On 10/8/2016 5:12 AM, noname wrote:
> Politically-correct America is very full of puritanical hot air. America
> has been hoist on its own profit motive.
<
http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2016/10/10/karl-marx-yesterday-and-today>
Louis Menand has a fascinating article on Marx.
<<This matters because one of Marx’s key principles was
that theory must always be united with practice. That’s
the point of the famous eleventh thesis on Feuerbach:
“Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in
various ways; the point is to change it.” Marx was not
saying that philosophy is irrelevant; he was saying that
philosophical problems arise out of real-life conditions,
and they can be solved only by changing those
conditions—by remaking the world.>>
<<It is sympathy for Marx that leads Sperber and Stedman
Jones to insist that we read him in his nineteenth-century
context, because they hope to distance him from the
interpretation of his work made after his death by people
like Karl Kautsky, who was his chief German-language
exponent; Georgi Plekhanov, his chief Russian exponent;
and, most influentially, Engels. It was thanks mainly to
those writers that people started to refer to Marxism as
“scientific socialism,” a phrase that sums up what was
most frightening about twentieth-century Communism:
the idea that human beings can be reëngineered in
accordance with a theory that presents itself as a law of
history. The word the twentieth century coined for that
was totalitarianism.
So, by 1939, when the British philosopher Isaiah Berlin
published his widely read and not wholly unadmiring
study “Karl Marx: His Life and Environment” (still in print),
he could describe Marx as “among the great authoritarian
founders of new faiths, ruthless subverters and innovators
who interpret the world in terms of a single, clear,
passionately held principle, denouncing and destroying all
that conflicts with it. His faith . . . was of that boundless,
absolute kind which puts an end to all questions and
dissolves all difficulties.” This became the Cold War Marx.
It’s true that Marx was highly doctrinaire, something that
did not wear well with his compatriots in the nineteenth
century, and that certainly does not wear well today, after
the experience of the regimes conceived in his name. It
therefore sounds perverse to say that Marx’s philosophy
was dedicated to human freedom. But it was. Marx was an
Enlightenment thinker: he wanted a world that is rational
and transparent, and in which human beings have been
liberated from the control of external forces.
This was the essence of Marx’s Hegelianism. Hegel argued
that history was the progress of humanity toward true
freedom, by which he meant self-mastery and
self-understanding, seeing the world without
illusions—illusions that we ourselves have created. The
Young Hegelians’ controversial example of this was the
Christian God. (This is what Feuerbach wrote about.) We
created God, and then pretended that God created us. We
hypostatized our own concept and turned it into something
“out there” whose commandments (which we made up) we
struggle to understand and obey. We are supplicants to our
own fiction.
Concepts like God are not errors. History is rational: we
make the world the way we do for a reason. We invented
God because God solved certain problems for us. But,
once a concept begins impeding our progress toward
self-mastery, it must be criticized and transcended, left
behind. Otherwise, like the members of the Islamic State
today, we become the tools of our Tool.
What makes it hard to discard the tools we have objectified
is the persistence of the ideologies that justify them, and
which make what is only a human invention seem like “the
way things are.” Undoing ideologies is the task of philosophy.
Marx was a philosopher. The subtitle of “Capital” is “Critique
of Political Economy.” The uncompleted book was intended
to be a criticism of the economic concepts that make social
relations in a free-market economy seem natural and
inevitable, in the same way that concepts like the great chain
of being and the divine right of kings once made the social
relations of feudalism seem natural and inevitable.>>
<<Marx had very little to say about how the business of life
would be conducted in a communist society, and this turned
out to be a serious problem for regimes trying to put
communism into practice. He had reasons for being vague.
He thought that our concepts, values, and beliefs all arise
out of the conditions of our own time, which means that it’s
hard to know what lies on the other side of historical change.
In theory, after the revolution, everything will be “up for
grabs”—which has been the great dream of leftist radicalism
ever since.
Marx was clearer about what a communist society would not
have. There would be no class system, no private property,
no individual rights (which Marx thought boil down to
protecting the right of the owners of property to hang on to
it), and no state (which he called “a committee for managing
the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie”). The state, in
the form of the Party, proved to be one bourgeois concept
that twentieth-century Communist regimes found impossible
to transcend. Communism is not a religion; it truly is, as
anti-Communists used say about it, godless. But the Party
functions in the way that Feuerbach said God functions in
Christianity, as a mysterious and implacable external power.>>
<<Marx did not, however, provide much guidance for how a
society would operate without property or classes or a state.
[snip] But Marx considered the division of labor one of the
evils of modern life. (So did Hegel.) It makes workers cogs in
a machine and deprives them of any connection with the
product of their labor. “Man’s own deed becomes an alien
power opposed to him, which enslaves him instead of being
controlled by him,” as Marx put it. In a communist society, he
wrote, “nobody has one exclusive sphere of activity but each
can become accomplished in any branch he wishes.” It will
be possible “to hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon, rear
cattle in the evening, criticize after dinner . . . without ever
becoming hunter, fisherman, herdsman, or critic.”
This often quoted passage sounds fanciful, but it is at the
heart of Marx’s thought. Human beings are naturally creative
and sociable. A system that treats them as mechanical
monads is inhumane. But the question is, How would a
society without a division of labor produce sufficient goods
to survive? Nobody will want to rear the cattle (or clean the
barn); everyone will want to be the critic. (Believe me.) As
Marx conceded, capitalism, for all its evils, had created
abundance. He seems to have imagined that, somehow, all
the features of the capitalist mode of production could be
thrown aside and abundance would magically persist.>>
<<Ryan, in his book on Marx, makes an observation that Marx
himself might have made. “The modern republic,” he says,
“attempts to impose political equality on an economic
inequality it has no way of alleviating.”>>
Sorry for the long quotes, but what Menand says about Marx
is eerily similar to what we on these boards are familiar with
in mental culture, with the proviso that adjustment be made
for switching from the external wold to the internal one.
The tools that we use become our masters. The salvific state,
called Nirvana or whatever, scarcely fosters survival and,
not even going that far, society. The people who do not taste
final release yet have scarcely any way of appreciating just
what such a state is. It is not susceptible to a priori analysis,
or due diligence. They just have to trust the words of people
who (presumably) have tasted it, and essentially grope in
the dark about something that escapes their grasp,
conceptual or otherwise. On top of all such uncertainty, they
are repeatedly told that to try to grasp "it" only pushes "it"
beyond their grasp. "It" embodies a jump of faith that weirdly
resembles the same in traditional religions, regardless of
content. The regimen of grace and the regimen of survival
can scarcely be reconciled, for those who have not entered
the former. Just jump with both feet into the unknown, shorn
of the boxes of the known, and you will "get" "it". As Marx
says, it will be possible “to hunt in the morning, fish in the
afternoon, rear cattle in the evening, criticize after
dinner . . . without ever becoming hunter, fisherman,
herdsman, or critic.”
Fantasy of fantasies, eh? Another word is utopia.
Tang Huyen