up who democracy in the process. Today that baby frankenstein is a monster Frankenstien. Now it even bites the very cheer leaders who helped to become a frankenstein. Little that they knew that it's a nature of all Frankenstein to devour everything in its path.
So today when you talk about free speech and against digital security Act, it seem very disingenuous and self protecting cry. The cheery picking case only when it started to harm your own interests. When it eat up Amar Desh, when it jailed and persecuted Mahmudur Rahman , when it closed down Islamic TV, Digonto TV, when it incurserated Ekushey TV MD and took over, you guys, Mahfuzur Rahman, Anisuzzman had remained silent .
Today you , Mahfuz Anam , Kajol Matiur Rahman and likes are doing some faint hearted criticism against the digital security act/freedom of journalists. Why now ? Why only on this subject ? Is it because the Frankenstein now starting to bite some of you, as part of Frankenstein's nature ? The Frankensteil filed cases on some of the jouranlsits and has abducted Kajol. They all once were Awami cheer leaders. They thought they could shape and manage this Frankenstein when they were empowering it. But the very definition of Frankenstein is unmangeable.
We still oppose any repression to anybody, be it past Awami supporters or not as a matter of principle.Sadly your clamoring for free speech , however commendable , is hopelessly futile unless you address the root cause , the one party dictatorship .
Dear Rashed Anam:
I am very grateful that you read my meager piece. I was hoping that, sophisticated thikers and commentators like you, would engage with the essay, criticise it, satirise it, rip it to shreds. I KNOW that I am a shabby thinker and a poor writer. I was justifiably nervous about the response it would generate from thoughtful and highly intelligent people like you.
BUT instead, the vicious ad hominem attack on Anis bhai, whom I deeply admire and many revere as a teacher, scholar, public intellectual, and an enlightened human being, was unexpected, disappointing and, personally for me, rather painful.
If that is all you are interested in writing about, I am not particularly eager to pursue this conversation. My sincere apologies.
Since you had circulated your note to many people and groups, I am assuming that, in the interest of fairness, you would do the same with my response.
Thank you.
Ahrar
Democracy is a precondition of free speech. And free fair election is a precondition of democracy. Without democracy you cannot have accountability or checks and balance in the governance. As a result we see unbriddled corruptions, lawlessness in Bangladesh . That's why Abrar gets beaten to death by the regime goons for exercising his free speech. That's not a law an
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On Sat, Jun 6, 2020 at 1:50 PM, Taj Hashmi<tajh...@gmail.com> wrote:But to be fair to me, I didn't call names! Did I? So many people call me BNP, some think I am a Jamaati, others don't hesitate to call me a Murtad/atheist, while some love to call me a Pakistani agent because of my "ethnic" background and surname! Who cares!HaHaHa!Thanks for your kind words.On Sat, Jun 6, 2020 at 2:35 PM Ahmad, Ahrar <Ahrar...@bhsu.edu> wrote:Hashmi bhai, I don't care about your politics. I just adore you as a person, admire you as an intellectual, and respect you like an elder brother.
In terms of your note on Dr. Momen (our Foreign Minister) the last line was as wicked as it was devastating. OUCH!!!
Ahrar
From: Taj Hashmi <tajh...@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, June 7, 2020 12:17 AM
To: Ahmad, Ahrar <Ahrar...@bhsu.edu>
Cc: rashed Anam <rasheda...@gmail.com>; Farida Majid <farida...@hotmail.com>; Nabdc Group <na...@googlegroups.com>; LA Discussion <la-dis...@googlegroups.com>; ban...@googlegroups.com <ban...@googlegroups.com>; BDPANA <BDP...@yahoogroups.com>; Muazzam Kazi' via BDPANA <bdp...@googlegroups.com>; bangladesh...@googlegroups.com <bangladesh...@googlegroups.com>; american bangladeshi <americanb...@googlegroups.com>; bisne-boston <bisne-...@googlegroups.com>; alapon <ala...@yahoogroups.com>; Alochona Groups <aloc...@yahoogroups.com>; Outlook Team <zog...@hotmail.co.uk>; Yasmeen Ali <yasmee...@gmail.com>; Pakpotpourii <pakpot...@googlegroups.com>; Pakpotpourri1 <pakpot...@googlegroups.comx>; pfc-f...@googlegroups.com <pfc-f...@googlegroups.com>; Jalal Uddin Khan <juk...@gmail.com>; Post Card <abahar...@gmail.com>; Khalifa Malik <kmama...@gmail.com>; mga...@gmail.com <mga...@gmail.com>; Javed Helali <jhela...@yahoo.com>; MUMTAZ IQBAL <miq...@gmail.com>; Sabria Chowdhury Balland <sabriac...@gmail.com>; Dr. Habid Siddiqi HabibSiddiqui <sa...@aol.com>; Mohammad Ashrafi <fash...@yahoo.com>; Zainul Abedin <zain...@yahoo.com>; quamrul....@gmail.com <quamrul....@gmail.com>; RANU CHOWDHURY <ran...@hotmail.com>; Litu . <li...@outlook.com>; Nurun Nabi <nura...@gmail.com>; Nurul Kabir <nurul...@gmail.com>
Subject: Re: [EXT] Re: {PFC-Friends} Free SpeechDear Ahrar:
I wish there were many others like you in the Bengali community in Bangladesh and abroad. Don't worry, I have been called so many things by so many people, and most of them have stopped "opening their mouths" (to call me something not-so-nice or to eat me up!) at me! Now they are tired. They know, I am not another Jesus Christ like you! I simply tear off people who dare to say bad things about me. I have Arab blood! hahahaha!
By the way, I have NO problem with diehard Awami League supporters, so long as they are honest and civil.
Take care!
Hashmi Bhai
On Sat, Jun 6, 2020 at 2:09 PM Ahmad, Ahrar <Ahrar...@bhsu.edu> wrote:
You are absolutely correct Mr. Anam. I was wrong.
For an article that most thought was rather critical of the democratic pretensions of this administration (and there was considerable nervousness about publishing it) to be so severely attacked is perhaps a bit surprising, and somewhat disappointing. I am well aware that I will never reach the level of intellectual subtlety, rhetorical clarity or moral authority claimed by you (and perhaps many in this list), and for that I am embarrassed and seek your forgiveness. The personal nature of the attack (the name calling) was particularly painful largely because I am so unused to it (I do not ever recall being called a "hypocrite" before). I KNOW I have failed the litmus test of being sufficiently anti-AL. I had not realized that, based on that fact alone, I have forfeited my right to be taken seriously.
Academics engage in a discussion (alochona) to learn. Bangalees engage in a debate (torko) to win. Well, you have won. I do not think that people of your wisdom and abilities should waste their time with someone as stupid and inconsequential as I am. Hence, I honestly do not think that there is anything more that could be gained by this discussion.
Please stay well, and please forgive my shortcomings.
Ahrar
From: rashed Anam <rasheda...@gmail.com>
Sent: Saturday, June 6, 2020 8:23 PM
To: Farida Majid <farida...@hotmail.com>; Nabdc Group <na...@googlegroups.com>; LA Discussion <la-dis...@googlegroups.com>; ban...@googlegroups.com <ban...@googlegroups.com>; BDPANA <BDP...@yahoogroups.com>; Muazzam Kazi' via BDPANA <bdp...@googlegroups.com>; bangladesh...@googlegroups.com <bangladesh...@googlegroups.com>; american bangladeshi <americanb...@googlegroups.com>; bisne-boston <bisne-...@googlegroups.com>; alapon <ala...@yahoogroups.com>; Alochona Groups <aloc...@yahoogroups.com>
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Subject: [EXT] Re: {PFC-Friends} Free Speech
পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী আবদুল মোমেনের প্রতি খোলা চিঠি
প্রিয় ড. মোমেন,
আমি এই চিঠি লিখছি,গত ৩১শে মে,২০২০ এ ভারতীয় সাপ্তাহিক ‘দ্য উইকে’ প্রকাশিত আপনার একটি সাক্ষাতকারের প্রতি দৃষ্টি আকর্ষণ করতে, যা আমাদের পারস্পারিক বন্ধুমহল এবং দেশে-বিদেশে থাকা বাংলাদেশিদের কাছে ভিত্তিহীন,আপত্তিকর এবং বাংলাদেশের ভাবমূর্তি ক্ষুণকারী বলে মনে হয়েছে, যেটি রাষ্ট্রের প্রধান কূটনৈতিক বা পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রী হিসেবে আপনি প্রতিনিধিত্ব করেন। অতপর,এই খোলা চিঠি।
সঞ্চালক রবি ব্যানার্জীর শেষ প্রশ্নের জবাব ছাড়া,আপনার সাক্ষাতকারের বিষয়ে আমার কোনো আপত্তি নেই। যেখানে আপনি,“মুজিবুর রহমানের সাথে আপনার কাজের অভিজ্ঞতা কেমন ছিল?” এই প্রশ্নের জবাবে বলেছেন,“আমি তার সাথে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে(১৯৭০’এ) একটি গোল টেবিল বৈঠকে যোগ দিতে যাই(যার পর তিনি গ্রেফতার হয়েছিলেন)।আমি তার দৈনন্দিন প্রশাসনিক কাজের দেখাশোনা করতাম। স্বাধীনতার পর একজন জ্যেষ্ঠ আমলা হিসেবে আমি তার সাথে বিভিন্ন মন্ত্রণালয়ে কাজ করেছি। আমি তাকে অত্যন্ত নিষ্ঠাবান হিসেবে আবিষ্কার করি।”
আমি আপনাকে ষাটের দশকের শেষদিক থেকে চিনি। ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়য়ের ন্যাশনাল স্টুডেন্ট ফেডারেশন(এনএসএফ)’র একজন সহ-সদস্য ও অফিসধারণকারী একজন কর্মী হিসেবে আমি জানি, ১৯৬৮ সালে ইসলামাবাদ যাবার আগ পর্যন্ত, আপনি আইয়ুবপন্থি ছাত্র সংগঠন এনএসএফের ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়য়ের এসএম হল শাখার প্রেসিডেন্ট ছিলেন। আমি এটাও জানি, সেই গোলটেবিল বৈঠকের সময়, শেখ মুজিবের আপনাকে ভ্রমণসঙ্গী করা দূরে থাক,আপনাকে চেনার পর্যন্ত কোনো কারণ নেই। সেই গোলটেবিল বৈঠক, যা কিনা প্রেসিডেন্ট আইয়ুব খান পাকিস্তানের রাজনৈতিক সংকট সমাধানের জন্য দুই উইঙের রাজনৈতিক নেতাদের একত্র করতে আয়োজন করেছিলেন। যার জন্য শেখ মুজিব সেখানে উপস্থিত ছিলেন।
যাই হোক, সেই গোলটেবিল বৈঠকটি ১৯৬৯ এর ১০-১৩ই মার্চ অনুষ্ঠতি হয়েছিল এবং আপনি সঞ্চালক রবি ব্যানার্জির কাছে ভুল সাল উল্লেখ করেছেন। ১৯৬৯’র পরিবর্তে আপনি ১৯৭০ সালকে, গোল টেবিল বৈঠকের সাল হিসেবে উল্লেখ করেছেন! মূলত আপনি তার ‘দৈনন্দিন কাজকর্ম দেখাশোনা’ দূরে থাক,আপনি বঙ্গবন্ধুর সাথে কখনই ভ্রমণ করেননি। যেহেতু আপনি সঞ্চালকের কাছে মিথ্যা দাবি করেছেন,আপনি সম্ভবত তাই গোলটেবিল বৈঠকটির সঠিক সালটিও জানেন না। এবং আপনাকে জানিয়ে রাখি, মুজিব গোলটেবিল বৈঠকের পর গ্রেফতার হননি, তিনি ১৯৭১ সালের ২৫/২৬শে মার্চ পাকবাহিনীর ক্র্যাক ডাউনের আগমূহুর্তে জীবনে শেষবারের মত গ্রেফতার হয়েছিলেন।
দয়া করে আমাকে এই মর্মে একটি কারণ দেখান, কেন ড.কামাল হোসেন এবং ব্যারিস্টার মওদুদের মত বয়োজ্যেষ্ঠ এবং অভিজ্ঞ উপদেষ্টা(যারা বিভিন্ন বিষয়ে তাকে পরামর্শ দিয়ে থাকতেন) থাকা সত্বেও,সেই কনফারেন্সের সময় দিয়ে থাকতেন) থাকা সত্বেও,সেই কনফারেন্সের সময় বংগবন্ধু আপনাকে তার দৈনন্দিন প্রশাসনিক কাজ দেখাশোনার দায়িত্ব দিয়েছিলেন? বরং সেসময় আপনি ইসলামাবাদে এমএ শেষবর্ষের শিক্ষার্থী ছিলেন। আর আপনি কখনই আওয়ামীপন্থি ছাত্রলীগের কর্মী ছিলেন না,উলটো আপনি আওয়ামী বিরোধী এবং আইয়ুবপন্থি এনএসএফের একজন সক্রিয় কর্মী ছিলেন। এনএসএফের সাথে আপনার জড়িত হবার জন্য আপনাকে আমি কোনো ধরনের দোষারপ করছি না।কারণ,আমি নিজেও ১৯৬৯ সালে এনএসএফের জিন্নাহ হল(সূর্য সেন)হল শাখার প্রেসিডেন্ট ছিলাম।আসলে মানুষ তাদের কৈশরের শেষদিকে কিংবা যৌবনের প্রথমদিকে অনেক কিছু করে বসে বা অনেক গোষ্ঠির সাথে নিজেকে জড়িয়ে ফেলে, আবার দেখা যায়,জীবনের পরবর্তী অংশে তারা সেসব কিছুর সাথে সম্পর্কছেদও করে। এমন অসংখ্য উদাহরণ আছে। যাই হোক, বঙ্গবন্ধুর পক্ষে আপনাকে কিংবা অন্য কোনো ছাত্রনেতাকে ইসলামাবাদের গোলটেবিল বৈঠকে ডাকার কোনো কারণ ছিল না।
সাক্ষাতকারে আপনি আরেকটি ভুল তথ্য দিয়েছেন,যা কারো মিথ্যাবাদী প্রবৃত্তির পরিচায়ক বলে প্রতিয়মান বলে মনে হতে পারে। আপনি বলেছেন,“স্বাধীনতার পর একজন সিনিয়র আমলা হিসেবে আমি তার(শেখ মুজিবের) সাথে বিভিন্ন মন্ত্রণালয়ে কাজ করেছি। আমি তাকে অত্যন্ত নিষ্ঠাবান হিসেবে আবিষ্কার করি।”বঙ্গবন্ধুর সংগ্রামের ব্যাপারে আপনার এই মন্তব্য আমার কাছে তার প্রতি অবমাননাকর না হোক, অযাচিত বলে মনে হয়েছে।
যাহোক,আপনি যেভাবে একটি ভিত্তিহীন তথ্য দিয়েছেন,যা কি না মিথ্যা ও বিভ্রান্তিকর ছাড়া কিছুই না,তা আমার ধারণার বাইরে ছিল! অন্যভাবে বললে, আপনি দাবি করেছেন, স্বাধীনতার পর আপনি বঙ্গবন্ধুর সাথে ‘জ্যেষ্ঠ আমলা হিসেবে বিভিন্ন মন্ত্রণালয়ে কাজ করেছেন’,যা অবাস্তব গালগল্প ছাড়া কিছুই না। প্রথমত,আপনি বঙ্গবন্ধু’র না, বাংলাদেশের প্রশাসনের একটি অথবা কয়েকটি মন্ত্রণালয়ের অধিনে দায়িত্ব পালন করেছেন, তাও কোনো ‘জ্যেষ্ঠ কর্মকর্তা’ হিসেবে(যেমনটি আপনি দাবী করেছেন) নয়, বরঞ্চ অন্যতম কনিষ্ঠ কর্মকর্তা হিসেবে, সেসময়কার বাংলাদেশ সরকারের(১৯৭৩-৭৫) মন্ত্রী দেওয়ান ফরিদ গাজীর ব্যাক্তিগত সহকারী’র অধিনে একজন সেকশন অফিসার হিসেবে কর্মরত ছিলেন।
আপনি হয়ত জানেন, ৬০’র শেষদিকে আর ৭০’র প্রথমদিকে,আমরা যারা আপনার সাথে ঢাকা বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে বেড়ে উঠেছিলাম,আমরা জানি, আপনি কখনই সিএসপি(সিভিল সার্ভিস অব পাকিস্তান) অথবা পিএফএস(পাকিস্তান ফরেন সার্ভিস) এর কর্মকর্তা ছিলেন না বরঞ্চ কিছুটা কম আকর্ষণীয় পাকিস্তান সরকারের সিএসএস(সেন্ট্রাল সেক্রেটারিয়েট সার্ভিস) এর কর্মকর্তা ছিলেন। তাই, আপনার করা ১৯৭০’র দশকে জ্যেষ্ঠ কর্মকর্তা হওয়ার মত ধৃষ্টতাপূর্ণ দাবির কোনো মানে রাখে না।
আদতে আপনার সাক্ষাতকার কিছু ভ্রান্ত আর মিথ্যা তথ্যর সমষ্টি ছাড়া কিছুই না। আমি শংকিত,এগুলো আপনার সমষ্টি ছাড়া কিছুই না। আমি শংকিত,এগুলো আপনার অস্থির না-হোক, আত্মভরী ও ভাববিলাসী চিন্তাধারার বহিপ্রকাশ মাত্র। জনাব মোমেন, এভাবে লেখার জন্য আমি দুঃখিত কিন্তু একজন নির্ভুল, সত্য এবং সঠিক ইতিহাসের অনুসন্ধানী হিসেবে,আমি এজন্যই লিখছি,যাতে আপনি আপনার অসাবধানতার জন্য দেশবাসী ও আপনার প্রধানমন্ত্রীর কাছে ক্ষমা চান। সত্যর স্বার্থে আপনার ক্ষমা চাওয়া উচিত। কারণ, দিনশেষে সবকিছু ছাপিয়ে,সত্যই সবচেয়ে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ হয়ে দাঁড়ায়।
আমি বিশ্বাস করি, বঙ্গবন্ধুকে মহিমান্বিত করার জন্য কারো সত্যর বরখেলাপ করার প্রয়োজন নেই। এতে হিতে বিপরীত হতে পারে। এবং কারো একই সাথে নিজের নায়ক আর নিজেকে মহিমান্বিত করার চেষ্টা করা উচিত নয়। এমনকি সত্য হলেও, প্রত্যেকের নিজের স্তুতি আওড়ানো থেকে বিরত হওয়া উচিত। সংজ্ঞাতিতভাবে প্রমাণ ছাড়া কারো এধরনের কিছু করা সমীচীন নয়। আপনার জানা উচিত,আপনার বন্ধু ও শুভানুধ্যায়ীদের অধিকাংশই,এই আইটি বিপ্লব পরবর্তী যুগে,মিডিয়া বিশেষত সামাজিক যোগাযোগ মাধ্যমের সাথে জড়িত। একজন পুরানো বন্ধু হিসেবে আপনাকে একটি অপৃষ্ট উপদেশ দিতে চাই-এমন কিছু করবেন না যাতে, বাংলাদেশের প্রধান কুটনীতিক হিসেবে আপনার অবস্থান দুর্বল হয় বা আপনার প্রতিনিধিত্ব করা সরকার ও দেশের ভাবমূর্তি ক্ষুন্ন হয়।
আমি আপনার অসাবধানতার উদাহরণ হিসেবে, সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে আপনার করা বেশ কিছু অপ্রীতিকর ও অ-কূটনৈতিক সুলভ উক্তি উদ্ধৃতি দিচ্ছি(যদি না তা বিষয়াদিকে ইচ্ছাকৃতভাবে বিকৃতি থেকে অতিরঞ্জনের পর্যায়ে নিয়ে যায়)।আমি উদ্ধৃতিগুলোর উদাহরণ দিতে আপনাকে শব্দান্তরিত করছি।
১। “প্রবাসীরা দেশে আসলে নবাবজাদা হয়ে যান।” আপনি বাংলাদেশি প্রবাসীদের সম্পর্কে এই উক্তি করেছিলেন,যখন তাদের অনেকে ঢাকায় কোয়ারেন্টাইনে রাখার সময়, কতৃপক্ষের অব্যবস্থাপনা নিয়ে অভিযোগ তুলেছিল। তারা ইতালিতে করোনাভাইরাস ছড়িয়ে যাবার পর দেশে ফিরে এসেছিল এবং তাদের প্রতি চরম অপেশাদারিত্ব ও অসম্মানজনক আচরণ করা হয়েছিল।
২।“প্রবাসীরা যদি ব্যাপকভাবে দেশে ফিরতে থাকে, তবে দেশে চুরি-চামারি বেড়ে যাবে।” আপনার মত অবস্থানের কারো থেকে,এটি আরেকটি অযৌক্তিক ও অসংবেদনশীল উদ্ধৃতির উদাহরণ।
৩। “বাংলাদেশ-ভারত সম্পর্ক স্বামী-স্ত্রীর মত।” সম্ভবত সাম্প্রতিক সময়ে আপনার করা সবচেয়ে কান্ডজ্ঞানহীন ও অর্থহীন বিবৃতি। আমাদের অনেকের চেয়ে আপনার ভাল জানার কথা ভারত কিভাবে বাংলাদেশের সাথে অসাদচরণ করছে। এর মাত্রা এতটাই ভয়াবহ যে, কয়েকটি কলাম লেগে যাবে, তা দৃষ্টিগোচর করতে!
৪। আপনার করা সবথেকে কান্ডজ্ঞানহীন উক্তি ছিলঃ“কোভিড-১৯ মহামারী নিয়ে চিন্তার কিছু নেই। এটা সাধারণ ফ্লু’র মত।”আপনি এবং একই সাথে আমরাও জানতাম,যে কোভিড-১৯কে সাধারণ ফ্লু হিসেবে মূল্যায়ন করাটা আপনার কত বড় ভূল ছিল,যা কিনা গত প্রায় ৬ মাস ধরে পৃথিবীর ক্ষতিসাধন করে আসছে।
পরিশেষে,আপনার একজন শুভানুধ্যায়ী হিসেবে আপনাকে স্মরণ করিয়ে দিতে চাই, সত্য-মিথ্যা, শালীন-অশালীন, বাস্তবতা আর কল্পনার মধ্যকার পার্থক্যটা সরু কিন্তু স্পষ্টত দৃশ্যমান। এটি কারো আসল চুল আর সবথেকে দামী পরচুলা’র পার্থক্যর মতই স্পষ্ট,যা দিয়ে কেউ তার বাস্তবতা লুকিয়ে রাখতে চায়!
ধন্যবাদান্তে,
তাজ হাশমী
(PhD, FRAS Retired Professor of Security Studies, APCSS, Honolulu, and Research Associate at the York Centre for Asian Research (YCAR), York University, Toronto, Canada)
“Today in the USA, only when some prominent Republicans such as General Mattis and Senator Lisa of Alaska spoke out against Trump's racist/divisive political culture against the grain of their party politics, the national tide started to shift and may mark the beginning of the end of the Trump era. That's what it takes . Some leading people of high positions , intellectuals to take a stand.”
RA
AWRB, RA, from my understanding republican is wining in marginal seats, unfortunately election systems in USA very strange to me, Two Democrat candidate lost the election even though they had highest popular vote, in that case how it’s the end of Trump era when he is the presidential nominee for Republicans?
Also I this electoral system are designed to keep the supremacy of the white and rich people. That’s my opinion and it’s probably because I hate politics and not deep into it.
Wassaalam
Razzak A. Syed
Sent from my iPhone
Its achievements are impressive – remarkable economic growth, respect in the international arena, successful trial of war criminals, containment of fundamentalist activism, and so on. It faces no political challenges whatsoever. Given all this, it can easily demonstrate its graciousness and confidence, and regain the high moral ground, simply by expanding the public space for debate, discussion and criticism. "
Economic achievement is subject to debate given the current 80 thousand taka per capita debt from 6 thousand only in 2006. The war crime trial is a farce (witness kidnapping, extortion in a safe house etc) . Fundamental activism was in fact more given the blogger killing, foreigner killing, burning down of Hindu houses etc. You term 'it faces no political challenge' as if that was a valid Awami achievement rather than brutal criminal suppression of opponents !!
Your portrayal was as if all are good except the free speech part. Never mind its illegitimate mandateless existence , never mind the extra judicial killings, never mind the enhanced disappearance of opponents, never mind the partisan pet election system.
Your term it as if free speech is subject to the mercy and 'graciousness' of the regime, not the right of the people that the regime must accede to.
That's what I criticized your piece for, not your entire life as I do not know you. I said merely expecting free speech from a dictator regime is unrealistic and naive . I said your efforts on free speech was 'commendable' but not sufficient. What's wrong with that ?
Please stay on the subject matter. corrent me where I erred. Please do not mischaracterize it and blow it out of proportion.
Best ,
-RA
Thank you Mr. Anam. I am beginning to understand myself a little better. I had always known that I am ignorant and stupid. I have come to realize that I am also a hypocrite, thin-skinned, AND a coward. Yes yes, you fought in the war, but you are a coward. Yes, yes, you left a comfortable job abroad to return to BD, but you are a coward. Yes yes, you have created a platform where Badruddin Umar, and Serajul Islam Chowdhury, and Akbar Ali Khan, and Shahdin Malik, and Asif Nazrul and many others have presented papers quite critical of the present regime, but you are a coward. Yes yes, you write these "innocuous" pieces once in a while that only gives the impression that you are being critical, but you are a coward. You MUST be right Mr. Anam. I stand guilty.
If there is any silver lining in this sordid experience for me it is the fact that I am also getting some free psychological consultation out of this. Thus, when Mr. Anam writes that I represent "a very common victim-playing/lesser-pretending reverse sentimental one which appeared to me subliminally condescending (sort of it's not you, its me type)", I have gained new insights about myself. I stand guilty.
To inspire me to be slightly braver, Mr. Anam has pointed out that Dr. Zafarullah, Dr. Kamal Hossain, Shahidul Alam and others have spoken out against this regime, and are just doing fine. BUT, wouldn't that undercut your basic premise that there is no democracy in BD today? So YOU think that there is enough space for criticism and debate in the country. I think that space is very limited. I am a bit puzzled about who is insufficiently critical of the government here (which, I understand, was the litmus test I had flunked). Nonetheless, I stand guilty.
One last time, Mr. Anam. My shabby essay was dedicated to the proposition that there is little scope for free speech and free expression, hence democracy, in BD today. In one paragraph I had referred to some achievements of the government. The question that is obvious is that if these are indeed true and legitimate, then why is the government behaving in a manner which indicates a lack of confidence and graciousness. The fact that some people did not get it only suggests that perhaps some may lack a sense of irony, OR perhaps that I am a terrible writer. I tend to believe the latter. I stand guilty.
Mr. Anam you are informed, intelligent, articulate. I am NONE of the above. Hence, any conversation between us is doomed from the beginning. You ended by saying that you may learn something from me. From ME? Thank you for ending on such a jocular note.
In sincere apologies and the best of wishes, bhalo theken, dhonnobad,
Ahrar
From: rashed Anam <rasheda...@gmail.com>
Sent: Sunday, June 7, 2020 5:36 AM
To: Taj Hashmi <tajh...@gmail.com>
Cc: zain...@yahoo.com <zain...@yahoo.com>; Ahmad, Ahrar <Ahrar...@bhsu.edu>; Farida Majid <farida...@hotmail.com>; Nabdc Group <na...@googlegroups.com>; LA Discussion <la-dis...@googlegroups.com>; ban...@googlegroups.com <ban...@googlegroups.com>; BDPANA <BDP...@yahoogroups.com>; Muazzam Kazi' via BDPANA <bdp...@googlegroups.com>; bangladesh...@googlegroups.com <bangladesh...@googlegroups.com>; american bangladeshi <americanb...@googlegroups.com>; bisne-boston <bisne-...@googlegroups.com>; alapon <ala...@yahoogroups.com>; Alochona Groups <aloc...@yahoogroups.com>; Outlook Team <zog...@hotmail.co.uk>; Yasmeen Ali <yasmee...@gmail.com>; Pakpotpourii <pakpot...@googlegroups.com>; Pakpotpourri1 <pakpot...@googlegroups.comx>; pfc-f...@googlegroups.com <pfc-f...@googlegroups.com>; Jalal Uddin Khan <juk...@gmail.com>; Post Card <abahar...@gmail.com>; Khalifa Malik <kmama...@gmail.com>; mga...@gmail.com <mga...@gmail.com>; Javed Helali <jhela...@yahoo.com>; MUMTAZ IQBAL <miq...@gmail.com>; Sabria Chowdhury Balland <sabriac...@gmail.com>; Dr. Habid Siddiqi HabibSiddiqui <sa...@aol.com>; Mohammad Ashrafi <fash...@yahoo.com>; quamrul....@gmail.com <quamrul....@gmail.com>; RANU CHOWDHURY <ran...@hotmail.com>; Litu . <li...@outlook.com>; Nurun Nabi <nura...@gmail.com>; Nurul Kabir <nurul...@gmail.com>
Subject: [BHSU Suspected SPAM]: Re: [EXT] Re: {PFC-Friends} Free Speech
Thank you Mr. Anam. I am beginning to understand myself a little better. I had always known that I am ignorant and stupid. I have come to realize that I am also a hypocrite, thin-skinned, AND a coward. Yes yes, you fought in the war, but you are a coward. Yes, yes, you left a comfortable job abroad to return to BD, but you are a coward. Yes yes, you have created a platform where Badruddin Umar, and Serajul Islam Chowdhury, and Akbar Ali Khan, and Shahdin Malik, and Asif Nazrul and many others have presented papers quite critical of the present regime, but you are a coward. Yes yes, you write these "innocuous" pieces once in a while that only gives the impression that you are being critical, but you are a coward. You MUST be right Mr. Anam. I stand guilty.
If there is any silver lining in this sordid experience for me it is the fact that I am also getting some free psychological consultation out of this. Thus, when Mr. Anam writes that I represent "a very common victim-playing/lesser-pretending reverse sentimental one which appeared to me subliminally condescending (sort of it's not you, its me type)", I have gained new insights about myself. I stand guilty.
To inspire me to be slightly braver, Mr. Anam has pointed out that Dr. Zafarullah, Dr. Kamal Hossain, Shahidul Alam and others have spoken out against this regime, and are just doing fine. BUT, wouldn't that undercut your basic premise that there is no democracy in BD today? So YOU think that there is enough space for criticism and debate in the country. I think that space is very limited. I am a bit puzzled about who is insufficiently critical of the government here (which, I understand, was the litmus test I had flunked). Nonetheless, I stand guilty.
One last time, Mr. Anam. My shabby essay was dedicated to the proposition that there is little scope for free speech and free expression, hence democracy, in BD today. In one paragraph I had referred to some achievements of the government. The question that is obvious is that if these are indeed true and legitimate, then why is the government behaving in a manner which indicates a lack of confidence and graciousness. The fact that some people did not get it only suggests that perhaps some may lack a sense of irony, OR perhaps that I am a terrible writer. I tend to believe the latter. I stand guilty.
Mr. Anam you are informed, intelligent, articulate. I am NONE of the above. Hence, any conversation between us is doomed from the beginning. You ended by saying that you may learn something from me. From ME? Thank you for ending on such a jocular note.
In sincere apologies and the best of wishes, bhalo theken, dhonnobad,
Cc: zain...@yahoo.com <zain...@yahoo.com>; Ahmad, Ahrar <Ahrar...@bhsu.edu>; Farida Majid <farida...@hotmail.com>; Nabdc Group <na...@googlegroups.com>; LA Discussion <la-dis...@googlegroups.com>; ban...@googlegroups.com <ban...@googlegroups.com>; BDPANA <BDP...@yahoogroups.com>; Muazzam Kazi' via BDPANA <bdp...@googlegroups.com>; bangladesh...@googlegroups.com <bangladesh...@googlegroups.com>; american bangladeshi <americanb...@googlegroups.com>; bisne-boston <bisne-...@googlegroups.com>; alapon <ala...@yahoogroups.com>; Alochona Groups <aloc...@yahoogroups.com>; Outlook Team <zog...@hotmail.co.uk>; Yasmeen Ali <yasmee...@gmail.com>; Pakpotpourii <pakpot...@googlegroups.com>; Pakpotpourri1 <pakpot...@googlegroups.comx>; pfc-f...@googlegroups.com <pfc-f...@googlegroups.com>; Jalal Uddin Khan <juk...@gmail.com>; Post Card <abahar...@gmail.com>; Khalifa Malik <kmama...@gmail.com>; mga...@gmail.com <mga...@gmail.com>; Javed Helali <jhela...@yahoo.com>; MUMTAZ IQBAL <miq...@gmail.com>; Sabria Chowdhury Balland <sabriac...@gmail.com>; Dr. Habid Siddiqi HabibSiddiqui <sa...@aol.com>; Mohammad Ashrafi <fash...@yahoo.com>; quamrul....@gmail.com <quamrul....@gmail.com>; RANU CHOWDHURY <ran...@hotmail.com>; Litu . <li...@outlook.com>; Nurun Nabi <nura...@gmail.com>; Nurul Kabir <nurul...@gmail.com>
Subject: [BHSU Suspected SPAM]: Re: [EXT] Re: {PFC-Friends} Free Speech
Under the Trump administration, the U.S. military has ramped up a reckless air war that is killing Afghan civilians in record numbers
The rush of incoming aircraft roused Waheeda and her sleeping family. It was long after dark on a cool spring night in Afghanistan’s Nangarhar province, a Taliban stronghold of fertile valleys and stark mountains that borders Pakistan. The sound of warplanes is a familiar echo across the skies here, but it had never come so close to Waheeda’s mud-brick home. Her father, a village doctor named Nazar Gul, got up to see what was going on when the first bomb struck the family compound, killing five of her cousins. Her father was moving toward the blast site when a second bomb exploded, she says. In an instant, both of her parents and five of her sisters vanished. “It was dark and dusty, and nothing was visible,” the 14-year-old remembers. “I just knew they were all martyred.”
Two of Waheeda’s little sisters, one of them just five days old, lay crying on the ground as helicopter gunships began strafing what remained of the compound. Waheeda was hit in the leg. She wanted to flee, but it was impossible to discern a clear path out in the darkness, so she swept up her sisters and took cover under an eave of the blown-out kitchen. When the attack finally ended, Waheeda picked her way over mounds of dirt and rubble and made it to the village center to find help. Under the light of cellphones, relatives and neighbors worked past dawn to retrieve the bodies. Twelve people in all.
https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-features/afghanistan-us-military-killing-civilians-record-numbers-trump-1010664/“আপনি কি তাদের দেখেননি, যারা কিতাবের কিছু অংশ পেয়েছে-আল্লাহর কিতাবের প্রতি তাদের আহবান করা হয়েছিল যাতে তাদের মধ্যে মীমাংসা করা যায়। অতঃপর তাদের মধ্যে একদল তা অমান্য করে মুখ ফিরিয়ে নেয়।
তা এজন্য যে, তারা বলে থাকে যে, দোযখের আগুন আমাদের স্পর্শ করবে না; তবে সামান্য হাতে গোনা কয়েকদিনের জন্য স্পর্শ করতে পারে। নিজেদের উদ্ভাবিত ভিত্তিহীন কথায় তারা ধোকা খেয়েছে।
কিন্তু তখন কি অবস্থা দাঁড়াবে যখন আমি তাদেরকে একদিন সমবেত করবো যে দিনের আগমনে কোন সন্দেহ নেই আর নিজেদের কৃতকর্ম তাদের প্রত্যেকেই পাবে তাদের প্রাপ্য প্রদান মোটেই অন্যায় করা হবে না।”
03:23-25
“মুমিনগন যেন অন্য মুমিনকে ছেড়ে কেন কাফেরকে বন্ধুরূপে গ্রহণ না করে। যারা এরূপ করবে আল্লাহর সাথে তাদের কেন সম্পর্ক থাকবে না। তবে যদি তোমরা তাদের পক্ষ থেকে কোন অনিষ্টের আশঙ্কা কর, তবে তাদের সাথে সাবধানতার সাথে থাকবে আল্লাহ তা’আলা তাঁর সম্পর্কে তোমাদের সতর্ক করেছেন। এবং সবাই কে তাঁর কাছে ফিরে যেতে হবে।
বলে দিন, তোমরা যদি মনের কথা গোপন করে রাখ অথবা প্রকাশ করে দাও, আল্লাহ সে সবই জানতে পারেন। আর আসমান ও জমিনে যা কিছু আছে, সেসব ও তিনি জানেন। আল্লাহ সর্ব বিষয়ে শক্তিমান।”
03:28-29
“বলুন ইয়া আল্লাহ! তুমিই সার্বভৌম শক্তির অধিকারী। তুমি যাকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য দান কর এবং যার কাছ থেকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য ছিনিয়ে নাও এবং যাকে ইচ্ছা সম্মান দান কর আর যাকে ইচ্ছা অপমানে পতিত কর। তোমারই হাতে রয়েছে যাবতীয় কল্যাণ। নিশ্চয়ই তুমি সর্ব বিষয়ে ক্ষমতাশীল।
তুমি রাতকে দিনের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করাও এবং দিনকে রাতের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করিয়ে দাও। আর তুমিই জীবিতকে মৃতের ভেতর থেকে বের করে আন এবং মৃতকে জীবিতের ভেতর থেকে বের কর। আর তুমিই যাকে ইচ্ছা বেহিসাব রিযিক দান কর।”
03:26-27
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“আপনি কি তাদের দেখেননি, যারা কিতাবের কিছু অংশ পেয়েছে-আল্লাহর কিতাবের প্রতি তাদের আহবান করা হয়েছিল যাতে তাদের মধ্যে মীমাংসা করা যায়। অতঃপর তাদের মধ্যে একদল তা অমান্য করে মুখ ফিরিয়ে নেয়।
তা এজন্য যে, তারা বলে থাকে যে, দোযখের আগুন আমাদের স্পর্শ করবে না; তবে সামান্য হাতে গোনা কয়েকদিনের জন্য স্পর্শ করতে পারে। নিজেদের উদ্ভাবিত ভিত্তিহীন কথায় তারা ধোকা খেয়েছে।
কিন্তু তখন কি অবস্থা দাঁড়াবে যখন আমি তাদেরকে একদিন সমবেত করবো যে দিনের আগমনে কোন সন্দেহ নেই আর নিজেদের কৃতকর্ম তাদের প্রত্যেকেই পাবে তাদের প্রাপ্য প্রদান মোটেই অন্যায় করা হবে না।”
03:23-25
“মুমিনগন যেন অন্য মুমিনকে ছেড়ে কেন কাফেরকে বন্ধুরূপে গ্রহণ না করে। যারা এরূপ করবে আল্লাহর সাথে তাদের কেন সম্পর্ক থাকবে না। তবে যদি তোমরা তাদের পক্ষ থেকে কোন অনিষ্টের আশঙ্কা কর, তবে তাদের সাথে সাবধানতার সাথে থাকবে আল্লাহ তা’আলা তাঁর সম্পর্কে তোমাদের সতর্ক করেছেন। এবং সবাই কে তাঁর কাছে ফিরে যেতে হবে।
বলে দিন, তোমরা যদি মনের কথা গোপন করে রাখ অথবা প্রকাশ করে দাও, আল্লাহ সে সবই জানতে পারেন। আর আসমান ও জমিনে যা কিছু আছে, সেসব ও তিনি জানেন। আল্লাহ সর্ব বিষয়ে শক্তিমান।”
03:28-29
“বলুন ইয়া আল্লাহ! তুমিই সার্বভৌম শক্তির অধিকারী। তুমি যাকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য দান কর এবং যার কাছ থেকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য ছিনিয়ে নাও এবং যাকে ইচ্ছা সম্মান দান কর আর যাকে ইচ্ছা অপমানে পতিত কর। তোমারই হাতে রয়েছে যাবতীয় কল্যাণ। নিশ্চয়ই তুমি সর্ব বিষয়ে ক্ষমতাশীল।
তুমি রাতকে দিনের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করাও এবং দিনকে রাতের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করিয়ে দাও। আর তুমিই জীবিতকে মৃতের ভেতর থেকে বের করে আন এবং মৃতকে জীবিতের ভেতর থেকে বের কর। আর তুমিই যাকে ইচ্ছা বেহিসাব রিযিক দান কর।”
03:26-27
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On Jun 9, 2020, at 3:01 PM, rashed Anam <rasheda...@gmail.com> wrote:
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/nabdc/CAKmDqPMdKgpqxKT_44TciOW-R%2B-j-xFqujVi59RK8eu7TQj7kg%40mail.gmail.com.
“আপনি কি তাদের দেখেননি, যারা কিতাবের কিছু অংশ পেয়েছে-আল্লাহর কিতাবের প্রতি তাদের আহবান করা হয়েছিল যাতে তাদের মধ্যে মীমাংসা করা যায়। অতঃপর তাদের মধ্যে একদল তা অমান্য করে মুখ ফিরিয়ে নেয়।
তা এজন্য যে, তারা বলে থাকে যে, দোযখের আগুন আমাদের স্পর্শ করবে না; তবে সামান্য হাতে গোনা কয়েকদিনের জন্য স্পর্শ করতে পারে। নিজেদের উদ্ভাবিত ভিত্তিহীন কথায় তারা ধোকা খেয়েছে।
কিন্তু তখন কি অবস্থা দাঁড়াবে যখন আমি তাদেরকে একদিন সমবেত করবো যে দিনের আগমনে কোন সন্দেহ নেই আর নিজেদের কৃতকর্ম তাদের প্রত্যেকেই পাবে তাদের প্রাপ্য প্রদান মোটেই অন্যায় করা হবে না।”
03:23-25
“মুমিনগন যেন অন্য মুমিনকে ছেড়ে কেন কাফেরকে বন্ধুরূপে গ্রহণ না করে। যারা এরূপ করবে আল্লাহর সাথে তাদের কেন সম্পর্ক থাকবে না। তবে যদি তোমরা তাদের পক্ষ থেকে কোন অনিষ্টের আশঙ্কা কর, তবে তাদের সাথে সাবধানতার সাথে থাকবে আল্লাহ তা’আলা তাঁর সম্পর্কে তোমাদের সতর্ক করেছেন। এবং সবাই কে তাঁর কাছে ফিরে যেতে হবে।
বলে দিন, তোমরা যদি মনের কথা গোপন করে রাখ অথবা প্রকাশ করে দাও, আল্লাহ সে সবই জানতে পারেন। আর আসমান ও জমিনে যা কিছু আছে, সেসব ও তিনি জানেন। আল্লাহ সর্ব বিষয়ে শক্তিমান।”
03:28-29
“বলুন ইয়া আল্লাহ! তুমিই সার্বভৌম শক্তির অধিকারী। তুমি যাকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য দান কর এবং যার কাছ থেকে ইচ্ছা রাজ্য ছিনিয়ে নাও এবং যাকে ইচ্ছা সম্মান দান কর আর যাকে ইচ্ছা অপমানে পতিত কর। তোমারই হাতে রয়েছে যাবতীয় কল্যাণ। নিশ্চয়ই তুমি সর্ব বিষয়ে ক্ষমতাশীল।
তুমি রাতকে দিনের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করাও এবং দিনকে রাতের ভেতরে প্রবেশ করিয়ে দাও। আর তুমিই জীবিতকে মৃতের ভেতর থেকে বের করে আন এবং মৃতকে জীবিতের ভেতর থেকে বের কর। আর তুমিই যাকে ইচ্ছা বেহিসাব রিযিক দান কর।”