On Friday, May 4, 2012 8:03:58 PM UTC-4,
docd...@panix.com wrote:
> In article <26971909.501.1336065279225.JavaMail.geo-discussion-forums@yncd9>,
> Rick Smith <
rs847...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> [snip]
>
> >My study suggests that Congress has not been in compliance
> >with Constitution since, at least, 1830.
>
> There are people whose study suggests that nothing but gold or silver is
> money, Mr Smith.
Whether they are correct depends upon interpretation, but that
question is of no immediate interest to me.
Had it not been for my experience working with the COBOL 2002
standard, with all its nested references, I may not have found
the patience to pursue my study of the Constitution to the
depth required.
US Constitution from
<
http://www.archives.gov/exhibits/charters/constitution_transcript.html >
Article I, Section 8, Clause 18: "To make all Laws which shall
be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing
Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the
Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer
thereof."
Article I, Section 1: "All legislative Powers herein granted
shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall
consist of a Senate and House of Representatives."
Article II, Section 1: "The executive Power shall be vested in
a President of the United States of America."
Article III, Section 1: "The judicial Power of the United States
shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts
as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish."
Point 1: The Constitution classifies "the foregoing powers" and
certain unidentified powers as GOVERNMENTAL powers, and
the legistative, executive, and judicial powers as
DEPARTMENTAL powers.
Point 2: By definition, a power to make law is a LEGISLATIVE power
and applies only to Article I, Section 8, Clause 18 and
a few other Articles in the Constitution.
<
http://thomas.loc.gov/home/histdox/fedpapers.html > is used for
reference to the Federalist Papers. (References are abreviated
herein.)
In Fed41 through Fed44, Madison describes his view of the powers.
"That we may form a correct judgment on this subject, it will be
proper to review the several powers conferred on the government
of the Union; and that this may be the more conveniently done they
may be reduced into different classes as they relate to the
following different objects: 1. Security against foreign danger;
2. Regulation of the intercourse with foreign nations;
3. Maintenance of harmony and proper intercourse among the States;
4. Certain miscellaneous objects of general utility; 5. Restraint
of the States from certain injurious acts; 6. Provisions for
giving due efficacy to all these powers." [Fed41]
"THE SECOND class of powers, lodged in the general government,
consists of those which regulate the intercourse with foreign
nations, to wit: to make treaties; to send and receive ambassadors,
other public ministers, and consuls; to define and punish piracies
and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the
law of nations; to regulate foreign commerce, ..." [Fed42]
"The SIXTH and last class consists of the several powers and
provisions by which efficacy is given to all the rest. 1. Of these
the first is, the "power to make all laws which shall be necessary
and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and
all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of
the United States, or in any department or officer thereof." [Fed44]
"4. Among the provisions for giving efficacy to the federal powers
might be added those which belong to the executive and judiciary
departments: but as these are reserved for particular examination
in another place, I pass them over in this. We have now reviewed,
in detail, all the articles composing the sum or quantity of power
delegated by the proposed Constitution to the federal government,
and are brought to this undeniable conclusion, that no part of the
power is unnecessary or improper for accomplishing the necessary
objects of the Union." [Fed44]
Point 3: Madison is consistent with both points 1 and 2.
Article II, Section 1: "[The President of the United States] shall
have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to
make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur;
and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of
the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and
Consuls, ..."
Point 4: Madison identifies the power "to make treaties; to send and
receive ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls;
..." [Fed42] as a GOVERNMENTAL power.
Hamilton's view is presented, in part, in Fed33.
"The last clause of the eighth section of the first article of the
plan under consideration authorizes the national legislature 'to
make all laws which shall be NECESSARY and PROPER for carrying into
execution THE POWERS by that Constitution vested in the government
of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof"; ..."
[Fed33]
[NOTE that Hamilton reworded the referenced clause, which though is
correct in effect, it obscures the items comprising GOVERNMENTAL
powers, that is "the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers".]
"What is a power, but the ability or faculty of doing a thing? What
is the ability to do a thing, but the power of employing the MEANS
necessary to its execution? What is a LEGISLATIVE power, but a power
of making LAWS? What are the MEANS to execute a LEGISLATIVE power
but LAWS? What is the power of laying and collecting taxes, but a
LEGISLATIVE POWER, or a power of MAKING LAWS, to lay and collect
taxes? What are the propermeans of executing such a power, but
NECESSARY and PROPER laws?" [Fed33]
Article I, Section 8, Clause 1: "To lay and collect Taxes, Duties,
Imposts and Excises, ..."
Point 5: As one of "the foregoing powers", the power to "lay and
collect taxes" is a GOVERNMENTAL power. [Point 1][Fed41]
However, Hamilton incorrectly, and without any
constitutional basis, identifies it as a LEGISLATIVE power.
"I have applied these observations thus particularly to the power
of taxation, because it is the immediate subject under consideration,
and because it is the most important of the authorities proposed to
be conferred upon the Union. But the same process will lead to the
same result, in relation to all other powers declared in the
Constitution." [Fed33]
Point 6: Under Hamilton's view, the GOVERMENTAL power "to make
Treaties, ... ; and ... appoint Ambassadors, other public
Ministers and Consuls, ..." is a LEGISLATIVE power. This
is absurd since the House of Representatives does not
participate in the making of treaties or appointments and
LEGISLATIVE powers are "vested in a Congress of the United
States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of
Representatives."
"But SUSPICION may ask, Why then was it introduced? The answer is,
that it could only have been done for greater caution, and to guard
against all cavilling refinements in those who might hereafter feel
a disposition to curtail and evade the legitimatb authorities of the
Union. The Convention probably foresaw, what it has been a principal
aim of these papers to inculcate, that the danger which most threatens
our political welfare is that the State governments will finally sap
the foundations of the Union; and might therefore think it necessary,
in so cardinal a point, to leave nothing to construction. Whatever
may have been the inducement to it, the wisdom of the precaution is
evident from the cry which has been raised against it; as that very
cry betrays a disposition to question the great and essential truth
which it is manifestly the object of that provision to declare." [Fed33]
Point 7: Hamilton has no clue why the clause was introduced.
"Without the SUBSTANCE of this power, the whole Constitution would be
a dead letter." [Fed44]
Point 8: Madison knew why it was introduced.
While no explanation is given, why it was introduced is easily
ascertained. Under the Articles of Confederation, the was no
separation of powers; that is, the expression "The United States,
in Congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and
power ..." was the authority.
<
http://memory.loc.gov/cgi-bin/ampage?collId=llsl&fileName=001/llsl001.db&recNum=129 >
Under the Constitution, powers were separated into three departments.
Without the clause, there would be no definite LEGISLATIVE power and
that would either make the Constitution a "dead letter" or leave
open the interpretation to Congress, the President, and the Supreme
Court.
With the clause, the restrictive phase "which shall be necessary and
proper for carrying into execution" is a limitation on the authority
of Congress to make laws. A clause, in effect, ordered by the people.
One other point, for which I have yet to see any explanation, is the
part which states "or in any Department or Officer thereof." The 18th
clause is the only place where the authority to make law intesects
with the legislative, executive, and judicial powers vested by the
Constitution. In effect, this is the sole authority, to make laws
governing the legislative, executive, and judicial departments. It
follows that the clause is the sole authority to fix the compensation
for members of Congress, the President and Vice-President, and Federal
judges; to appropriate money to pay that compensation, and to raise
cash to make those appropriations. It applies, as well, to all other
expenses (and other laws) for these departments.
[Supreme Court Associate Justice Joseph Story, as DANE PROFESSOR OF
LAW IN HARVARD UNIVERSITY wrote his "COMMENTARIES ON THE CONSTITUTION
OF THE UNITED STATES; ... in 1833.]
<
http://www.constitution.org/js/js_314.htm > analyses Article I,
Section 8, Clause 1, of the Constitution.
"§ 976. But the most thorough and elaborate view, which perhaps has
ever been taken of the subject, will be found in the exposition of
President Monroe, which accompanied his message respecting the bill
for the repairs of the Cumberland Road, (4th of May, 1822.) The
following passage contains, what is most direct to the present
purpose; and, though long, it will amply reward a diligent perusal.
After quoting the clause of the constitution respecting the power to
lay taxes, and to provide for the common defence and general welfare,
he proceeds to say,
§ 977. 'That the second part of this grant gives a right to
appropriate the public money, and nothing more, is evident from the
following. considerations: (1.) If the right of appropriation is not
given by this clause, it is not given at all, there being no other
grant in the constitution, which gives it directly, or which has any
bearing on the subject, even by implication, except the two following:
first, the prohibition, which is contained in the eleventh of the
enumerated powers, not to appropriate money for the support of armies
for a longer term than two years; and, secondly, the declaration in
the sixth member or clause of the ninth section of the first article,
that no money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence
of appropriations made by law. ...'"
It is clear that President Monroe (sucessor to Madison), having
placed the appropriation of money in the first clause, and Justice
Story (appointed by Madison), by supporting the claim, did not
understand that the sole authority for appropriating money for
their own compensation was the 18th clause. Furthermore, neither
understood that the first clause is a GOVERNMENTAL power and, since
a law is required to make appropriations, only the 18th clause
could be used to make such law.
[A thorough reading of <js_314.htm> reveals that Story never
understood Madison's view. This is evidenced by his repeated
quotation and subsequent rejection of Madison's comments.
Quite frankly, after ignoring extensive quotes from Hamilton,
speculation about President Washington's opinion, a
misunderstanding of Jefferson, his own opinion, etc., there is,
in my opinion, little left that is worthwhile in the more than
100 pages of the document.]
Point 9: Presidents and Supreme Court Justices did not understand
the Constitution by the 1830's.
United States v. Butler (1936)
<
http://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/historics/USSC_CR_0297_0001_ZO.html >
"Since the foundation of the Nation, sharp differences of opinion
have persisted as to the true interpretation of the phrase. Madison
asserted it amounted to no more than a reference to the other powers
enumerated in the subsequent clauses of the same section; that, as
the United States is a government of limited and enumerated powers,
the grant of power to tax and spend for the general national welfare
must be confined to the enumerated legislative fields committed to
the Congress. In this view, the phrase is mere tautology, for
taxation and appropriation are, or may be, necessary incidents of
the exercise of any of the enumerated legislative powers. Hamilton,
on the other hand, maintained the clause confers a power separate
and distinct from those later enumerated, is not restricted in
meaning by the grant of them, and Congress consequently has a
substantive power to tax and to appropriate, limited only by the
requirement that it shall be exercised to provide for the general
welfare of the United States. Each contention has had the support
of those whose views are entitled to weight. This court has noticed
the question, but has never found it necessary to decide which is
the true construction. Mr. Justice Story, in his Commentaries,
espouses the Hamiltonian position. We shall not review the
writings of public men and commentators or discuss the legislative
practice. Study of all these leads us to conclude that the reading
advocated by Mr. Justice Story is the correct one. While, therefore,
the power to tax is not unlimited, its confines are set in the clause
which confers it, and not in those of § 8 which bestow and define the
legislative powers of the Congress. It results that the power of
Congress to authorize expenditure of public moneys for public purposes
is not limited by the direct grants of legislative power found in the
Constitution."
Article I, Section 8, Clause 1: "To lay and collect Taxes, Duties,
Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common
Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties,
Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;"
The phase mentioned in the first sentence of the quote from Butler
is "to ... provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the
United States". The sharp "diffences of opinion", not recognised by
the Court, was the distinction between Hamilton's LEGISLATIVE and
Madison's GOVERNMENTAL powers.
The assertion attributed to Madison, in the second sentence, is a
misunderstanding of Madison and conflation with Hamilton's view.
Madison did not consider the first clause to be a LEGISLATIVE power
and thus it would not be a "power to tax and spend for the general
national welfare"; but rather a GOVERNMENTAL power to tax, qualified
by the attached phrases. "But what color can the objection have,
when a specification of the objects [GOVERNMENTAL powers] alluded to
by these general terms [common defence and general welfare] immediately
follows, and is not even separated by a longer pause than a semicolon?"
[Fed41] But Madison new that the power to make treaties was also
a GOVERNMENTAL power and that it was not in the "same section". "For
what purpose could the enumeration of particular powers be inserted,
if these and all others were meant to be included in the preceding
general power?" [Fed41] In effect, "these and all others", being a
reference to powers, maps to "the foregoing powers and all other
powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United
States, or in any department or officer thereof".
Having previously explained my objections to both Hamilton and Story,
I will skip to the last sentence which I will rephrase as "It results
that the power of Congress to authorize expenditure of public moneys
for public purposes is limited by the direct grant of legislative
power found in Article I, Section 8, Clause 18, of the Constitution."
Point 10: The Supreme Court didn't understand the Constitution in 1936.
I have yet to see a simple explanation of the term "the common defence
and general welfare of the United States", but Madison provides hints.
"We have now reviewed, in detail, all the articles composing the sum
or quantity of power delegated by the proposed Constitution to the
federal government, and are brought to this undeniable conclusion,
that no part of the power is unnecessary or improper for accomplishing
the necessary objects of the Union." [Fed44] This and other statements
suggests, to me, the explanation: The common defence and general
welfare of the United States consists of those powers the delegates
determined were necessary and proper for cooperation of the states
in military and civil matters. This explanation being applicable to
both the the Constitution and, with the sustitution of 'states' for
'delegates', the Articles of Confederation.
In summary, Alexander Hamilton made a mistake. James Madison then
spent more than 40 years, likely without understanding the mistake,
trying to explain what happened in the Second Constitutional
Convention and why "to provide for the common defence and general
welfare" wasn't a substantive power. A letter dated Nov 27, 1830, to
then Speaker Andrew Stevenson, appears to be Madison's last try before
his death. Thus by 1830, Congress and the Courts were expanding and,
since, continued to expand the powers of government beyond that ever
intended by the Constitution.
Finally, in keeping with the subject of the thread, "I'm really not
anti-American, just fed up with stupidity..."