Uganda: Why the unrest in Rwenzori is far from over
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Elisabeth Janaina
Jul 5, 2017, 2:02:32 AM7/5/17
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Uganda: Why the unrest in Rwenzori is far from over
By Kristof Titeca & Anna Reuss
July 4, 2017
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The government’s strategy of lethal retaliation plus patronage has
contained the recent violence. It has not resolved it.
In the Rwenzori mountains in western Uganda, near the border with the
DR Congo. Credit: Brian Harries.
In the Rwenzori mountains in western Uganda, near the border with the
DR Congo. Credit: Brian Harries.
The Rwenzori region in western Uganda has a long history of fighting
against perceived marginalisation. Since independence, various ethnic
groups − particularly the Bakonzo − have taken up arms to agitate for
greater recognition from Kampala.
In 2009, the Bakonzo kingdom was officially recognised. But this did
not resolve this conflict. On the contrary, it added to tensions and
contributed to the emergence of a maze of conflicts between different
groups as well as with the national government.
In recent years, deadly violence has flared up on several occasions.
In July 2014, over 100 people were left dead in clashes. After the
February 2016 general elections, violence in various sub-counties left
more than 50 dead as well as hundreds of homes razed and thousands
displaced. And on 26-27 November 2016, at least 155 people were killed
in Kasese in fighting between government forces and supporters of the
Rwenzururu kingdom. About a dozen security forces were killed in
sub-counties of Kasese district. Most of those who died in this bout
of violence, which included many unarmed civilians, lost their lives
in an army attack on the king’s palace.
In responding to the violence, the Ugandan government has used a
combination of military solutions and patronage. This has been
successful as a containment strategy, but crucial issues such as
accountability and reconciliation have been largely neglected. While
the government’s strategy may have provided a solution in the
short-term, it may perpetuate conflict dynamics in the long-term.
The government’s response to the violence
On the one hand, the government’s response to violence in Rwenzori has
been strongly militaristic and brutal. The government has treated
fighting as the actions of terrorist Rwenzururu rebels advocating for
the creation of the Yiira State – an independent state that would
unite the Bakonzo in Uganda and the Nande in the DRC − and deployed
military and paramilitary forces across the entire region.
In the aftermath of the 2014 violence and the government’s response,
mass graves were discovered but no investigations were carried out. In
2016, the army’s attack on the palace led to the deaths of dozens of
unarmed civilians; at least fifteen children are still missing. The
Rwenzori King along with over 150 Royal Guards were also arrested and
face charges including terrorism, murder, attempted murder, aggravated
robbery and treason. The King is additionally accused of commanding a
rebel group with the purpose of overthrowing the government.
On the other hand, the government has responded to the clashes with
offers of patronage. In 2016, for example, Christopher Kibanzanga,
brother of the Rwenzururu king and a then staunch member of the
opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC ), was persuaded to cross
the aisle. He joined the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM),
was appointed Minister for Agriculture, and was promised that his
constituency would be elevated to a district.
More broadly, the government has also offered pardons to those who
have claimed responsibility and apologised for violence. In 2014,
three Rwenzururu ministers were awarded amnesties. In 2016, a number
of veterans were tasked with building peace after they confessed to
orchestrating the attacks on security forces. They were even given
money by the president “so that they do not engage in acts that
distort peace as a means of improving their livelihood”.
An amnesty offer was also announced for remaining Rwenzururu
loyalists. Meanwhile, youths who “surrendered” were absorbed into the
crime preventers, a militia-like outfit run by the police.
Will peace hold?
The government’s mix of lethal retaliation and imprisonments with
amnesties and benefits appears to have put an end to the violence −
for now. However, the longer-term effects remain to be seen.
Firstly, the effectiveness of the amnesty policy is questionable. To
begin with, the legitimacy of those who have stepped forwards to claim
responsibility for violence − and thus be pardoned − is strongly
contested. The Rwenzururu ministers who confessed in 2014, for
example, were dropped from the Rwenzururu government, while the
veterans who confessed in 2016 were blocked from attending Rwenzururu
meetings.
The policy of amnesty not only complicates possible peace talks. It
also allows for conflict entrepreneurs to step forwards and benefit
from government patronage.
The approach is also widely frowned upon in the region. Many ask why
those claiming responsibility for violence should be rewarded, while
others are shot dead or imprisoned.
Secondly, the government’s current strategy fails to address the long
cycle of violence in Rwenzori and its underlying dynamics. From the
colonial period onwards, there were struggles for the Rwenzururu
kingdom, but these were accompanied by demands for greater political
inclusion and representation. Various armed movements such as the
Rwenzururu rebellion and NALU rebel groups had the region’s perceived
marginalisation at the centre of their agendas.
It is not surprising therefore that the recognition of the Rwenzururu
kingdom in 2009 did not mean an end to conflict. Instead, tensions
between ethnic groups and with the government have grown, mainly
around deeply held grievances vis-à-vis the state.
The government’s approach of containment does not address these
fundamental problems. The Bakonzo continue to feel marginalised as
well as both politically and militarily targeted. Quick amnesties
(such as those after the 2014 violence) and a lack of independent
investigations add to these frustrations. Political patronage
benefitting select groups sows more division in and between
communities. Meanwhile, indiscriminate responses by security forces
and mass arrests have hardened the population’s attitudes towards
government.
The king and 188 others were committed to trial in late-June, with the
prosecution accusing the King of wanting to create the Yiira kingdom.
Many are sceptical that justice will be served.
A government strategy that focuses on containing rather than resolving
conflict may stem unrest for a time. But it is only likely to return
the Rwenzori region to violence in the future.
By Kristof Titeca & Anna Reuss
July 4, 2017
0
Share:
The government’s strategy of lethal retaliation plus patronage has
contained the recent violence. It has not resolved it.
In the Rwenzori mountains in western Uganda, near the border with the
DR Congo. Credit: Brian Harries.
In the Rwenzori mountains in western Uganda, near the border with the
DR Congo. Credit: Brian Harries.
The Rwenzori region in western Uganda has a long history of fighting
against perceived marginalisation. Since independence, various ethnic
groups − particularly the Bakonzo − have taken up arms to agitate for
greater recognition from Kampala.
In 2009, the Bakonzo kingdom was officially recognised. But this did
not resolve this conflict. On the contrary, it added to tensions and
contributed to the emergence of a maze of conflicts between different
groups as well as with the national government.
In recent years, deadly violence has flared up on several occasions.
In July 2014, over 100 people were left dead in clashes. After the
February 2016 general elections, violence in various sub-counties left
more than 50 dead as well as hundreds of homes razed and thousands
displaced. And on 26-27 November 2016, at least 155 people were killed
in Kasese in fighting between government forces and supporters of the
Rwenzururu kingdom. About a dozen security forces were killed in
sub-counties of Kasese district. Most of those who died in this bout
of violence, which included many unarmed civilians, lost their lives
in an army attack on the king’s palace.
In responding to the violence, the Ugandan government has used a
combination of military solutions and patronage. This has been
successful as a containment strategy, but crucial issues such as
accountability and reconciliation have been largely neglected. While
the government’s strategy may have provided a solution in the
short-term, it may perpetuate conflict dynamics in the long-term.
The government’s response to the violence
On the one hand, the government’s response to violence in Rwenzori has
been strongly militaristic and brutal. The government has treated
fighting as the actions of terrorist Rwenzururu rebels advocating for
the creation of the Yiira State – an independent state that would
unite the Bakonzo in Uganda and the Nande in the DRC − and deployed
military and paramilitary forces across the entire region.
In the aftermath of the 2014 violence and the government’s response,
mass graves were discovered but no investigations were carried out. In
2016, the army’s attack on the palace led to the deaths of dozens of
unarmed civilians; at least fifteen children are still missing. The
Rwenzori King along with over 150 Royal Guards were also arrested and
face charges including terrorism, murder, attempted murder, aggravated
robbery and treason. The King is additionally accused of commanding a
rebel group with the purpose of overthrowing the government.
On the other hand, the government has responded to the clashes with
offers of patronage. In 2016, for example, Christopher Kibanzanga,
brother of the Rwenzururu king and a then staunch member of the
opposition Forum for Democratic Change (FDC ), was persuaded to cross
the aisle. He joined the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM),
was appointed Minister for Agriculture, and was promised that his
constituency would be elevated to a district.
More broadly, the government has also offered pardons to those who
have claimed responsibility and apologised for violence. In 2014,
three Rwenzururu ministers were awarded amnesties. In 2016, a number
of veterans were tasked with building peace after they confessed to
orchestrating the attacks on security forces. They were even given
money by the president “so that they do not engage in acts that
distort peace as a means of improving their livelihood”.
An amnesty offer was also announced for remaining Rwenzururu
loyalists. Meanwhile, youths who “surrendered” were absorbed into the
crime preventers, a militia-like outfit run by the police.
Will peace hold?
The government’s mix of lethal retaliation and imprisonments with
amnesties and benefits appears to have put an end to the violence −
for now. However, the longer-term effects remain to be seen.
Firstly, the effectiveness of the amnesty policy is questionable. To
begin with, the legitimacy of those who have stepped forwards to claim
responsibility for violence − and thus be pardoned − is strongly
contested. The Rwenzururu ministers who confessed in 2014, for
example, were dropped from the Rwenzururu government, while the
veterans who confessed in 2016 were blocked from attending Rwenzururu
meetings.
The policy of amnesty not only complicates possible peace talks. It
also allows for conflict entrepreneurs to step forwards and benefit
from government patronage.
The approach is also widely frowned upon in the region. Many ask why
those claiming responsibility for violence should be rewarded, while
others are shot dead or imprisoned.
Secondly, the government’s current strategy fails to address the long
cycle of violence in Rwenzori and its underlying dynamics. From the
colonial period onwards, there were struggles for the Rwenzururu
kingdom, but these were accompanied by demands for greater political
inclusion and representation. Various armed movements such as the
Rwenzururu rebellion and NALU rebel groups had the region’s perceived
marginalisation at the centre of their agendas.
It is not surprising therefore that the recognition of the Rwenzururu
kingdom in 2009 did not mean an end to conflict. Instead, tensions
between ethnic groups and with the government have grown, mainly
around deeply held grievances vis-à-vis the state.
The government’s approach of containment does not address these
fundamental problems. The Bakonzo continue to feel marginalised as
well as both politically and militarily targeted. Quick amnesties
(such as those after the 2014 violence) and a lack of independent
investigations add to these frustrations. Political patronage
benefitting select groups sows more division in and between
communities. Meanwhile, indiscriminate responses by security forces
and mass arrests have hardened the population’s attitudes towards
government.
The king and 188 others were committed to trial in late-June, with the
prosecution accusing the King of wanting to create the Yiira kingdom.
Many are sceptical that justice will be served.
A government strategy that focuses on containing rather than resolving
conflict may stem unrest for a time. But it is only likely to return
the Rwenzori region to violence in the future.
Elisabeth Janaina
Jul 15, 2017, 1:27:36 AM7/15/17
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