Responses to the appeal for action on the 14/10 Macedonian Trial

[Greek Helsinki Monitor & Minority Rights Group - Greece]

GREEK HELSINKI MONITOR
(Greek National Committee of the International Helsinki Federation)
& MINORITY RIGHTS GROUP - GREECE
(Greek Affiliate of Minority Rights Group International)
P.O. Box 51393, GR-14510 Kifisia, Greece
Tel. 30-1-620.01.20; Fax: 30-1-807.57.67; E-mail: hels...@compulink.gr
_________________________________________________________

We distribute the probably best study on Greek anti-semitism.
12/10/1997
__________________________________________________________

SICSA-- The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism
ACTA --ANALYSIS OF CURRENT TRENDS IN ANTISEMITISM:
A special research unit of SICSA
------------------------------------------------------------------------
ACTA NO. 7--Jerusalem: SICSA, 1995

Antisemitism in Contemporary Greek Society
by
Daniel Perdurant

------------------------------------------------------------------------
ABSTRACT

The lack of any extensive research on the issue of antisemitism in
contemporary Greek society has led many to believe that there is no such
problem in that country. This article documents the existence of
antisemitism in various aspects of Greek society, and its development over
the past fifteen years.

INTRODUCTION

Notwithstanding occasional denials on the part of Greek government
officials, and even leaders of the Greek Jewish community, antisemitism
does exist in Greece, and this essay will focus on its development over the
past fifteen years in various aspects of Greek society, including religious
antisemitism, and that found in the educational, legal, and political
environment.1 The activities of the extreme right, major antisemitic
incidents, antisemitic publications, and previous attempts to expose
antisemitism in Greece are also noted. In addition, since in Greece the
meanings of 'Israeli' and 'Israelite' are commonly confused, 'anti-Zionist'
attacks are almost always antisemitic, and several such instances are
documented throughout the text.

RELIGIOUS ANTISEMITISM

It would be impossible to examine the existence of religiously-inspired
antisemitism in Greece without first acknowledging the profound and
longstanding role that the Christian religion has played in that society.
Greeks consider Byzantium to be an integral part of their national history,
following the Ancient Greek period and immediately preceding the country's
modern revival in the early nineteenth century. Christianity played a
critical role in preserving Greek national identity during four centuries
of Ottoman rule, the Greek War of Independence, and the creation of a
sovereign Greek state.

The religious and ethnic homogeneity of the Greek population (today nearly
98 percent) is so strong that it became difficult for minorities to
integrate into the broader society. To this day, for example, many people
have difficulty understanding how one can be Greek and Jewish at the same
time. Freedom of religion is constitutionally guaranteed, but Orthodox
Christianity is the official state religion. There is legal separation of
Church and State, and the latter cannot interfere in the internal affairs
of the Church, for example, on matters of dogma, worship, clerical duties,
sermons, ecclesiastic discipline, and ordination.2

The Orthodox Church has long maintained an official position that
recognizes Judaism's contribution to Christianity and condemns
antisemitism. Following a number of antisemitic incidents that took place
in Germany in 1959, Archbishop Theoklitos of Athens issued a statement that
strongly condemned antisemitism: "I declare to the entire world that
antisemitic acts, wherever they may take place, are an antichristian
act..., an anti-social act and prove the existence of barbarism,
inferiority, and inhumanity."3 At the Centre de Documentation Juive
Contemporaine in Paris, the pictures of Archbishop Damaskinos and Athens
Police Chief Angelos Evert can be seen in the Greek section of the
Holocaust exhibit. Evert provided Jews with false identification papers,
while Damaskinos is still revered by Jews for having intervened with the
Greek government and the German occupation authorities on their behalf.4 In
addition to his appeals, the Archbishop hid some Jews and baptized others
in order to save them from deportation. The church often regards the
contribution of Damaskinos and other members of the clergy who endangered
their own lives while protecting Jews as proof that it practices what it
preaches about Jews and antisemitism.

Without underrating these heroic acts of those who saved hundreds of Jews
from their German would-be murderers, there are still some in the church
who do exhibit anti-Jewish sentiments in spite of the fact that the church
leadership has never condoned antisemitic comments by members of the clergy.

Antisemites formerly or currently associated with the church often hide
behind opposition to Zionists and Chiliasts (also known as the Jehovah's
Witnesses). The latter are mistrusted because they do not recognize any
secular government or its symbols, and also engage in active proselytism,
which is illegal in Greece and extremely unpopular in a country of devoted
Orthodox Christians. 'Zionism' is often described as a Jewish plot to take
over the world, and the Chiliasts are said to be a Jewish-founded,
Jewish-controlled instrument for the same purpose.

Antisemitic remarks are not always hidden behind other types of labels. For
example, in 1980 Panteleimon Caranikolas, the Metropolitan of Corinth,
published a blatantly antisemitic book entitled Jews and Christians, in
which he writes about the 'power of the Jews [who] suck the blood of the
people.' He considers the Jews to be citizens of the 'State of Jewish
theocracy [Israel] and the World Zionist State' rather than their
respective countries of origin, and suggests that the Jews should be
'grateful to Christians' for the opportunity to live in predominantly
Christian lands. In addition, he blames the Jews for any prejudice against
themselves -- since he claims they have brought it on themselves because of
their own conduct -- and cites as a source for many of his arguments the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion. 5

Metropolitan Panteleimon's views are not unique in the Orthodox Church. As
early as 1975, the Institute of Jewish Affairs reported several other
incidents of high-ranking church officials endorsing antisemitic
arguments.6 Other instances include a 'warning' published in the local
newspaper of the Holy Metropolis of Filippi and Neapolis, based in Kavala,
with the title 'The Jehovah's Witnesses Are Instruments of International
Zionism.' Along the same lines, the Metropolis of Chalkis circulated
posters informing the faithful that the Devil controls the Jehovah's
Witnesses, for, among other things, 'they call Christ a liar...curse the
Virgin Mary and the Saints, are led by Jews and aim at destroying all
religions and nations in order to establish a world Jewish government
(Zionism).' The poster urges people to drive the enemies of Christ and
Greece out of their villages, for they are 'worse than fire, cholera,
snakes or wolves.'7 Also deserving mention is Metropolitan Augustine
Kantiotis of Florina, whose hair-raising sermons have often 'exposed' a
link between Jews, Zionism, and the Jehovah's Witnesses.8

Those who have published their antisemitic views may be identified, but
there are many others who perpetuate anti-Jewish prejudice primarily within
the boundaries of their own parish, contributing to a broad social
ignorance and mistrust of the Jews.

Besides individuals, organizations like Kosmas Flamiatos-Greek Orthodox
Union and St. Agathangelos Esfigmenites have published circulars which
claim to have uncovered 'anti-Greek,' 'Zionist' or 'Jewish'
conspiracies in the past, and have urged the deportation of traitors
such as the Jews, Masons, and Jehovah's Witnesses from Orthodox Greece.
The group Orthodoxos Typos puts out several religious publications in
which the authors often remain anonymous. Dynamis, which is only one of
them, shows the group's orientation: in an article entitled 'The
Jehovah's Witnesses are Instruments of the Jews,' the Jews are openly
characterized as 'anti-Gre ek, antichrist Zionists dreaming of the
achievement of World Jewish domination.'9 The Witnesses' leaders, it is
claimed, are all Jews who have tried repeatedly to destroy Christianity
and enslave Greece. In this article, the usual hypocritical distinction
made between Jews and Zionists is omitted, and the antisemitic mania of
the authors is left undisguised. The Greek Orthodox Church does not
officially endorse the content of such publications and it is not clear
whether it maintains any formal relations with publication societies
such as Orthodoxos Typos, despite the proven support of such
organizations within the ranks of the clergy.

Soon, all citizens of the European Economic Community are to be issued new,
eight-digit identification cards (similar to U.S. social security cards);
ultra-religious groups in Greece have expressed fears that the cards will
include the '666'-- the sign of the antichrist (Rev. 13:18). Since 1992,
graffiti and posters have warned against the 'new IDs of the Jews and
Masons' who supposedly control the EEC; a nun in Kozari wrote Jewish
Identification Cards, in which Jews were described as 'an abominable,
murderous race' foreign to Greece and an instrument of Satan.10 Thousands
of copies of this 143-page book have been circulated free of charge in the
streets of Athens over the last couple of years.

The Orthodox Church maintains that the Holy Metropoles throughout Greece
are administratively independent, and thus there is no central authority
with power to control the sermons or actions of the respective
metropolitans, nor the publication of religious literature.

Still, the Orthodox Church does bear responsibility for what Jules Isaac
described as 'l'enseignement du mepris' -- the teaching of
contempt.11 Over the centuries, Christians have been led to believe
that the Jewish Diaspora was proof of divine punishment for the crime
of deicide; that Jewish 'hatred' for Christianity was eternal. The
treachery attributed to Judas led to a stereotyping of all Jews. The
Metropolitan of Corinth, who wrote that Jews suck the blood of the
people and are themselves responsible for anti-Jewish prejudice, called
upon Jews 'not to misunderstand' the anti-Jewish references which
remain in the Good Friday liturgy -- even though similar references
were removed from the Roman Catholic liturgy under Pope John
XXIII.12

ANTISEMITISM IN EDUCATION

The Greek educational system has a rather conservative structure, and is
under strict government control; the curriculum -- rich in both breadth and
depth -- is uniform for all public and private schools, and is determined
by the Ministry of Education. Textbooks (identical for both public and
private schools) are published by the state-owned OEDV. A religion course
is required in ten of the twelve grades. In the third grade, an elementary
version of the Old Testament is taught, while in the remaining nine years,
the New Testament and a variety of Christian theological themes are
covered. Because of the emphasis on Christianity presented from an Orthodox
viewpoint, non-Orthodox and non-Christian students are exempt from taking
the religion course. This exemption, unfortunately, can sometimes have the
effect of creating a 'we' versus 'they' attitude which can become
the root of many evils.

In 1988, a Central Jewish Board (CJB) Information Bulletin dealt
extensively with the issue of antisemitic texts found in state school
textbooks. The CJB had appealed several times to the Ministry of Education
and Religious Affairs, but although the ministers occupying the post over
the years have shown some interest in the matter, the Pedagogical Institute
(responsible for actually implementing any changes) has refused to deal
with the issue. The CJB stated that the antisemitic texts published in
government schoolbooks show that 'not only is the poisoning of the souls of
Greek children consciously pursued, but clear consititutional provisions
protecting religious and other minorities are violated.' A lengthy list of
examples, with the CJB's comments on each, was included in their report.13

Although it was asserted that original works included in textbooks should
not be changed, the CJB pointed out that a text by Stratis Myrivilis which
appeared in a Greek literature textbook had been edited: sixteen lines
describing the behavior of Christian clergy had been omitted. It would seem
that when Christian believers might take offense, editing is deemed
suitable, while no such action is taken when the Jewish religion is
insulted, wrote the CJB. One particular text received a substantial amount
of attention in the CJB report. Appearing in an eleventh grade modern
literature text is a poem by C. Karyotakis, 'To the Statue of Liberty
Lighting the World,' which includes the verses:

Liberty, Liberty, you will be bought
By merchants and consortia and Jews14

This is one of the poet's lesser-known works, yet after a barrage of
letters requesting the poem's removal from the textbook, the Pedagogical
Institute decided there was 'no well-founded, serious reason for the
replacement of this poem.'15 The CJB continued to put pressure on the
Institute to reverse their decision, but their efforts were unavailing. It
may be that the poem was retained for political motives, for it is
anti-American, presenting the Statue of Liberty Lighting the World as a
symbol of hypocrisy, a view consistent with the platform of the Socialist
Party (PASOK) in the early 1980s in its opposition to NATO, the EEC, and
'American imperialism.' It is beside the point whether the poem's
antisemitic nature was welcomed or apathetically seen as a harmless
consequence. What does matter is the tolerance that the government so
openly showed towards antisemitism.

In 1990, when the Conservative New Democracy Party came to power, there was
hope that a reevaluation of the state school textbooks might take place.
Although there were changes in the Ministry of Education and Religious
Affairs, and the President of the Pedagogical Institute was replaced, the
1992 edition of the modern Greek literature text continued to retain the
questionable Karyotakis poem. In October 1993, PASOK returned to power,
making textbook revision a still-distant prospect.

Implementing changes in textbooks, however, should not depend on the
political party in power. What is really needed is an effort to create a
more liberal, multi-dimensional educational system, that would contribute
to broader understanding, respect, and acceptance of minorities, within the
dominant Orthodox Christian culture of Greece.

LEGISLATION AND JUSTICE

In 1979, the first law against discrimination due to racial or national
origin was passed. Law 927 specifically stated that

whoever intentionally and publicly instigates, either orally or in the
press or through written texts or illustrations or through any other means,
acts of activities capable of provoking discrimination, hatred or violence
against persons or a group of persons, only due to their racial or national
origin, is punishable by imprisonment of up to two years or a fine or
both....16

Those penalties also applied to 'whoever creates or participates in
organizations pursuing organized propaganda or engaging in any other
activity of any kind aimed at racial discrimination.' The penalties of one
year in prison and/or a fine were provided for 'whoever publicly
expresses...ideas offensive to any person or groups of persons due to their
racial or national origin.'17 Five years later, after repeated appeals by
the Central Jewish Board of Greece, the socialist PASOK party supported a
revision of Law 927: the new version, Law 1419, specified that
discrimination on the basis of religion is also punishable and should be
added to the 'racial and national origin' clauses of Law 927.18

The two laws protecting minority rights have rarely been enforced, however.
Greek courts have upheld the bizarre notion that any antisemitic references
to 'the Jews' were not specific enough. On one occasion, the Central Jew
ish
Board filed a lawsuit against the antisemitic newspaper Stochos; the
outcome of the trial was still uncertain when the two sides reached a
compromise in which the suit was dropped in exchange for a printed apology,
yet as noted by the CJB, the paper carried on with its policy of
'uncovering Jewish plots.' Such propaganda in the press might well 'pr
ovoke
discrimination, hatred or violence' against the Jews as a whole, but littl
e
is done to stop it. Law 1419 bans membership in organizations that engage
in organized propaganda against minorities, yet there has been no attempt
to disband such groups, though their activities are hardly secret.

In 1984, an unprecedented court decision outraged Jews throughout Greece
and showed the extent to which antisemitic propaganda had infiltrated Greek
society. A lawsuit was filed by the Greek Orthodox Church of Crete against
the Jehovah's Witnesses, who had established the Christian Church of the
Witnesses of Jehovah of Crete under union status. The Orthodox Church
demanded the revocation of the Witnesses' legal status, claiming that the
original court decision which had granted the group that status was
inconsistent with the articles of the Greek constitution and other laws
regarding religion, proselytism, acceptable customs, and public order. The
court decision was overwhelmingly in favor of the Orthodox Church, and its
multi-page decision made alarming reading for Jews:

Chiliasm not only constitutes an anti-Christian and anti-Greek
organization, but is in fact...aiming at the creation of a world theocratic
Jewish-Zionist state.... It is not a religion; it is an international
organization of political and economic nature belonging to Judaism,
distorting in the worst possible way the teaching of the incarnate God, and
attempting to create a world Zionist empire based in Jerusalem. The
Witnesses are either consciously or subconsciously the instruments of
Satan, claim that Greece made no contribution to civilization, hope for the
destruction of the Christian world and accept no homeland other than
Israel.19

Primary sources cited in the decision include publications of some of
Greece's most notorious antisemites, such as Bakoyiannis, Passas, and
Psaroudakis (the translator of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion).

In 1987, the court decision was revised to exclude any allegations
connecting the Jehovah's Witnesses to the Jewish religion.20

Greece has passed no antisemitic legislation, and the safety of Jews and
their property is protected by law, yet it is clear that gaps exist in the
legal protection of Jews against slanderous verbal attacks. It is of
paramount importance that the laws on discrimination should be enforced
more stringently in the future, lest the publication of antisemitic
propaganda result in the creation of a potentially dangerous climate in the
country.

POLITICAL ANTISEMITISM

The conservative New Democracy party, the socialist PASOK party, and the
Communist party are the three main political forces that have determined
the balance of power in Greece over the past two decades. Party politics
have naturally played a role in each side's view of the State of Israel,
and since Greeks often confuse the terms 'Israeli' and 'Israelite,'
anti-Israel or anti-Zionist remarks have often developed into clearly
anti-Jewish attacks and contributed to the creation of a strongly
antisemitic climate.

The communists, for example, have always viewed the United States as a
trigger-happy imperialist monster with Israel as its Middle East agent. An
'anti-Zionist' stance has been an integral part of communist policy, wit
h
occasional 'slips' in which Jews per se are blamed for various offenses.

Although the socialist party PASOK typically denounced antisemitism, it too
was sometimes embroiled in anti-Jewish controversy. Only months before
PASOK's rise to power in 1981, a Greek Jew, Raphael Moissis, was appointed
head of the state-owned power company. It was immediately (and falsely)
alleged that Moissis has served as a major in the Israeli army during the
Six Day War and the Yom Kippur War, and that his allegiance lay with Israel
rather than Greece. PASOK MPs Kassimatis, Papageorgopoulos, and Cretikos
brought the issue before Parliament, suggesting that 'Moissis's activities
render him unsuitable to run even the least important public enterprise,
let alone the strategically significant power company.'21 The incident
shocked the Jewish community, who felt reason to fear PASOK's future stand
towards them.

In a July 1982 article, published following the Israeli invasion of
Lebanon, Yannis Loulis, a reporter for the daily Mesimvrini, accused the
pro-socialist press of encouraging antisemitism. He cited articles in
Eleftherotypia, which spoke of 'Israeli Nazis'; Ta Nea, which called the
Israelis 'worthy descendents of Hitler'; and Ethnos, in which a front pa
ge
headline declared that the 'Israelis have surpassed the Nazis.' 'Have
those
who compare the Israelis to the Nazis lost every sense of measure, or is
their hatred for the Jews vast enough to have distorted even their most
elementary sense of logic?' Loulis asked.22 In the article he cited a
letter written by a listener which was read on the state-owned
(socialist-controlled) radio, encouraging a massive boycott against
Jewish-owned stores in Greece; the appeal had also been printed in Ta Nea.
A member of the board of directors of ERT (Greek Radio-Television) asked
people to 'show through our contempt the disgust we have for the cold
silence of Jewish intellectuals [regarding the Lebanese situation]';
suggesting a boycott of Jewish performers who might visit Greece, and
barring Jewish athletes from competing in the 1982 European Games to be
held in Athens. The same person implicitly warned Greek Jews 'not to
provoke Greek public sentiment' by siding with the Israelis. Less than a
month later, Loulis wrote again about antisemitism that was being
encouraged by PASOK.23 Avriani, a strongly pro-socialist newspaper,
published a front page article with the title 'Jews Behind the Fires,'
blaming 'Jewish circles who have great hatred for the Prime Minister,' a
nd
concluding that recent forest fires were part of 'a Zionist plot aimed at
turning Greece into a new Lebanon.'24

In a public statement, Prime Minister Papandreou openly compared the
Israelis to the Nazis.25 Later, in an attempt to repair the damage, he
declared in 1983 that 'Greek Jews are an integral part of the Greek people
and the government is determined to take whatever measures necessary to
deal with anisemitic incidents.26 That same year, however, PASOK MP Ioannis
Koutsoyannis inundated the Greek Parliament with a nearly incoherent flood
of antisemitic remarks, praising the book Zionist Conspiracies, written by
a notorious Greek antisemite, and blaming 'the Jews, the Masons, the CIA
and [former Israeli Defense Minister] Moshe Dayan' for preparing and
coordinating the April 1967 military coup that took place in Greece.27
These remarks were made in the presence of the Prime Minister, and the
speaker was heartily applauded by his socialist colleagues.

In 1986 an ordinary session of the Athens City Council received national --
and international -- attention because of comments made by socialist mayor
Dimitris Beis. At one point during the session, there was some noise and
confusion, which the mayor described as a 'havra'-- an insulting term wh
ich
equates noise and tumult with Jews praying in unison in the synagogue.The
mayor defended his remarks, and mocked those who protested. An article in
Apoghevmatini noted that at the time when Jews were being blamed for
everything from forest fires to the Chernobyl meltdown, the mayor could
expose his prejudice openly without concern about losing votes from a few
Jewish citizens.28 Beis's comments were noted by New York Mayor Ed Koch, in
his New York Post article about Greek antisemitism.29

Such attitudes within the ranks of PASOK led to an unthinkable political
act at the end of 1988. Following a judicial investigation, the Athens
Court of Appeals and the Greek Supreme Court decided that Abdel Osama
Al-Zomar, an alleged Palestinian terrorist apprehended in Greece, should be
extradited to Italy to face charges of bombing the Synagogue of Roma in
October 1982, injuring thirty-four people and killing a three-year-old
child. Greek Justice Minister V. Rotis used his authority to overrule the
court decisions, stating that Osama's acts were part of the 'Palestinian
people's struggle for liberation of their homeland, and therefore cannot be
considered as acts of terrorism.' He compared the act of terrorism to
anti-Nazi resistance during World War II. Osama was allowed to fly to
Libya. The Central Jewish Board, other Jewish and non-Jewish organizations
inundated Greek embassies with telegrams condemning Osama's release, and
the Washington Post wrote that Greece had already rolled out a red carpet
for terrorists.30

The outcome of the Osama affair came as a shock in spite of the previous
record of antisemitism demonstrated by certain PASOK officials and the
pro-socialist press. Papers like Avriani and Ethnos have a mixed record,
sometimes speaking out against antisemitism, yet also at times engaging in
antisemitic or anti-Zionist propaganda. For example, in 1985, a front page
article in Avriani accused the leader of the opposition, Mitsotakis of the
New Democracy Party, of 'selling off the state-owned telecommunications,
power, waterworks and railway companies to the Jews,' who were said to be
'agents of foreign interests.'31

PASOK fell from power in 1989 amid a flood of allegations of wire-tapping,
fraud, and embezzlement, but made a comeback much sooner than most
observers thought possible. Papandreou remained at the party's helm,
emerging from what had appeared to be irreparable damage to his image, and
led the Socialists to victory in a thousand days. Papandreou now leads the
country in a world which has changed considerably. His party may well
become more moderate in its approach towards Jews in view of the new
European realities, and the threat from the extreme right. The recent
high-profile results of the Middle East peace talks will perhaps make the
anti-Zionist rhetoric a thing of the past.

Unlike PASOK, the conservative New Democracy Party has rarely given the
Jews cause for alarm. Prime Minister Mitsotakis recognized Israel in 1990,
and individuals within New Democracy's ranks have shown sensitivity towards
problems of an antisemitic nature. In 1982, for example, it was five
conservative MPs who brought the issue of antisemitism to Parliament
following indiscriminate leftist attacks on Israel and on Greek Jews alike.
The conservative press has often defended Israel following socialist and
communist anti-Zionist attacks, yet the largest conservative daily,
Eleftheros Typos, recently published several interviews with Maria
Dourakis, a singer who publicly describes Jews as the instruments of Satan.
The paper also defended Jean-Marie Le Pen during his visit in June 1993 to
Corfu for a convention of right wing extremists, saying that he was not
half as bad as most communist dictators, and that his message, supported by
one out of ten Frenchmen, at least deserved to be heard.

EXTREME RIGHT ORGANIZATIONS AND THE PRESS

In spite of the blow that organized antisemitism received after the Nazi
defeat in 1945, it has survived and made a resurgence in Greece during the
1980s. In recent years, many antisemites have sought legitimacy under the
banner of 'political' parties or organizations that seem to have the
promotion of antisemitism as their sole purpose. Most of these groups are
at the extreme right of the political spectrum; only a few are neo-Nazi.
Three types of antisemitic organizations are presented here, quite
different from each other in ideology and practice, though they are united
in a conscious effort to alienate the Jews and contribute to the creation
of an antisemitic climate in Greece.

Religious antisemitism briefly entered the political arena as part of
Christian Democracy, a party that has little in common with its European
counterparts of the same name. Its only success was the one-time election
of party leader Nikos Psaroudakis to the Greek Parliament in 1985, achieved
through a cooperation agreement with the Socialist PASOK party. Psaroudakis
is one of the most notorious of Greek antisemites, whose activities have
included the translation of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion into Greek.
The party promised to lead the Orthodox Christian country away from the
miserable traps of Zionism and its satanic, antichrist instruments, the
Jews, and incarnated religious antisemitism into a political form, hoping
for greater exposure and the legitimacy that party labels often provide.

A recent article in the Greek daily Eleftheros Typos looked at the origins
of the right extremist groups in Greece.49 The group 'August 4th' (named
after the date of the establishment of a dictatorship in Greece in 1936) is
considered by the author to be the precursor of subsequent groups. August
4th was founded by Kostas Plevris in 1960, and its members were appointed
to various (mostly minor) government posts following the 1967 military
coup. The group maintained ties to Italian neo-fascist groups and to
Libya's Muamar Kadafi (who had once trained in Greece as a young officer).
Plevris was jailed for financial scandals just before the restoration of
democracy; his group was disbanded and reorganized under the name
'Movement.' In 1977, the Movement merged with Stefanos Stefanopoulos's
National Party, only to withdraw two years later to form ENEK, or the
United Nationalist Movement. The group, led by Andreas Dendrinos managed to
take control of ENEK's publishing house, Eleftheri Skepsis (Free Thought).

ENEK maintained offices in many Greek cities for years, and although spray
paint was widely used by party members to make their presence known, the
party itself kept a low profile. Its publishing house put out dozens of
antisemitic books, including some which denied the Holocaust, and others
'exposing' the many evils that Jews have brought on earth. The party is
no
longer active politically, but the publishing house and bookstore are still
operated by Vladimiros Psiakis and Andreas Dendrinos (who also makes
regular appearances on a private television channel). Small private
television channels, notably TeleCity, TeleTora, and more recently, Channel
67, have given antisemites a new forum, though these channels are not
exclusively antisemitic in their programming. Kostas Plevris is one who
appears regularly voicing nationalist themes, with antisemitic propaganda.

Another bookstore and publishing house, Nea Thesis (New Position) is also
located on Hippokratous Street (neo-Nazi bookstore heaven), and is
controlled by John Schinas.

EPEN was the first nationalist party to show electoral strength, gaining 2%
of the vote in the 1986 municipal elections, though it later lost strength,
and joined Ethniko Komma (National Party).

A party which does not hide its enmity for Jews is Ethniko Metopo (National
Front), led by M. Konstas. This until recently unknown group circulated a
large number of fliers and stickers in Athens, which read 'Jews Killers of
the People,' 'Condemn the Recognition of Israel,' and '[Greece] Out
of the
EEC of Jews and Capitalists.' The party's organized propaganda attempts ma
y
be evidence of significant financial backing. Ethniko Metopo has not
appeared in national elections as of yet, so it is difficult to determine
whether it is a political party, or merely an antisemitic organization. It
also publishes a magazine, Metopo (Front); its youth organization, headed
by Dimitris Artzetakis, publishes Nea Tasis (New Tendency).

Antisemitism has always been the heart and soul of neo-Nazi organizations,
of which Greece has its share. Most groups are small and poorly organized,
given to decorating the streets with swastikas. Chrysi Avghi (Golden Dawn),
however, is well-financed, although it is unclear from what sources.33 The
group is headed by Nikos Mihaldiskos, and produces a weekly newspaper
published by Christos Pappas. A few years ago, when the European Jewish
Congress convened in Athens, Chrysi Avghi published a flier entitled '[Say
]
No to the Zionist Provocation,' which called the Jews the 'eternal enemy
of
our people who have the audacity to speak of persecution and antisemitism.
'
People were urged to join the organization in order to 'drive the Zionist
snake our of their home.' An address for potential new members to contact
was provided. The group is not a secret organization, but has offices in
several Greek cities. In addition to fliers and red-black-and-white
stickers bearing the group's neo-Nazi logo and slogans such as 'Zionism is
our Misfortune,' Chrysi Avghi also began publishing a monthly magazine of
the same name. Nazi leaders have often appeared on the cover, while Jews
have been the topic of discussion in the articles. A 1988 issue denied the
Holocaust, citing several 'revisionist historians' and other 'reliable
sources' and stated that the death of some tens of thousands of Jews in
bloodshed which they themselves had provoked should come as no surprise.34
In 1994 the group ran unsuccessfully in the European Parliamentary
elections.

THE ANTISEMITIC PRESS AND OTHER LITERATURE

Any reference to organized antisemitism in Greece would be incomplete
without a glance at what is being published. The oldest and most notorious
antisemitic newspaper is Stochos, which published the Protocols of the
Elders of Zion in their entirety in serial form.35 As a weekly, the
newspaper hangs in the kiosks for five or six days, therefore giving it
greater exposure. It sells only a few thousand copies in all of Greece, and
just as many abroad, but it is quite easy to find due to an aggresive
distribution network. A front page story in 1987 called the Jewish festival
of Hanukkah 'a celebration of hatred against Greeks,' while a 1988 cover
featured a picture of Israeli soldiers under the title 'The Beasts Who
Crucified Christ Are Now Exterminating the Orthodox.'36 In its pages,
'Zionists' have been accused of leading the young into homosexuality and
drug use, and the paper questions the allegiance of Greek Jews to their
native land. Stochos at one point was engaged in something of a contest of
antisemitism with the right wing paper Eleftheri Ora, with each reproaching
the other for not being eager enough in its fight against the Jews in a
near-comical swap of accusations. Eleftheri Ora's publisher, G.
Michalopoulos, also publishes a smaller paper, Nei Anthropi, in which a
typical front page article was entitled 'Jewish Human Sacrifice,' and
providing 'proof' of the familiar blood libel.37

Well-known Greek antisemites have authored a number of books about Zionism
and the Jews; Ioannis Fourakis and Andreas Dendrinos argued that there is a
constant battle between Zionism and Hellenism, and wrote about alleged
Zionist conspiracies. Kyriakos Diakoyannis wrote several books about the
'human piranhas,' which were printed in several editions after having so
ld
out.38 Ioannis Passas included several antisemitic articles in the
scholarly encyclopedia Helios which he edited, and followed that with a
book to further 'document' his case against 'Jewish Zionism, one of th
e
greatest enemies of Hellenism, Christ, and Civilization.'

ENEK's Eleftheri Skepsis published an entire series of books similar to and
including Dietrich Eckart's Zionism from Moses to Lenin, based on the
English translation which had been published by White Power Publications in
the United States that was based on the 1924 edition published in Nazi
Germany.39

Other Athens publishers have printed the works of foreign antisemites, and
such literature is not difficult to find in bookstores in the heart of the
city.

Organized antisemitism has made significant advances in the last decade,
and the current pattern points to further growth and evolution,
particularly if Greek antisemites find additional funding for their
activities. The best possible way to limit further resurgence of organized
antisemitism may be to enforce the laws which currently exist against it.

ANTISEMITIC INCIDENTS

Although few antisemitic incidents are recorded in Greece compared to other
European nations, they are still notable.

Slogans against Jews have long decorated the streets of every Athens
neighborhood, from the port of Piraeas to the elegant suburb of Kifissia
and beyond. The medium of choice is black spraypaint or markers, although
in recent years, stickers have become more prominent.

In the archives of the Central Jewish Board, one can find typical slogans:
'Greeks kill the Jews'; 'Jews to the ovens' (Thessaloniki, May 1980)
;
'Deport the Jews,' 'Bomb the synagogue' (Athens, March 1983); 'Jew
s you
will die' (Maroussi, April 1987); 'Death to the Jews' (Kefalari,
1990); and
many more, accompanied by a swastika or other neo-Nazi symbol. Some slogans
demonstrate their origins among the ultra-religious: 'Jews Antichrist,
'
or 'No to the new [EEC-issued] ID cards of the Jews and Masons' (Kifissi
a,
1993). Such slogans are often accompanied by others such as 'Jesus saves,
'
or 'Orthodoxy shall prevail.'

More serious acts of vandalism, almost certainly the work of right wing
extremist elements have been known to occur from time to time, such as the
incident that took place in Volos on July 26, 1987.40 Swastikas, threats,
and slogans were spray-painted on the synagogue, as well as the windows of
several Jewish-owned stores, one of which was smashed. In a letter to the
police commissioner, the local Jewish community expressed fears that
similar or more serious incidents might occur in the future, threatening
the safety of Jews and their property. In an equally disturbing incident in
1989, a Jewish memorial was smashed by perpetrators who were never caught.
The memorial was a marble plaque at the Lianokladi railway station in
memory of 5,000 Jews who were forced by the Germans to build railway tracks
in 1943, and were subsequently sent to their deaths in concentration
camps.41

Such incidents are usually committed in the dark, but one incident took
place openly in 1989; it occurred in Germany, but the protagonists were
Greek. While the European Championship Cup basketball matches were taking
place in Munich in April, the players of Maccabi Tel Aviv went to visit the
site of the nearby Dachau concentration camp. Greek hooligans, fans of Aris
Thessaloniki, were waiting for them there, shouting 'Hitler served you
right,' 'Heil Hitler,' and 'Jewish pigs, we'll turn you into
soap.'42 To
any one who has lived in Greece, the incident is far from surprising. Such
catcalls of Greek fans towards Israelis, usually at basketball games, go
unnoticed, but the Dachau affair was too blatant to dismiss. It was
embarrassing for the Greek government, which swiftly issued a statement
condemning the act.43 A day later, the Jerusalem Post stated that the Greek
press had 'unanimously condemned' the occurrence, but the condemnation w
as
not always untainted.44 The large socialist daily, Eleftherotypia, for
example, condemned the events, but also suggested that Maccabi was
'glorifying the Zionist propaganda of the modern Israeli state,' and sta
ted
that Maccabi had political rather than athletic aims, in an attempt to
remind the world of 'Israel's superiority in the Middle East.'45

Outside of the petty attempts to discredit what was clearly labeled the
'Jewish team,' the vast majority of the Greek press was harsh in its
condemnation: many articles express disgust and rage at the behavior of the
Greek 'fans,' and suggested that perhaps Greeks were not as immune to
racist sentiment as they thought or claimed to be. People tended to ignore
such occurrences, or discount them as unimportant. Be it denial or
indifference, the consequences were the same, and for once had received
wide exposure.46

ATTEMPTS TO EXPOSE ANTISEMITISM IN GREECE

Attempts to expose racism, antisemitism, and xenophobia in Greece itself
seem to pass unnoticed. However, when such topics are reported outside of
Greece, opposition is strong and vocal, as if it were a kind of treason to
admit to the 'the world' the existence of such problems in Greece. React
ion
against articles in the foreign press come not only from the government,
but often from the Jewish community itself.

In April 1988, an article in Politis magazine touched upon a general
aversion to the 'antichrist' Jews, as well as prejudice against other
ethnic and minority groups. It spoke of contempt, nationalism, a sense of
superiority, and outright racism as characteristics that are alive in
Greece today.47 In an article that appeared in the following year in the
large daily Eleftherotypia, Andreas Christinidis wrote specifically about
the phenomenon of antisemitism in Greece, focusing largely on the Socialist
government's tolerance and/or encouragement of the phenomenon.48
Ironically, the article was published only a few days before the
antisemitic incident involving the Greek hooligans in Munich. Christinidis
denounced the ugly status quo, and foretold its perpetuation.

As early as 1985, Dr. Panayiotis Dimitras published a significant article
in Foreign Policy in which he discussed the anti-Western orientation that
Greece had assumed since the ascent of the Socialists to power. He touched
upong the 'latent anti-Semitism of Greek public opinion' and its
expressions. Dr. Dimitras spoke of the notion of the existence of a 'Jewis
h
conspiracy,' the image of the Jews as 'Christ-killers,' the comparison
of
the Israeli intervention in Lebanon to Nazi atrocities, and the
'Nazi-inspired slogans that some Greek fans chant during Greek-Israeli
sporting events.' Also cited was an unpublished 1984 public opinion poll
conducted in Athens by Eurodim. According to the survey, most Greeks
believe 'that the Jews dominate the political and economic life in the
United States and Europe [and] more than half of those agree that this
domination harms their own country as well as other lands.'49 In response,
Stavros Frangopoulos, Press Counselor at the Greek Embassy in Washington,
D.C., wrote a letter to the editor citing Greek solidarity with its Jewish
population during the German occupation. Frangopoulos also criticized the
Eurodim polling firm, claiming that 'it is not well-known in Greece' and
its data is unreliable. Eurodim, founded by Dimitras, has published polls
in numerous large newspapers and magazines both in Greece and abroad, and
has conducted surveys on behalf of the mainstream political parties, a
number of government ministries, the Orthodox Church, the European
Community, and several academic institutions.

In subsequent years, other Eurodim polls supported Dimitras's original
arguments. In 1986, Hellenobarometer, a survey conducted in the greater
Athens area every six months, painted a grim picture. 57% of Greeks said
that they did not trust the Jews; while 41% would avoid having a Jewish
boss; 43% would avoid a Jewish doctor; and 49% would not vote for a Jewish
candidate for Parliament.50 Similarly, a December 1988 Hellenobarometer
poll found that 71% of Greeks had a 'somewhat or strongly unfavorable'
opinion of the Jews.51 A full year later, in November of 1989, the European
Commission published a report on racism and xenophobia based on opinion
polls conducted in each country in the European Economic Community. ICAP
Hellas conducted the polling in Greece. 17% of Greeks (the third highest
percentage in the EEC) reported being bothered by the presence of people of
other races, religions, or nationalities; 44% were in favor of restrictions
on the rights of immigrants. The questions included in the EEC's
Eurobarometer poll were far broader in scope and content in order to cover
issues applicable to all twelve countries, and did not include questions
about specific minority groups.52

Shortly after the 1986 Eurodim poll, New York Mayor Ed Koch wrote an
article in the New York Post in response to the bombing of the statue of
President Truman in Athens, and the Greek government's decision not to
re-erect it. Koch stated that the government's action was an indication
that Greece was moving away from democratic principles, and that 'other
symptoms' pointed in that direction as well. 'Other symptoms' referred
to
antisemitism, and the mayor cited the antisemitic outburst by Athens Mayor
Dimitras Beis, the 1984 Eurodim poll cited by Dimitras in Foreign Policy,
and insinuated that Greek attitudes towards Jews may have contributed to
the murder of Greek Jews by the Germans during World War II.53 In reactio
n
to this, the Greek press especially disputed the claim that Greek
antisemitism may have facilitated the Holocaust in Greece, and spoke of a
'hidden agenda' and deliberate attempt by Koch to harm Greece. The Centr
al
Jewish Board also condemned Koch's position, and vehemently denied the
existence of antisemitism in Greece. It disputed the results of the 1984
Eurodim poll on grounds that 'a sample of 500 cannot possibly be
representative of the population.' This reaction is surprising, given the
fact that Koch's comments were both careless and tactless in tone.
Nonetheless, much of what the mayor stated was quite accurate, and it would
have been far more constructive had it been presented in an appropriate
manner.

Generally speaking, denial is still the most common way of dealing with the
question of antisemitism in Greece. Those who have had the courage to
report on it, mostly Greek journalists, deserve praise, for recognizing a
problem is the first step in finding solutions. Yet the existence of
antisemitism in Greece is still disputed, even by the leadership of the
Jewish community, which has attempted to keep a low profile in Greek
society. Any attempts at exposing Greek antisemitism have met with sturdy
opposition.

LINKS BETWEEN TERRORISM AND ANTISEMITISM

The few well-known terrorist organizations that currently operate in Greece
are very proficient; their targets have included notable politicians,
foreign diplomats, army personnel, and foreign corporations. There have
been only a few narrow escapes, and no group members have been identified
or arrested. Proclamations issued following a hit have fiercely attacked
the United States, capitalism and imperialism. The two most notorious
guerilla groups that have operated successfully in Greece at the ELA
(People's Revolutionary Struggle) and 17N ('November 17,' named after th
e
date of the revolt against the military dictatorship that power following
the 1967 coup).

A five-page statement issued by ELA in 1982 was indicative of the group's
antisemitic, as well as anti-Israel, stance. Issued following the bombing
of three American banks, a company importing Israeli-made solar systems,
and a Jewish-owned travel agency, it referred to Israel as a 'criminal
religious state,' which is a creation of the Americans and the world
capitalist-imperialist system. It warned against those who 'sometimes
present themselves as Israelis and sometimes as Greeks...and maintain
separate communities, schools, churches, representatives, rabbis, summer
camps...and even a separate place for their corpses.' It further attacked
the existence of separate Jewish communities, and the 'incredible
privileges' that they enjoy while serving the interests of Israel.54
Anti-Israel statements were not surprising in the wake of the Israeli
invasion of Lebanon. The Greek Jewish community was alarmed by the
proclamation's attack on the Jewish religion, institutions and way of life
in view of ELA's proven ability to carry out its threats. Though operating
separately, 17N has publicly praised the ELA for its revolutionary
activities. 55

Links between 17N and Palestinian organizations was demonstrated in 1991,
following a failed attempt to bomb the British consulate in Patras. Four
Palestinians were arrested in Thessaloniki; the weapons in their possession
were shown to be identical to those used by 17N. Continuing interrogations
further indicated that some terrorist strikes in Greece may have been
carried out by Arab terrorists rather than Greek groups who proclaimed
themselves responsible.56 Thus, support shown by Greek terrorists for their
Palestinian counterparts was not merely ideological, but the result of
cooperation in obtaining arms and in making attacks on targets of common
interest. 17N later blamed the Patras explosion on the Israeli Mossad,
which they claimed was attempting to frame the Arabs. The groups expressed
solidarity with the Palestinians, whom the conservative government, they
claimed, was trying to drive out of Greece, under orders from 'chief
Zionist George Bush.'57

CONCLUSION

Although there can be no doubt that antisemitism exists in Greece, few
major antisemitic incidents have been noted in the country. In comparison
with other European countries where antisemitic movements have gained
substantial support, the situation in Greece is better. Still, it would be
a mistake to discount the severity of the problem; the recent growth of the
phenomenon is worrisome, and should be dealt with decisively before it can
acquire menacing proportions.

Among possible short-term solutions is the strict enforcement of existing
legislation that protects minorities. Antisemitic texts should be removed
from state schoolbooks. Political parties should isolate those within their
ranks who engage in antisemitic behavior, and the church could be more
outspoken in condemning those who attack Jews in the name of Christianity.

Long-term solutions include the fostering of understanding and religious
tolerance. Political interests that make Jews a scapegoat must be exposed
for what they are and be done away with. Condemnation of antisemitism must
take place consistently, not only in theory but also in praxis. Much can be
accomplished though education, which is where the greatest challenge lies.

Technological progress in transportation and telecommunications and the
phenomenon of economic globalization are overriding traditional European
religious, linguistic, cultural, political, and socioeconomic boundaries.
At the same time, increased exposure to 'foreign elements' has resulted
in
a vigorous resurgence of nationalism and antisemitism. Greater integration
in the world community is inevitable, and people must learn to respect
diversity if they are to avoid conflicts of untold magnitude and
consequences.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
NOTES

1. This essay is based on a more extensive study of contemporary Greek
antisemitism presented to the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the
Study of Antisemitism, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem.
2. Neoteron Encyclopedikon Lexikon Heliou, 18 vols. (n.d., was published in
1952/53) 6:455.
3. C. Papakyriakos, 'The Antisemites,' (n.p., n.d.), 9.
4. Michael Molho, 'In Memoriam,' (Thessaloniki: Jewish Community of
Thessaloniki, 1974), 120.
5. Rabbi Sabethai, 'Jews and Christians' in Chronicles (Central Jewish
Board of Greece, 1981).
6. Institute of Jewish Affairs, report compiled by Ruth Oster, August 1975.

7. Central Jewish Board Information Bulletin, 1 March 1990.
8. Metropolitan Augustine Kantiotis, sermon, audiocassette recording, n.d.
[?1988-92].
9. Dynamis 9 (March-April, n.d.).
10. Magdalene, Hevraikes Taftotites (Jewish Identification Cards) (Kozari:
Analipseos Kozanis Convent, 1992).
11. Jules Isaac, 'L'enseignement du mepris', in 'Jules Isaac and his W
ork'
(Jewish Youth of Greece). 'The Teaching of Contempt' was published in
Athens by the Society of Friends.
12. Rabbi Sabethai, 'Jews and Christians' in Chronicles (Central Jewish
Board of Greece, 1981).
13. 'Antisemitic Texts in Schoolbooks,' in Central Jewish Board of Greec
e
Information Bulletin, 1 July 1988. The CJB is the governing body of the
Jewish Communities in Greece, formally affiliated with the Ministry of
Education and Religious Affairs, but autonomous in administration.
14. N. Gregoriadis, D. Karvelis, C. Milionis, et al, Modern Greek
Literature Texts, 4th ed. (Athens: OEDV, 1985), 263. The CJB asked Minister
Apostolos Kaklamanis to overrule the decision of the Pedagogical Institute
to continue publication of the Karyotakis poem, but the minister claimed
that the Institute is 'an independent board beyond the Ministry's direct
control.' CJB, 'Antisemitic Texts.'
15. Pedagogical Institute document 1588/23.5.1988.
16. Law 927, Paper of the Government of the Hellenic Republic, 139, vol. 1,
(18 June 1979).
17. Ibid.
18. Law 1419, Paper of the Government of the Hellenic Republic, 28, vol. 1
(14 March 1984).
19. The case was decided by the Protodikeion Harakleiou on 14 September
1984. The opinion was published on 21 September 1984.
20. Crete Court of Appeals decision 354 of 1987.
21.Chronicles, March 1981.
22. Yiannis Loulis, 'Antisemitism Resurrected in the Deliberate Anti-Jewis
h
Raving,' Mesimvrini, 28 July 1982.
23. Yannis Loulis, 'Antisemitic Incidents and Government Responsibility,
'
Mesimvrini, 10 August 1982.
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. CJB Information Bulletin, 1 July 1988.
27. Minutes of the Parliament of the Hellenic Republic, 2 November 1983,
951.
28. Spiros Payatakis, 'City Council Holocaust,' Apoghevmatini, 29 August
1986.
29. Edward Koch, 'A Modern Greek Tragedy,' New York Post, 17 September
1986.
30. 'You Can Kill A Jew!' CJB Information Bulletin, 1 January 1989; the
Washington Post article was quoted therein.
31. 'Mitsotakis is Selling OTE and DEI to the Jews,' Avriani, 22 April
1985. The article, on page 1 carried the subheading: 'Half the Staff Will
be Thrown Out on the Streets So the Foreigners Can Eat More.' OTE is the
state-owned Greek Telecommuications Company, and DEI is the Public
Electricity Company.
32. Nikos Stamatiou, 'Neo-Nazis 'Made in Greece',' Eleftheros Typos, 7
February 1993.
33. Petros Kassimatis, '[People] Nostalgic of the Third Reich in the Heart
of Athens,' Vradini, 24 August 1987.
34. 'The Myth of the Six Million and the Truth of Numbers,' Chrysi Avghi
,
October 1988.
35. Stochos 103 [n.d., marked 'Ninth Year (of publication)', late
1970s?].
36. Stochos, 7 April 1988.
37. Nei Anthropi, 31 January 1982.
38. For example, Aristides Andronikos, Judas Throughout the Centuries
[n.p., n.d.]; Dionissis Chionis, Cleansing of Christianity from the Jewish
Elements (Athens: Amilla, 1985); Andreas Dendrinos, The Problem of Israel,
2nd. ed. (Athens: Eleftheri Skepsis, 1985); Kyriakos Diakoyannis, The Human
Piranhas (n.p., n.d.); Ioannis Fourakis, Jews, The Forgers of History, 3rd
ed. (Athens: Grammi, 1984); Petros Vavalis, Israeli Neo-nazism, 2nd ed.
(Athens: n.p., 1984).
39. Dietrich Eckart, Zionism from Moses to Lenin, 2nd ed. (Athens:
Eleftheri Skepsis, 1985), translation of the edition published by White
Power Publications, Reedy, WV, 1966.
40. 'The Jewish Community of Volos Denounces Vandalism,' Tachydromos Vol ou,
1 August 1987.
41. 'Racist Vandals,' CJB Information Bulletin, May 1989.
42. David Ezraty, 'The Shame of Greek Munich,' To Mati, 16 (April 1989),
a
newsletter of Jean Jose Cohen.
43. The government statement was reproduced in the CJB Information
Bulletin, May 1989.
44. Ezraty, 'The Shame of Greek Munich'(see note 42).
45. K. Georgiades, Eleftherotypia, 6 April 1989, cited in Ezraty, op.cit.
46. A list of articles in the Greek press is given in the CJB Information
Bulletin, May 1989.
47. 'Some Racist and Other Significant [Issues],' Politis, April 1988.

48. Andreas Christinidis, 'Laicism, Antisemitism and PASOK,'
Eleftherotypia, 5 April 1989.
49. Panayotis Dimitras, 'Greece: A New Danger,' Foreign Policy, 58 (Spring
1985).
50. Hellenobarometer Vol. 2, no.18 (March 1986). The segment on racism and
antisemitism was published in English in Greek Opinion, Vol. 3, no. 5 (May
1986).
51. Hellenobarometer, Vol. 2, no. 27 (December 1988); the English version
appeared in Greek Opinion, Vol. 6, no. 1 (January 1989).
52. 'Special: Racisme et X nophobie,' Eurobarom tre (Bruxelles: Direction
G n rale, Information, Communication, Culture; Commission des Communauts
Europ enes, 1989), 94.
53. Edward Koch, 'A Modern Greek Tragedy,' New York Post, 17 September 1986.
54. ELA Proclamation, 2 July 1982, CJB Archives. The targets included
American Express, Chase Manhattan and the National Bank of Chicago offices
in Athens (representing 'North American capitalism and imperialism'); D.
Roussakis's firm which imports Amcor solar systems (as an agent of Israeli
interests); and Solon Bernardout's Atlantis Travel Agency ('a cover for
Israeli agents and assassins').
55. 17N proclamation published in Avriani, 18 July 1991.
56. Petros Karsiotis, 'Two Steps Away from 17N!' Eleftheros Typos, 5 May
1991.
57. 17N proclamation, Avriani, 18 July 1991.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Daniel Perdurant was born in 1946 to parents of Greek-Jewish descent. He
has long studied the history of Greek Jews, with particular emphasis on the
Holocaust years, and has published some related articles. The original
study upon which this paper is based was funded by a grant from the Vidal
Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, Hebrew
University of Jerusalem.

------------------------------------------------------------------------