Dr. Yual Chiek’s Speech During a Nuer Genocide Memorial Service in Calgary, Canada

[Elisabeth Janaina]

Dr. Yual Chiek’s Speech During a Nuer Genocide Memorial Service in
Calgary, Canada

Members of the Nuer Community in Egypt during a moment of silence for
those killed in Juba in December 2013; Cairo, Egypt. Photo: File

Calgary, January 8, 2015 (SSNA) -- On Sunday December 15, 2013 a day
that some Nuer youth have dubbed “Bloody Sunday,” Salva Kiir the
President of South Sudan, an ethnic Dinka commenced the genocide of
the ethnic Nuer citizens of South Sudan. The killing began in the
capital city of Juba, and was carried out by members of a personal
army of ethnically Dinka soldiers. Most of these soldiers are from
Kiir’s own home state of Barh-el-ghazal. Few Nuer were safe from
execution: government officials, members of the clergy, police
officers, and ordinary men, women and children were fired on with
extreme prejudice. As the week wore on the bodies began to pile up as
did fresh reports of atrocities. There are reports by NGOs of trucks
load of bodies dumped in mass graves. Many people were dismembered,
and/or burned. Women and girls were raped, and men were forced to eat
the body parts of dead relatives, or face death. Nuer citizens were
pulled out of their homes and summarily executed. Their crime? Being
Nuer.

In one report at least 200 Nuer men were rounded into a one room
building, soldiers fired upon these men through the windows. Only one
man survived the ordeal to tell and show UN officials the scene.
Initial estimates of the death toll were conservative, too
conservative: various international news agencies cited a death toll
of 500, figures received from Salva Kiir’s government and not from
NGOs, or from those Nuer that survived by fleeing to the UNMISS
compound on the outskirts of Juba. As civil unrest in response to
these killings grew throughout the country, Kiir’s soldiers and
militant tribesmen inspired by his genocide, began targeting Nuer in
other parts of the country, and the genocide spread to Bor, Bentiu,
Malakal. In Juba alone, official estimates now place the death toll at
approximately 10,000. The Nuer count their dead at over 20,000. While
it is true that news agencies report that approximately 10,000 people
have been killed in this genocide, almost all these agencies admit
that this number is almost certainly too low. Many that have witnessed
the killing, describe what they consider “unspeakable crimes.” There
are reports of dismemberment of bodies, and hanging and burning of
citizens in the outskirts of town. In conversation with members of the
South Sudanese community that narrowly escaped the genocide with their
lives, it has been repeated to me that the number of dead (many of
whom are buried in mass graves) number as high as 12,000. All these
people were killed in a little over one week. I have also been told by
family living in South Sudan that sporadic targeting of ethnic Nuer by
government forces were still taking place in the strategic town of
Malakal weeks after initial killings in Bor.

In response to the killings ethnic Nuer soldiers under the command of
a prominent Nuer commander by the name of Gadet Yak, an outspoken
critic of the Kiir regime, retaliated against the killing of Nuer
civilians and took control of Bentiu, the capital of the oil producing
“Unity” state. Also fighting against the Kiir regime is a militia of
Nuer youths named “The White Army” or “White Army,” a name derived
from a white ash smeared on the face to prevent insect bites.

This is the course of events as it has been told by a wide range of
people that comprises Nuer government officials who have fled to the
UNMISS base on the outskirts of Juba; Journalists; Intellectuals; and
students. Add to this the overwhelming eyewitness accounts of ordinary
Southern Sudanese, (accounts that are in near perfect agreement in
regards to both the root cause of the present conflict and the Kiir
regime’s genocide of ethnic Nuer) and the conclusions are clear:
Kiir’s genocide of the Nuer must be condemned by the International
Community; Kiir must allow thorough investigations of all allegations
of atrocities committed by his regime, or by its indirect sponsorship.
These investigations should be carried out by a team comprising
individuals from established neutral parties. It should be clear by
now that IGAD cannot serve in this capacity. All members of both
Kiir’s Presidential Guard and the members of his executive who had any
part in the planning, and execution of this genocide must resign from
office and face subsequent charges under a South Sudanese Ad Hoc
Criminal Tribunal, or some international body like the ICC for crimes
against humanity. In the starting months of the conflict it was also
reasonable that Kiir release all political prisoners. However, many
Southern Sudanese and some outside analysts at the time marked the
release of political prisoners as the key demand but this has only
tended to reinforce the Kiir regime’s stance that the genocide is a
political conflict and not a premeditated mass murder motivated for
political reasons. I, for this reason, place it behind what I think
ought to be the core demand so as to keep this human rights violation
at the forefront of this crisis.

To make matters worse, Kiir has recruited Uganda and North Sudanese
rebels (JEM) to fight against those who want Kiir to step down. In
Bentiu North Sudanese rebels have been targeting Nuer civilians.
Ugandan, and perhaps Rwandan forces have been instrumental in
protecting Kiir, leaving him free to carryout mass murder while the
international community gazes on silently. Through a policy of lies,
propaganda and subtle obfuscation of the truth, Kiir’s regime has
managed to convince the world that the killings in Juba and throughout
the country were random occurrences. That anyone who insists that this
war is a largely government sanctioned ethnic cleansing be deemed a
traitor to South Sudan and an inciter of ethnic strife. Thus Kiir has
been repressing South Sudanese journalists and intellectuals who do
not toe the line he demands. All of this while feeding to
International media a perverted picture of the truth. Even now the
killing of innocent Nuer civilians at the hands of forces loyal to
Kiir continues. No doubt, Kiir is confident that he will get away with
this. He and his advisors reason that by confusing the issue they will
shield themselves and Kiir’s followers from censure and evade any
punitive measures. They reason that in the event that the world
realizes the true extent of their crimes, confusing matters to the
extent that they have will make true for them the adage “it is better
to ask for forgiveness than permission.”

Ugandan Involvement:

One of the biggest factors in the civil war in South Sudan has been
the involvement of the Ugandan Military. The presence of Uganda has
bolstered a regime that has committed genocide against its own people.
Even at strong disapproval from regional powers, Uganda has continued
its campaign against Nuer rebels. The Ugandan Defense Force was
pivotal in regaining cities in rebel-held territories. The combined
fire power of the Ugandan forces and their aircraft capability has
been a major help to the Kiir Regime. It is this help that has enabled
the Kiir regime to carry on its policy of ethnic cleansing under the
guise of requesting help from Uganda. Where it not for the military
aid the Kiir regime has received from the Ugandan government many
lives might have been saved. For instance, Nuer residing in UN IDP
camps might have been freed by rebel forces as was done in then rebel
held territories of Malakal. At one point the Kiir regime even
dispatched soldiers to the UNMISS compound outside of Juba demanding
that those on the inside come out. The troops only retreated after UN
armed personnel issued an ultimatum to disperse within three hours or
be fired upon.

Ugandan involvement in a combat situation was first denied by Ugandan
president Uweri Museveni. The accusation by rebel forces was thus not
taken seriously. However, rebel accusations were confirmed when
Museveni admitted to the deployment of the Ugandan Defense Forces for
military purposes. By its involvement in the South Sudanese civil war,
Uganda has violated the sovereignty of South Sudan. Even if they were
requested by the South Sudanese Government, the presence of Uganda is
a major obstacle to the peaceful resolution of this conflict. What is
more, because the South Sudanese Government has committed genocide
against its own people, the most egregious misuse of the state power,
it should no longer be considered the legitimate government of South
Sudan. Uganda and IGAD have reiterated the fact that they wish to
protect a democratically elected government from violent overthrow,
but the nature of the human rights violations that the South Sudanese
Government has inflicted on the Nuer people, makes it all the more
guilty for the fact that this government was democratically elected.

The Nuer people like all peoples of South Sudan were integral in the
creation of South Sudan: Nuer formed the military back bone of the
Southern People’s Liberation movement in the late 1970’s right up to
being consistent backers of separation during the referendum of 2011.
And it was Both Diu, a Nuer, who in the 1950s passionately argued that
Sudan must either accept federalism or agree to an independent South
Sudan. The Nuer gave their sons and daughters, who in turn gave the
last full measure of devotion to an idea. The idea that it was beneath
them to be treated as serfs in their own land. The idea that Arab
domination was an indignity they could not and should never endure.
These youths fought and died for a land devoid of oppression, and full
of independence, opportunity and morality. A land for all the blacks
of Sudan who would accept it. That a government these people fought
for, died for, argued for, and helped form, should turn upon them in a
wave of ethnic cleansing of Nuer civilians, elected officials,
military personnel and even clergy that has never before been seen in
South Sudan is all the more heinous for the fact that Salva Kiir’s
regime was given legitimacy by the people of South Sudan of which the
Nuer are an indispensable part. What is even more disturbing is that
the bulk of this genocide occurred while the rest of South Sudan,
indeed the world watched on in silence and continues to watch in
stolid reservation. Uganda’s alliance with this regime is nothing less
than being complicit in genocide and must answer to the Nuer people
for its part in it.

The conflict in South Sudan has already seen the employment of Cluster
bombs. When the initial reports came in that cluster bombs had been
used, there was reluctance on the part of some to point the finger at
either side, but the fact that the rebels do not have aircraft rules
out the possibility that they could have been using them. It is
therefore, either the Ugandan, or South Sudanese governments that have
used them. What is more, the cluster bombs were all deployed in rebel
held territories, sometimes in areas where non-combatants resided.
Cluster Bombs are a type of weapon that explodes in the air while
dispersing dozens, sometimes hundreds of subamunitions, called
“bomblets” over an area as wide as 46,000 square meters. Within this
radius it is impossible to determine where the bomblets will land. The
inaccurate nature of cluster bombs, combined with the size of the area
they cover, and the fact that some of the “bomblets” often do not
ignite when hitting the ground, effectively turning them into
landmines has prompted strong condemnation from Human Rights
Organizations the world over. The International Community has,
therefore pushed for a ban on such weapons. Since the year 2008, 84
countries have ratified an agreement called the Convention on Cluster
Munitions. While South Sudan is not a party to the 2008 Convention on
Cluster Munitions, Uganda has signed (December 3, 2008) but not
ratified it. The U.N. Mines Actions Service and the U.N. Mission in
South Sudan identified cluster bomb remnants in early February. The
type of bomb used was, the RBK-250-275 A0 1SCh contains 150 bomblets.

Adding to the problem in the South Sudanese context is the fact that
North Sudan used these weapons in the Sudanese civil war, these
remaining bomblets that litter the South Sudanese territory, in
conjunction with remaining landmines poses a real and continued threat
to civilians in this largely undeveloped country. Recent Ugandan
deployment of these weapons threatens to continue the sad story in
which innocent civilians are the hapless victims of these undetonated
weapons. In fact, cluster bombs were dropped in Uror County, an area
of Jonglei state where members of the Lou Nuer White Army reside. The
White Army is a civilian militia, so to attack the area in which the
White Army is simply to attack civilians. To attack the parents,
children and extended family of these men. The last employment of
cluster bombs was (March 13, 2014) confirmed by Dutch Minister of
Defence Jeanine Hennis-Plasschart. Cluster bombs were dropped from a
plane along the road between Bor-town and Juba. This, of course, was
denied by Kiir’s regime.

Dinka

To salvage South Sudan we must recognize some extremely uncomfortable
and even disturbing truths. The first of these truths is that despite
the narrative that this conflict is political in nature, or in event
that blame is attributed at all, it is often attributed to the
incompetence or villainy of Salva Kiir, the true cause of this
conflict are much broader. Thus both disjunctions are false. The
inconvenient truth is that this genocide is the result of Dinka fear
and hatred of Nuer, and Dinka desire to turn South Sudan into the
personal estate of the Dinka people. Integral to this aim is the
control of resource rich Nuer land. This genocide and the resulting
war is the natural conclusion of a people who believe they were “born
to rule.” It is imperative that this truth be recognized by every
Dinka who claims to be a friend of Nuer people, or of South Sudan.
Dinka must denounce the actions and policies of their elites, and the
approval these elites have repeatedly enjoyed from the Dinka people.
There must be a decided, sustained and detectable shift in the Dinka
world view in this respect. It is not enough for Dinka to display such
a change to the Nuer people, or among the Nuer people. It is
insufficient for Dinka to display this shift to the international
community, or with the help of the international community. All such
displays amount to mere feigning of change. Dinka must speak with and
if necessary disagree with their fellow Dinka. They must dare to go
against their own people, for the sake of what is right. Otherwise,
mistrust of Dinka will never and should never be abandoned, and this
crime which marks the height of cowardice and the xenith of depravity,
must forever stain the reputation of the Dinka people.

What is South Sudan?

South Sudan is not a nation. It is much more. This fact must be
recognized by all who care for its preservation. Let us remember that
South Sudan was formed as a response to Arab aggression. In its purest
form South Sudan is supposed to be an incubator for the nations and
cultures that compose it. It is supposed to be a safe haven in which
the languages, customs, and unique world views of the civilizations of
this part of Africa could flourish and find unfettered expression.
This is precisely what the Arabs did not want. Thus Arab policy was to
push upon the black peoples of Sudan a poorly gerrymandered notion of
unity while systematically denying the accoutrements of civil life to
Africans, the very people to whom the land rightly belongs. All of
this was done so that by dint of this confusion the way could be paved
for Arabization of Africans. This is, to the letter, what Dinka are
attempting to do to South Sudanese. By pushing upon South Sudanese a
dubious understanding of South Sudan as a nation, an organic and
natural unity, while denying the benefits of civil life to non-Dinkas
by and large, the Dinka (like the Arabs) hope to establish a
hierarchical society made possible by “Dinkanization” South Sudan. A
South Sudan for the most part bereft of the rich cultures of its
peoples and nations. A land without its diversity, a cultural
wasteland. This same result will be reached by anyone who insists that
peace will come to South Sudan when all its cultures and peoples are
melted into one. These proponents of cosmopolitanism argue that this
is nation building. These people seek a South Sudan that is death to
the peoples of South Sudan; a South Sudan that betrays the purpose of
its founding. We must swerve clear of both these options: rampant
Dinkanization and misguided Cosmopolitanism. South Sudan must remain
what it was always meant to be, a confederation of peoples. A state
founded by the peoples of South Sudan for the peoples of South Sudan.

Neither the Kiir regime’s crime nor his tactics are new. They are the
same tactics that dictators and demagogues have used in times past. In
the sad and sorted history of our world men like Kiir and their
supporters—which in this case is the Dinka nation—have always covered
up the truth, and they have often bought out unscrupulous individuals
who are members of the targeted ethnic group in order to cover up the
true nature of their crimes. Sadly, all too often men like Kiir and
their followers are caught only when it is too late for thousands,
sometimes millions of their victims. Too late for the children they
violate; too late for the hopes and dreams they extinguish, and too
late for the voices they silence forever. But this does not have to be
the case anymore. South Sudanese and the International Community at
large can stand against Kiir’s tyranny, and Dinka hegemony. We can
tear down the wall of lies they have erected. We can do this by
choosing to listen to the voices of the oppressed; the voices of the
powerless children, women, and men who are being hunted simply because
they were born Nuer.

Nuer

Nuer, you are the victims of this genocide. In this killing you have
lost tens of thousands of your brothers, sisters, fathers, mothers,
sons and daughters. Barring the possibility of laying eyes upon these
loved ones in Jehovah’s rest, you will never see these people again.
It is tempting to blame all of this loss of precious life on the
reckless hatred of Dink, or the indifference and fear of the rest of
the South Sudanese peoples and the world, but the sad truth is that
there is evil and weakness among you that has rendered the Nuer
susceptible to this horror. As we speak there are Nuer men and women
who for personal gain continue to side with a government that
unabashedly murders their own people. These Nuer are perhaps the worst
enemies of South Sudan for if they have no loyalty to their own
people, no bowels of love for their own kin, how can they claim to
love and respect other peoples? Nevertheless, as disheartening as this
reality is Nuer must rise above it. Nuer must do the impossible. Nuer
must gather courage from the cowardice of faithless Nuer; loyalty from
their treason, and love from their abominable selfishness. But you
Nuer have done the impossible before. The future of the Nuer nation
and (with the cooperation of other South Sudanese) South Sudan is in
your capable hands. This is your time. Arise!
Yual Chiek, PhD
Calgary, Alberta

References:

The United Nations. 2014. “Interim Report on Human Rights: Crisis in
South Sudan.” Report Coverage: 15 December 2015 – 31 January 2014.

Statement by Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaer, Minister of Defense, Tweede
Kamer website, “Conceptverslag van een Algemeen Overleg over:
Verlenging Nederlandse bijdrage aan UNMISS Zuid-Soedan” (The
Netherlands Parliament website, “Concept report of a Plenary Debate
about prolongation of the Netherlands’ contribution to UNMISS South
Sudan”), 2014D10660, 13 March 2014.

Land Mine and Cluster Munition Monitor. 2014. “Netherlands”.
http://www.the-monitor.org/custom/index.php/region_profiles/print_profile/953