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This is part of corruption fighting back. I'm sure that President Buhari do not have the constitutional power to go to bed. What an unintelligent opinion.
Ben Osawe
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This is part of corruption fighting back. I'm sure that President Buhari do not have the constitutional power to go to bed. What an unintelligent opinion.
Ben Osawe
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From: 'Ayo Ojutalayo' via AfricanWorldForum
Sent: Sunday, 3 July 2016 10:40
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Subject: Re: [africanworldforum] The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma)
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It is the work of the courts.
Otitigbe.
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"This is part of corruption fighting back. I'm sure that President Buhari do not have the constitutional power to go to bed. What an unintelligent opinion."......Ben Osawe
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Joe,For your information, that article by Nwakamais not written in English nor French. Every letterin it is in Spanish, the kind spoken in Panya.Moving on :Did you read the article as presented by Obi?I sent it to goooogle translate and it came upas something in English language a grade schoolgraduate could read and can understand.Obi emphasized the power to probeanybody according to the verses ofthe Spanish, sorry , the NIGERIAN constitutionhe referenced is bestowed SOULY on thelegislative bodywho may choose to let the auditor general do iton their behalf. I think I read too, the senateleadership has no business answering tothe president or anycourts of the land on some issues concerningmisconducts by any legislature or the body.Unless I took myother brain to the post, Obi clearly stated that Buharihas no business seeking out on people that rakedthe country dry. That if it is necessary, Obi alluded,it is the legislators that have such a constitutionalobligations. I cannot say he is right in stating thelegislative body in a democracy or their laws isabsolute and not subject to interference bythe executive or the judiciary.What I have observed in the USA is the presidentcan refuse to sign a law by the legislators ,as such making itunenforceable, and even at that, the Justiciarycan annul a legislation signed into law.So the interdependency of the 3 arms of thegovernment is right there well established. They needeach other for their respective remarkable successand comfort in their respective processes.The issue here is: does Buhari have the right as thefather of the nation to sweep his house and makeit governable, the way he feels fit and reasonable?Is he doing it for fear no one else knows it is necessaryto block all the loopholes that devastate our payrollsand recover our monies in other people's wallets?.What about thinking something must be done to curbcorruption? Can we trust the federal houses can betrusted to take up the issue of bringing our corrupt officials to book if suggested by the president ?My belief is the president has a mandate to use hispowers to make his administration more manageableand restore confidence in the polity. One way he hasshown he does is catching our thieves and forcingsome to voluntarily confess and return someof their loots. This is good for our confidence andhope for a newer Nigeria. Let the experts say hehas no such right and watch how mad anddisappointing such a challenge would be for all ofus that chose Buh over Jonah because we knewhe can, he can make our thieves pay us back.Let's bring this issue of who has the right to demandfor accountability despite the wordings of theconstitution back into common sense.A family like I did with mine, decides to treat the kidson pizza. Daddy dishes out the money for the pizzaand one of the kids went for it. It was $50 singledollar bill. The boy returns with the right or morepizza than agreed. Now who has the right to demandfor change ( balance ) on the money spent on the Pizza?In my own case, I did and feel it was mymy responsibility as the head of the family and theperson who sent the boy and also gave him thefamily money for it.The entire family constituted my family legislativeassembly. By bedtime causal gathering of the family,I announced how I enjoyed seeing them devour thePizza and how honest the boy was in returning allthe change and doing the job well.My feeling is since the executive is the messenger,the head of the messengers should be the firstto request accountability on delivered messagesand try to rectify any discrepancies before presentinga final report to the law makers that determine whatand how much should be spent. Note please; themost of law book I have read or known is fromcourt TV, so don't kill me if I have messed upyour sense of what you read in your law or politicalscience thesis. Lol.I do not know how you want a Senate that does notseem to have read the constitution nor willingto understand it and who are in effect, as can beproven by their history, aiding corruption topolice itself.Obi's article is an eye opener to the barrage ofidle SAN's and that Igbo lawyer seeking to wishBuhari away, on grounds he has no WASC diploma ashe, Buhari, originally claimed.I wish that lawyer had known to sue Nigeriafor letting Saraki remain the president of the Senateafter allegations of gross misconduct and thieverywhile a governor of Kwara state.The major problems our politicians especially thelegislatures have is they do not know their rights.They should have sued Buhari for hunting on theirpresent and former colleagues and others suspectedto have duped us, or hire that brave Igbolawyer do it for them if Nwakamais right and had schooled them earlier on their rightsand responsibilities. They won't know a thing abouttheir rights because they are mostly there for resumeand eyes on what they can grab.Ekweremadu has sadly made himself an arse holefor calling for the recolonization of Nigeria bysame white people some have accused of forcingOils to marry water with their amalgamation process.If he knew Nigeria is an independent nation, andof his powers as a senator, and if he respects hisnative constituency , he would not haveran to the UN andUS and UK and EU with such a small domesticproblem. Those people did not make him a NIGERIANSenator he is, unless he is unveiling a secret we don'tknow.I wound not doubt if one day we read someforeign parliamentarians were brought overto cast votes in NIGERIAN legislative assembliessince Ekweremadu has proven foreign governmentsown his brain and that of his peers.Do we blame Trump for saying Africa , no Africannation was ready for self rule and recommendedanother 100 and more years of recolonization of mostof African nations .I recommend Ekweremadu be recalled home andflogged on his bare arse for disgracing his peopleand Nigeria at large with such a call for foreignintervention in our little power tussle between thelegislative and executive arms.If he and Saraki really forged some documents, andit is proven, they should go in for it same way weexpect a poor job seeker without a pass in WASCbut forged a passing grade so he can be hired wouldbe treated.Dan
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From: 'Ayo Ojutalayo' via AfricanWorldForum
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Subject: [africanworldforum] Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma)
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"88. (1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, each House of the National Assembly shall have power by resolution published in its journal or in the Official Gazette of the Government of the Federation to direct or cause to be directed investigation into -
(a) any matter or thing with respect to which it has power to make laws, and
(b) the conduct of affairs of any person, authority, ministry or government department charged, or intended to be charged, with the duty of or responsibility for -
(i) executing or administering laws enacted by National Assembly, and
(ii) disbursing or administering moneys appropriated or to be appropriated by the National Assembly.
(2) The powers conferred on the National Assembly under the provisions of this section are exercisable only for the purpose of enabling it to -
(a) make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws; and
(b) expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it.
89. (1) For the purposes of any investigation under section 88 of this Constitutional and subject to the provisions thereof, the Senate or the House of Representatives or a committee appointed in accordance with section 62 of this Constitution shall have power to -
(a) procure all such evidence, written or oral, direct or circumstantial, as it may think necessary or desirable, and examine all persons as witnesses whose evidence may be material or relevant to the subject matter;
(b) require such evidence to be given on oath;
(c) summon any person in Nigeria to give evidence at any place or produce any document or other thing in his possession or under his control, and examine him as a witness and require him to produce any document or other thing in his possession or under his control, subject to all just exceptions; and
(d) issue a warrant to compel the attendance of any person who, after having been summoned to attend, fails, refuses or neglects to do so and does not excuse such failure, refusal or neglect to the satisfaction of the House or the committee in question, and order him to pay all costs which may have been occasioned in compelling his attendance or by reason of his failure, refusal or neglect to obey the summons, and also to impose such fine as may be prescribed for any such failure, refused or neglect; and any fine so imposed shall be recoverable in the same manner as a fine imposed by a court of law.
(2) A summons or warrant issued under this section may be served or executed by any member of the Nigeria Police Force or by any person authorised in that behalf by the President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of Representatives, as the case may require."
- Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
I'm sad to say that Okoi has demonstrated in his response, a profound ignorance of the constitution of the federation of Nigeria, and the principles of the separation of powers that anybody who took a class in High school government ought to know. Legal training is one thing, but if it precludes ignorance of the civic process of the land, and the philosophy of its government, then I have the right to question the quality of legal training that says because the president appoints the heads of the statutory departments of the state that deal with law enforcement, that therefore gives the president the power to carry out both legislative and judicial functions. First, the laws establishing these bodies is an Act of the National Assembly, and the authority granted them is by leave of such an act. The National Assembly has the power to abrogate and defund such agencies by its powers of amendment, and as a matter of fact, redirect the issuing authority that superintends such bodies, through their power to (a) determine its means of funding, and (b) its powers to determine their uses in law. In any case, the president does not have SOLE authority in appointing, say, the Inspector-General of the Nigerian Police, he does so on "advise" of the Police Council, who may or may not agree with the presidents appointments, in which case, anybody appointed by the president without satisfying that constitutional requirement cannot be deemed to hold a legitimate position. This is the law as defined by the constitution. But I'd like to refer people to the constitutional provisions excerpted above.
The constitution of Nigeria is so very unambiguous in defining who has the power to investigate any arm of the state. The judicial committee of the National Assembly has absolute supervisory authority over the Attorney-General, whom it can summon, and whose office it may, subject to the legislative power granted the National Assembly, either impeach, abrogate, or defund, irrespective of the appointive power of the president. The constitution of the republic is clear that the National Assembly can summon any body, including the president before it, question him, and if they find him guilty of "gross misconduct" impeach him by a two-third majority. The Constitution is unambiguous in the fact that the President of senate or the Speaker of the HOR may issue a warrant to ANY member of the police Force, or any person authorized in that regard by these officers of the Legislature, including presumably a bounty hunter sworn to become a law office pro tem by a justice of the peace, to serve a warrant on anybody, including the president to appear before it. The power therefore to issue orders to the police does not reside alone in the office of the president, and may even be countermanded, by a simple declaration of the National Assembly. But specifically, the Act of the federation establishing the office of the president is clear: there is no where in the constitution that grants the president his powers which includes in the exercise of such powers, the power to investigate, and compel the probing of the finances of any department of government. It is not a constitutional mandate of the president or the Attorney General. It is the clear constitutional mandate of the National Assembly. The mandate of the president is to execute the laws as is. The constitution established the office of the Auditor-General to REPORT possible corruption in government. Such report is duly passed to the NA which immediately begins a probe of government, including a probe of the office of the president as the case may be. Failure to do this is one of the central failures of the Nigerian parliament since the return to constitutional rule.
The President and his Attorney General are required only to, following any resolutions of the NA commence prosecution of all corruptions, after due and diligent investigation before the courts. What are the standing functions of these law enforcement institutions? It is simply, to comply with the Acts of the National Assembly that established them in the first place which include (a) identifying crimes (b) anticipating the commission of crimes, and (c) securing the state against the breakdown of laws as a result of crimes, and (d) providing the evidence on behalf of the state before the courts of the land to punish crimes. Crimes covered under the Code of Conduct for public officers are also to be investigated and punished, and such punishment includes crimes committed by members of the National Assembly, including the crimes of bribery, possible, treason, and so on, covered under the criminal code, after their investigation be the ethics committees of the Senate or House. But no legislator can be arrested for debates and actions conducted in the Chambers of the Parliament, in so far as those acts, pertain to legislative function. But a president can be impeached and arrested by the order of the National Assembly. I am actually frequently embarrassed by the terrible ignorance of many a Nigerian purportedly educated, but who has never bothered to read the constitution, or who have no idea how the basic institutions of government interact and function under democracies. There are many legislators who do not understand the basic language of the constitution, and many who have never read it, and there are many still, among purportedly "educated" Nigerians who huff-and-puff about good governance, but whose limited knowledge of the process of civil governance is beneath the abilities of my Terrier. Damn! Read folks! It is not too much to ask before engaging in public discussions.
Obi Nwakanma
Maybe you should cite the portion of the constitution that gives investigative powers to the president.
From: Rex Marinus
Sent: Monday, 4 July 2016 21:28 |
Iguade, if you were educable, I'd give you a long lecture, but I shall say this, because I too I enjoy your Baba-Sala factor in these fora. When you're not such a distraction, you can actually be quite amusing. The fact is, I do not think these debates are for the likes of you. They have to do with matters quite above you pay grade. So, stop for a while intruding, listen, and maybe you might learn a thing or two.
Obi Nwakanma
Canice, Mr Comprehension,You probably did not read the last paragraph of what I wrote! No wonder Joe Attueyi said black people are too lazy to read.
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From: Chukwuemeka Okala reu...@yahoo.co.uk [NIgerianWorldForum] Sent: Tuesday, 5 July 2016 02:50 Reply To: NIgerianW...@yahoogroups.com Cc: africanw...@googlegroups.com; Okoi Ofem Obono-Obla; Okonkwonetworks; Politics Naija; Yahoo! Inc.; Yahoo! Inc.; olaka...@aol.com; Agbor Ike; Ra'ayi Riga; Abba; Yahoo! Inc.; niger...@yahoogroups.com; Yahoo! Inc.; nebuka...@aol.com; rot...@yahoo.com; gke...@gmail.com; ebo...@dmu.ac.uk; naijap...@yahoogroups.com; talkn...@yahoogroups.com; ar...@yahoogroups.com; eleik...@yahoogroups.com Subject: Re: [NIgerianWorldForum] Re: Ayo Ojutalayo: Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma) |
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From: Mobolaji Aluko Sent: Tuesday, 5 July 2016 05:56 Reply To: africanw...@googlegroups.com Cc: Chukwuemeka Okala reu...@yahoo.co.uk [NIgerianWorldForum]; Nebukadineze Adiele' via NaijaEvent; Okoi Ofem Obono-Obla; Okonkwonetworks; Politics Naija; Yahoo! Inc.; Yahoo! Inc.; Dr. Ola Kassim 416-500-0850; Agbor Ike; Ra'ayi Riga; Abba; Yahoo! Inc.; niger...@yahoogroups.com; Yahoo! Inc.; Nebuka...@aol.com; rotimi fashakin; GEORGE Kerley; John Ebohon; AR...@yahoogroups.com; Eleik...@yahoogroups.com Subject: Re: [africanworldforum] Re: [NIgerianWorldForum] Re: Ayo Ojutalayo: Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma) |
“All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.”
— U.S. Constitution, Article I, section 1
The constitutional framers assumed that Congress would conduct investigations as the British House of Commons conducted them. James Wilson of Pennsylvania, a future Supreme Court Justice and Convention delegate, wrote in a 1774 essay that members of the Commons were considered “grand inquisitors of the realm. The proudest ministers of the proudest monarchs have trembled at their censures; and have appeared at the bar of the house, to give an account of their conduct, and ask pardon for their faults.” When the U.S. House convened in 1789, it established an early set of select committees, such as Rules and Ways and Means, to structure the legislative process including investigations.
The House used its investigatory privileges in the First Congress (1789–1791). Robert Morris of Pennsylvania, the superintendent of finances during the Continental Congress and a financier of the American Revolution, asked Congress in 1790 to investigate
his handling of the country’s finances in order to clear his name of potential impropriety. The House referred Morris’s request to a select committee, setting a precedent for future investigations, while the Senate had President George Washington appoint special
commissioners and report back to that body. Representative James Madison of Virginia said that the “House should possess itself of the fullest information in order to doing justice to the country and to public officers.”
Two years later, the House authorized a special committee to investigate the military defeat of General Arthur St. Clair. This was the first time the House investigated an official under the President’s direct supervision. Several Representatives debated whether
the House had authority to conduct such an investigation at all. Initially, Representative William Giles of Virginia moved a resolution to request that President Washington launch an investigation. But the House amended the resolution to create a select committee,
authorized “to call for such persons, papers, and records, as may be necessary to assist their inquiries.” Washington consulted his Cabinet to discuss compliance with the House’s investigation. They agreed upon rules of disclosure that formed the early basis
of what is now known as “executive privilege,” or The President’s prerogative to use private documents and unvarnished advice to formulate policy decisions.
The House has compelled the attendance of witnesses since 1795, when it investigated an attempt to bribe Members. Indeed, early cases of congressional subpoena and contempt powers focused on the abuse or discredit of the House itself. Robert Randall, a real
estate speculator, had tried to purchase what is now Michigan from the federal government and share the proceeds with Members of Congress who approved the sale. As a result, Randall was the first individual held in contempt of Congress. The House Sergeant-at-Arms
was authorized to arrest him and bring him before the House, where he was reprimanded and placed in a local jail for a week.
Subpoena power for routine legislative matters evolved after an 1827 debate authorizing the Committee on Manufactures to “send for persons and papers.” The committee, seeking more information on reforming the tariff of 1824, wanted to conduct its own investigation
given that voluntary testimony and memorials to the committee had been “in many instances opposed to each other, and contradictory as regards facts.” One Representative denounced the action as an “inquisition” and such power generally as “odious, and oppressive,
in the highest degree.” Representative Edward Livingston of Louisiana said it was better to have an independent investigation than rely on voluntary testimony by “those interested to deceive.” Livingston said, “all our laws…would be better, more stable, more
wise” if the House conducted its own investigations.
The House reformed and routinized its subpoena and contempt powers during the 19th century. Initially, it had authorized the Sergeant-at-Arms to arrest those disregarding the orders of the House and bring them before its Membership. After an 1857 case involving
a reporter for the New York Times who was held in contempt for not divulging his sources for a report concerning potential bribery of House Members, Congress passed the forbearer to the current law on contempt (2 USC §194). In that law, the failure
of a witness to answer “any question pertinent” to a congressional investigation would prompt an investigation by the Department of Justice, as well as potential fines and jail time.
Hearings are most commonly held for three reasons: to consider pending legislation; to investigate issues that may require legislation in the future; and, to investigate and oversee federal programs. They reflect the most important issues of the day and what occupies congressional attention. This means that Congress holds hearings on a variety of issues, from steroid abuse in professional sports to the use of weather satellites. Hearings have also been used to further the rights of minority groups. Congressional investigations not only help legislators make better policy decisions, but they are central to the system of checks and balances. Investigatory hearings can uncover presidential abuses of power and corruption, such as the Teapot Dome scandal in the 1920s or Watergate in the 1970s. But hearings have also been used for less noble purposes, such as the blacklisting of private citizens during the “un-American activities” hearings in the 1950s. While the power to investigate is broad, the Supreme Court has since ruled that Congress must confine itself to “legislative purposes” and avoid the strictly private affairs of individual citizens.
Aberbach, Joel D. Keeping a Watchful Eye: The Politics of Congressional Oversight. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 1990.
Barrett, David M. The CIA and Congress: The Untold Story from Truman to Kennedy. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2005.
Minta, Michael D. Oversight: Representing the Interests of Blacks and Latinos in Congress. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011.
Ogden, August Raymond. The Dies Committee: A Study of the Special House Committee for the Investigation of Un-American Activities, 1938–1943. Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 1943.
Ogul, Morris S. Congress Oversees the Bureaucracy. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976.
Perino, Michael. The Hellhound of Wall Street: How Ferdinand Pecora’s Investigation of the Great Crash Forever Changed American Finance. New York: Penguin Press, 2010.
Ayo, my signature is bold on that byline, and I stand by it. The president not only has no constitutional powers to probe a past government, he has no basis in law to issue inquisitorial orders on any citizen. To prosecute, there has to be basis for the Attorney-General. That basis must proceed from the inquisitorial powers of the Legislature, whose conclusions must form the basis of the order by which the president must act in asking the Attorney General to bring any cases to court on behalf of the government. The National Assembly in so far as one can see, is the only arm of government expressly invested with such inquisitorial powers, which may of lead to (a) a revelation of sordid conduct, and (b) prosecution from these investigations by the Attorney General. This should be easy enough to understand!
Obi Nwakanma
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From: 'Ayo Ojutalayo' via AfricanWorldForum |
Sent: Tuesday, 5 July 2016 07:30 To: africanw...@googlegroups.com; NIgerianW...@yahoogroups.com; naija...@googlegroups.com; igbowor...@yahoogroups.com; Igbo Events Reply To: africanw...@googlegroups.com Cc: okoi...@hotmail.com; okonkwo...@googlegroups.com; naijap...@yahoogroups.com; naijao...@yahoogroups.com; omo...@yahoogroups.com; olaka...@aol.com; ikea...@yahoo.com; raay...@yahoogroups.com; abba...@gmail.com; TalkN...@yahoogroups.com; niger...@yahoogroups.com; yana...@yahoogroups.com; nebuka...@aol.com; rot...@yahoo.com; gke...@gmail.com; ebo...@dmu.ac.uk; ar...@yahoogroups.com; eleik...@yahoogroups.com Subject: [africanworldforum] Obi Nwakanma: Re: Aluko and A bit of US Congressional History |
From: Rex Marinus rexma...@hotmail.com [NIgerianWorldForum] Sent: Tuesday, 5 July 2016 07:17 Reply To: NIgerianW...@yahoogroups.com Cc: africanw...@googlegroups.com; Okoi Ofem Obono-Obla; Okonkwonetworks; Politics Naija; Yahoo! Inc.; Yahoo! Inc.; olaka...@aol.com; Agbor Ike; Ra'ayi Riga; Abba; Yahoo! Inc.; niger...@yahoogroups.com; Yahoo! Inc.; nebuka...@aol.com; rot...@yahoo.com; gke...@gmail.com; ebo...@dmu.ac.uk; ar...@yahoogroups.com; eleik...@yahoogroups.com; igbowor...@yahoogroups.com; Igbo Events Subject: [NIgerianWorldForum] Re: Emeka: Re: Ayo Ojutalayo: Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma) |
Yes, it is Congress that investigates: the most recent is the current investigation of Hillary Clinton in Congress. There was the Congressional investigation of Wall street. There was the Congressional investigation of Vice-President Cheney's aide, over the revelation of the identity of the CIA woman, and so on and so forth. Congress also investigates its members through the senate or House ethics committees. Parliament has extremely wide powers. As a matter of fact, the power of the National Assembly to investigate rests squarely in the fact that corruption in the public system comes from tenders. The National Assembly funds government, and at the end of the year, the constitution requires it to examine the books of government, and verify the claims of the execution of programs passed by legislation. It is from that function that the parliament derives its power to investigate.
Obi Nwakanma
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From: Chukwuemeka Okala
Sent: Tuesday, 5 July 2016 09:17
To: naija...@googlegroups.com; africanw...@googlegroups.com; NIgerianW...@yahoogroups.com; igbowor...@yahoogroups.com; Igbo Events
Reply To: Chukwuemeka Okala |
Subject: Re: Obi Nwakanma: Re: Aluko and A bit of US Congressional History
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Congressional investigations can also be criminal investigations. The Watergate investigations comes to mind, as would the Iran-Contra investigations that indicted Oliver North, etc. etc. The Oversight powers of the Legislature actually compels these investigations. And what exactly do we generally mean by "oversight"? The simpler word might be "supervisory. " In other words, it is the constitutional duty of parliament to supervise the outcomes of the executive branch. Failure of government accountability results from the failure of parliamentary oversight. That has been the plank of my argument: that the missing link in his process of civil governance is a legislature that has not lived up to its mandate; and which has permitted all kinds overreach and power-grab by the executive branch. The democratic mandate of parliament is to investigate the activities of the executive branch. Where that does not happen, you have vertical and horizontal corruption.
Obi Nwakanma
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"Beyond making laws (including Budgeting), overseeing federal government agencies and regulating its own internal affairs, Congress or the Nigerian Parliament has no business PROSECUTING criminal affairs. Outside of IMPEACHMENT situations, it is NOT a court where it prosecutes defendants in the presence of their counsels. It can INVESTIGATE affairs to determine whether they are criminal, civil or otherwise, and advise the Executive (through FBI or AGF) accordingly, but ONCE the FBI or AGF has made their own determination about the nature of a case, the Congress or Parliament has no business telling the AGF or FBI what to do thereafter. That would be interference in a sub judice issue. "
-Mobolaji Aluko
Iguade:
Obi Nwakanma understands principle of government in a presidential system far better than you. What he didn't say you guys input it on him. He never said the legislature prosecutes. Those are duties of the executive - the attorney general.
Now, curse me out.
Vin Cool Breeze Otuonye
On Jul 5, 2016 8:16 AM, Wilson Iguade <igu...@hotmail.com> wrote:
I hope sey una naw dey waste una time on Rastafarian Dude (Obi Nwakanma) because he has definitely demonstrated time and time again he does not understand the basic principles of governance in a presidential system of government. Now, he claims expertise in Igbo method of governance and perhaps therein lies his confusion.
Stay tuned! Iguade
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House Oversight Reports on Congress's Oversight Responsibility Published: Sep 22, 2010 Quite as important as legislation is vigilant oversight of administration.” –Woodrow Wilson in 1885 WASHINGTON D.C. – Rep. Darrell Issa, the Ranking Member of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee, released a report today entitled: “A Constitutional Obligation: Congressional Oversight of the Executive Branch detailing how “the vast expansion of the power and reach of the Executive Branch of government under both Republican and Democratic administrations has only increased the need for vigorous, unflinching Congressional oversight.” “The unparalleled encroachment of the federal government in the private sector and the lives of individual Americans that began during the Bush Administration and continues in the Obama Administration (see, for example, the Troubled Assets Protection Program, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, the rapid growth of the federal workforce, and the health care and financial overhauls) has led to concerns of an oncoming tsunami of opacity, waste, fraud, and abuse,” the report says. “This trend must be met by vigorous Congressional oversight of the massive federal bureaucracy.” Congressional Research Service, 2010: “A fundamental objective of congressional oversight is to hold executive officials accountable for the implementation of delegated authority. This objective is especially important given the huge expansion of executive influence in the modern era …. Clearly, given the role and scope of the federal establishment, the importance of Congress’s review function looms large in checking and monitoring the delegated authority that it grants to federal departments and agencies.” “Congress’ chief watchdog committee requested 61 percent less information in the first year of the 111th Congress than it did in the 110th,” the report reveals. “The Committee held 21 percent fewer hearings, and the subjects of those hearings were too often far outside the most pressing issues facing the American people…Only four years ago Democrats lamented a lack of congressional oversight under one-party rule. But today, at a time of unprecedented expenditures and growth in the federal workforce and its presence in Americans’ lives, with all the potential for fraud, waste, and abuse such growth carries with it, the Democratic-controlled Congress has consciously abdicated its Constitutional responsibility to provide oversight of the Executive Branch.” “We start with several basic premises on which there is general agreement. The power of Congress to conduct investigations is inherent in the legislative process. That power is broad. It encompasses inquiries concerning the administration of existing laws as well as proposed or possibly needed statutes. It includes surveys of defects in the social, economic, or political system for the purpose of enabling Congress to remedy them. It comprehends probes into departments of the federal government to expose corruption, inefficiency, or waste.” – Chief Justice Warren for the Majority,Watkins v. United States What Congressional Democrats Said About Oversight of the Executive Branch In the year leading up to the 2006 midterm elections, Ranking Member Waxman intensified his attacks on the Republican Majority for what he considered their negligent oversight of the Bush Administration. In January 2006, his staff issued a report stating the following: [T]he Republican-controlled Congress has failed to meet this constitutional oversight responsibility. On issue after issue, the Congress has failed to conduct meaningful investigations of significant allegations o
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"Congressional investigations can be.../ congressional investigations can lead..." semantics. The morphological structure of that statement in the end comes down to the very same principle: Congressional investigations are possible grounds for criminal prosecution. I really am done sweating these small stuff! Look, the equivalent of the office of the Inspector-General in the US government is the Office of the Auditor-General in Nigeria. The constitution of Nigeria is unequivocal in saying that as soon as the Accountant General submits his books, the Auditor-General prepares his own reports and sends to the National Assembly. The Auditor-General reports to no other! Why do you think this is? Corruption happens in government when parliament ignores the workings of the executive branch. Every part of the executive branch comes under Parliamentary scrutiny, including the office of the Attorney-General, which frequently comes under the scrutiny of the Judicial Committee, and who can be impeached by Congress if it finds his actions in conflict with the "public interest." As I have also stated here, it is congress that define what constitutes the "public interest." But at least we have agreed on the inquisitorial power of the legislature. That's progress, and we take it in small measures.
Obi Nwakanma
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"Emekna Oknala [Emeka Okala],I hold no brief for Rex Marinus but I will offer you Pol Sci. 101: In an executive system of government as practiced by the USA, power resides with the legislature. It is the legislature that actually governs. The power of government reside squarely with the legislature. The legislature make laws and the president can suggest to the legislature but cannot impose on the legislature. The legislature can originate a bill, debate it and pass it into law without consultation with the president except for his/her consent to sign the law. If the president rejects to consent to the law by signing it, the legislature can overrule him with 2/3 of the majority vote. The legislature controls the purse i.e. budget and can determine what department of government is funded or scraped by not funding it." - Canice Stanley Onuoha - the earless and legless reptileComment:Canice Stanley Onuoha,Your above narration is totally off on a tangent, I'm afraid! Whilst the topic of debate is about the policy of the government of the day, you are exciting yourself in the functions of the Legislature. These are two different things. And this is how you fail your exams.If I may ask you: What is the difference between the Democrat and the Republican parties? The simple difference is in the POLICY that each party wants to enforce if voted to power. And if the policy appeals to the electorate and they are finally voted in, they ipso facto have got the full MANDATE of the electorate to enforce that policy. The Legislatures have no reason to starve the administration with funds to implement the policy upon which basis they were elected."When Obama was elected the Republican congress vowed to frustrate his government and by not cooperating with him, he was barely able to be effective domestically. Presently Obama wants to normalize relationship with Cuba but without the approval of congress it has remained a bridge too far." Canice Stanley Onuoha - the earless and legless reptile.Comment:Another off on a tangent postulation by the earless and legless reptile. Look here (since you have no ears), Obama did not cruise to power on a promise to normalise relationship with Cuba. That idea came up as an on-the-job proposal, which individual members of the congress are even free to vote on conviction as opposed to party loyalty. Please we are talking about the main policy that brought Obama to power!"The American founding fathers were very particular about where power should reside and they felt that the congress is the closest will of the people and therefore should govern." - Canice Stanley Onuoha - the earless and legless reptileComment:This is altogether a different subject-matter for another day!"I need not tell you that Nigeria is practicing the same system as the Americans." - Canice Stanley Onuoha - the earless and legless reptileComment:Since you don't have ears, how can you hear what people say about the nitty-gritty of politico-systemic power in a democracy and its comparisons with systems across the globe? Difficult, init?"You see Emekna [Emeka] Oknala [Okala], you are actually the one who is a neophyte and an imbecile in this discussion. You should learn to keep quiet in matters that you are ignorant about. While you are at it, pick up a book on the The Executive System of government. - Canice Stanley Onuoha - the earless and legless reptileComment:Canice Stanley Onuoha,Go and stand before a mirror. Whatever you see there is the political neophyte and imbecile that you have talked about. Dimwit!
Emeka Reuben OkalaLondon, UK"Faith [Religion] and reason are not necessarily opposed. But when reason won't take you another step, faith keeps on going because it connects you to God."
On Tuesday, 5 July 2016, 3:54, "Wharfery Snake wharf...@yahoo.com [NIgerianWorldForum]" <NIgerianW...@yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Chief Wilson Wily Iguana,What Prof. Obi wrote is beyond your intellectual capacity. You should go to bed before you lose your feeble mind.
WS - A revered prince of Mushin.Sent from my iPad
Obi,Make you read below and ask yourself, why gari com pass water, in this case, you have no clue what you are talking about. I told you that you are a fictional writer and others are saying the same about you. You are now a "certified dunce", certify by the community in which you reside in cyberspace.Stay tuned! Iguade
Sent from my iPhoneThe guy is a storyteller, his mouth sweet. That's all.
ShikenaAfis“Just as a solid rock is not shaken by the storm, even so the wise are not affected by praise or blame.” — Dhamapada, verse 81.Sent from my iPhone
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Nixon Forces Firing of Cox; Richardson, Ruckelshaus Quit
President Abolishes Prosecutor's Office; FBI Seals Records
By Carroll Kilpatrick
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, October 21, 1973; Page A01
In the most traumatic government upheaval of the Watergate crisis, President Nixon yesterday discharged Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox and accepted the resignations of Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William D. Ruckelshaus.
The President also abolished the office of the special prosecutor and turned over to the Justice Department the entire responsibility for further investigation and prosecution of suspects and defendants in Watergate and related cases.
Shortly after the White House announcement, FBI agents sealed off the offices of Richardson and Ruckelshaus in the Justice Department and at Cox's headquarters in an office building on K Street NW.
An FBI spokesman said the agents moved in "at the request of the White House."
Agents told staff members in Cox's office they would be allowed to take out only personal papers. A Justice Department official said the FBI agents and building guards at Richardson's and Ruckelshaus' offices were there "to be sure that nothing was taken out."
Richardson resigned when Mr. Nixon instructed him to fire Cox and Richardson refused. When the President then asked Ruckelshaus to dismiss Cox, he refused, White House spokesman Ronald L. Ziegler said, and he was fired. Ruckelshaus said he resigned.
Finally, the President turned to Solicitor General Robert H. Bork, who by law becomes acting Attorney General when the Attorney General and deputy attorney general are absent, and he carried out the President's order to fire Cox. The letter from the President to Bork also said Ruckelshaus resigned.
These dramatic developments were announced at the White House at 8:25 p.m. after Cox had refused to accept or comply with the terms of an agreement worked out by the President and the Senate Watergate committee under which summarized material from the White House Watergate tapes would be turned over to Cox and the Senate committee.
In announcing the plan Friday night, the President ordered Cox to make no further effort to obtain tapes or other presidential documents.
Cox responded that he could not comply with the President's instructions and elaborated on his refusal and vowed to pursue the tape recordings at a televised news conference yesterday.
That set in motion the chain of events that resulted in the departure of Cox and the two top officials of the Justice Department and immediately raised prospects that the President himself might be impeached or forced to resign.
In a statement last night, Cox said: "Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people."
The action raised new questions as to whether Congress would proceed to confirm House Minority Leader Gerald R. Ford of Michigan to be Vice President or leave Speaker of the House Carl Albert (D-Okla.) next in line of succession to the highest office in the land.
Richardson met at the White House in the late afternoon with Mr. Nixon and at 8:25 p.m. Ziegler appeared in the White House press room to read a statement outlining the President's decisions.
The President discharged Cox because he "refused to comply with instructions" the President gave him Friday night through the Attorney General, Ziegler said.
Furthermore, Ziegler said, the office of special prosecutor was abolished and its functions have been turned over to the Department of Justice.
The department will carry out the functions of the prosecutor's office "with thoroughness and vigor," Ziegler said.
Mr. Nixon sought to avoid a constitutional confrontation by the action he announced Friday, the press secretary said, to give the courts the information from the tapes which the President had considered privileged.
That action was accepted by "responsible leaders in the Congress and in the country," Ziegler commented, but the special prosecutor "defied" the President's instructions "at a time of serious world crisis" and made it "necessary" for the President to discharge him.
Before taking action, Ziegler said, the President met with Richardson to instruct him to dismiss Cox, but Richardson felt he could not do so because it conflicted with the promise he had made to the Senate, Ziegler said.
After Richardson submitted his resignation, the President directed Ruckelshaus to dismiss Cox. When Ruckelshaus refused to carry out the President's directive, he also was "discharged," Ziegler said. The President's letter to Bork said Ruckelshaus resigned.
Mr. Nixon then directed Bork to carry out the instruction. Bork did so in a two-paragraph letter to Cox, in which he said that at the instruction of the President he was "discharging you, effective at once, from your position as special prosecutor, Watergate special prosecution force."
Bork signed his letter as "acting Attorney General."
Richardson told the President in his letter that he was resigning with "deep regret." He explained that when named Attorney General "you gave me the authority to name a special prosecutor."
"At many points throughout the nomination hearings, I reaffirmed my intention to assure the independence of the special prosecutor," Richardson said.
He said he promised that Cox would not be dismissed except for "extraordinary improprieties."
"While I fully respect the reasons that have led you to conclude that the special prosecutor must be discharged, I trust that you understand that I could not in the light of these firm and repeated commitments carry out your direction that this be done," Richardson said.
Richardson expressed "lasting gratitude" to the President, under whom he also served as under secretary of state, Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare and Secretary of Defense. He became Attorney General in May after the resignation of Richard G. Kleindienst, who explained that because of his close association with former Attorney General John N. Mitchell and others involved in Watergate he did not believe he should stay in the post and carry out their prosecution.
"It has been a privilege to share in your efforts to make the structure of world peace more stable and the structure of our own government more responsive," Richardson wrote Mr. Nixon.
"I believe profoundly in the rightness and importance of those efforts, and I trust that they will meet with increasing success in the remaining years of your presidency."
The President replied with a one-sentence letter, addressed "Dear Elliott." It said: "It is with the deepest regret and with an understanding of the circumstances which brought you to your decision that I accept your resignation."
The White House did not release an exchange of letters between Ruckelshaus and the President. But Ruckelshaus wrote a resignation letter and released it.
In a letter to Bork, the President, noting that by law he was acting Attorney General, said that Cox had "made it apparent that he will not comply with the instructions I issued to him."
"Clearly the government of the United States cannot function if employees of the executive branch are free to ignore in this fashion the instructions of the President," Mr. Nixon wrote.
"Accordingly, in your capacity of acting Attorney General, I direct you to discharge Mr. Cox immediately and to take all steps necessary to return to the Department of Justice the functions now being performed by the Watergate Special Prosecution Force.
"It is my expectation that the Department of Justice will continue with full vigor the investigations and prosecutions that had been entrusted to the Watergate special prosecution force."
At the Justice Department, where there were repeated requests by newsmen to interview Richardson and Ruckelshaus, department spokesman John W. Hushen said they had "no desire to come out and talk to newsmen."
Hushen quoted Bork: "All I will say is that I carried out the President's directive."
Hushen said that Richardson would hold a news conference "within a few days." Beginning about 8 p.m., Richardson spent an hour or so calling "relatives, friends and associates," Hushen said.
White House aides, visibly shocked by the developments, argued that when direct quotations from the presidential tapes are released they will restore confidence in the President.
Sen. John Stennis (D-Miss.), picked by Mr. Nixon to listen to all the tapes, will have "unlimited" access to the pertinent recordings and can decide what should or should not be disclosed.
Stennis is expected to begin listening to them soon, possibly early this week. Those requested by the special prosecutor run 10 hours and one minute. Stennis may decide to listen to all or parts of them more than once. He will be the only one to do so. The President's statement on the tapes and excerpts from them will be delivered to the U.S. District Court here and to the Senate Watergate committee at the same time, officials said.
UNQUOTE
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Bolaji:
The inquisitorial power of the legislature gives it certain grounds to conduct what the US Congress calls impeachment hearings, yes. Just as the President of the republic can be impeached, so also the Attorney-General, or any minister of government. And yes, we are agreed that the prosecution of crime is the duty of the executive, through the Attorney-General. I have never argued otherwise. What I have stated are (a) Parliament is the only institution empowered to conduct an investigation of the government. Sometimes that investigation can lead to prosecution, and sometimes as in the example of an impeachment process, can be, in short a prosecution. That we have agreed on, and (b) the prosecutorial function of the AG is not absolute. Unlike what Okoi believes, the AG is no law unto himself. The National Assembly has the right and the power to invite the Attorney General to clarify certain issues about government involvements in a prosecution. It might not necessarily be to ask him to withdraw a case, but to clarify the nature of the "public interest." In actual fact, as it has happened many times, if Congress seals a case, the Justice department backs off. There are numerous such cases, some of them having to do with US National security. A case already in court may most likely be abrogated by the request of Parliament, but most likely by a court, as in the case of the vexatious intervention of the AG on this alleged forgery case, because it was without grounds, and it did not comply with "public interest." The power of the Attorney-General to enter a "nolle prosequi" is precisely granted it by the very Act establishing that office, in the service of the "public interest." For instance, again, when a case has to do with the national security interest, and the matters are to be classified. Please note also that the only arm of government which defines the public interest is the elected parliament of the land. The National Assembly might also commence impeachment proceedings against the AG if it investigates its office and determines that the AG has misused his powers. That is the wide powers that the National Assembly has. And as I also have said, the AG violated the process in bringing before a court, the leadership of the Nigerian senate, in contravention of the principle of parliamentary immunity, and the sanctity of the legislative process which regulates itself through its own ethics committee. It is a misuse of legal process, and it is the obligation of the National Assembly to invite the AG to answer questions about the use of tax payers money in the possible pursuit of vendetta. Such is the right and obligation of the National Assembly. Misuse of office is corruption. So, if the Nigerian National Assembly had lived up to its constitutional mandate, there will be very little corruption in the public system. It is not the president's mandate to investigate corruption. He may be mandated to prosecute cases of corruption after the due process. His mandate is to execute the laws passed by the parliament of the land. That is my argument.
Obi Nwakanma
(a) any matter or thing with respect to which it has power to make laws, and(b) the conduct of affairs of any person, authority, ministry or government department charged, or intended to be charged, with the duty of or responsibility for -(i) executing or administering laws enacted by National Assembly, and(ii) disbursing or administering moneys appropriated or to be appropriated by the National Assembly.(2) The powers conferred on the National Assembly under the provisions of this section are exercisable only for the purpose of enabling it to -
(a) make laws with respect to any matter within its legislative competence and correct any defects in existing laws; and(b) expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it.
(a) procure all such evidence, written or oral, direct or circumstantial, as it may think necessary or desirable, and examine all persons as witnesses whose evidence may be material or relevant to the subject matter;(b) require such evidence to be given on oath;(c) summon any person in Nigeria to give evidence at any place or produce any document or other thing in his possession or under his control, and examine him as a witness and require him to produce any document or other thing in his possession or under his control, subject to all just exceptions; and(d) issue a warrant to compel the attendance of any person who, after having been summoned to attend, fails, refuses or neglects to do so and does not excuse such failure, refusal or neglect to the satisfaction of the House or the committee in question, and order him to pay all costs which may have been occasioned in compelling his attendance or by reason of his failure, refusal or neglect to obey the summons, and also to impose such fine as may be prescribed for any such failure, refused or neglect; and any fine so imposed shall be recoverable in the same manner as a fine imposed by a court of law.(2) A summons or warrant issued under this section may be served or executed by any member of the Nigeria Police Force or by any person authorised in that behalf by the President of the Senate or the Speaker of the House of Representatives, as the case may require."- Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria
I'm sad to say that Okoi has demonstrated in his response, a profound ignorance of the constitution of the federation of Nigeria, and the principles of the separation of powers that anybody who took a class in High school government ought to know. Legal training is one thing, but if it precludes ignorance of the civic process of the land, and the philosophy of its government, then I have the right to question the quality of legal training that says because the president appoints the heads of the statutory departments of the state that deal with law enforcement, that therefore gives the president the power to carry out both legislative and judicial functions. First, the laws establishing these bodies is an Act of the National Assembly, and the authority granted them is by leave of such an act. The National Assembly has the power to abrogate and defund such agencies by its powers of amendment, and as a matter of fact, redirect the issuing authority that superintends such bodies, through their power to (a) determine its means of funding, and (b) its powers to determine their uses in law. In any case, the president does not have SOLE authority in appointing, say, the Inspector-General of the Nigerian Police, he does so on "advise" of the Police Council, who may or may not agree with the presidents appointments, in which case, anybody appointed by the president without satisfying that constitutional requirement cannot be deemed to hold a legitimate position. This is the law as defined by the constitution. But I'd like to refer people to the constitutional provisions excerpted above.
The constitution of Nigeria is so very unambiguous in defining who has the power to investigate any arm of the state. The judicial committee of the National Assembly has absolute supervisory authority over the Attorney-General, whom it can summon, and whose office it may, subject to the legislative power granted the National Assembly, either impeach, abrogate, or defund, irrespective of the appointive power of the president. The constitution of the republic is clear that the National Assembly can summon any body, including the president before it, question him, and if they find him guilty of "gross misconduct" impeach him by a two-third majority. The Constitution is unambiguous in the fact that the President of senate or the Speaker of the HOR may issue a warrant to ANY member of the police Force, or any person authorized in that regard by these officers of the Legislature, including presumably a bounty hunter sworn to become a law office pro tem by a justice of the peace, to serve a warrant on anybody, including the president to appear before it. The power therefore to issue orders to the police does not reside alone in the office of the president, and may even be countermanded, by a simple declaration of the National Assembly. But specifically, the Act of the federation establishing the office of the president is clear: there is no where in the constitution that grants the president his powers which includes in the exercise of such powers, the power to investigate, and compel the probing of the finances of any department of government. It is not a constitutional mandate of the president or the Attorney General. It is the clear constitutional mandate of the National Assembly. The mandate of the president is to execute the laws as is. The constitution established the office of the Auditor-General to REPORT possible corruption in government. Such report is duly passed to the NA which immediately begins a probe of government, including a probe of the office of the president as the case may be. Failure to do this is one of the central failures of the Nigerian parliament since the return to constitutional rule.
The President and his Attorney General are required only to, following any resolutions of the NA commence prosecution of all corruptions, after due and diligent investigation before the courts. What are the standing functions of these law enforcement institutions? It is simply, to comply with the Acts of the National Assembly that established them in the first place which include (a) identifying crimes (b) anticipating the commission of crimes, and (c) securing the state against the breakdown of laws as a result of crimes, and (d) providing the evidence on behalf of the state before the courts of the land to punish crimes. Crimes covered under the Code of Conduct for public officers are also to be investigated and punished, and such punishment includes crimes committed by members of the National Assembly, including the crimes of bribery, possible, treason, and so on, covered under the criminal code, after their investigation be the ethics committees of the Senate or House. But no legislator can be arrested for debates and actions conducted in the Chambers of the Parliament, in so far as those acts, pertain to legislative function. But a president can be impeached and arrested by the order of the National Assembly. I am actually frequently embarrassed by the terrible ignorance of many a Nigerian purportedly educated, but who has never bothered to read the constitution, or who have no idea how the basic institutions of government interact and function under democracies. There are many legislators who do not understand the basic language of the constitution, and many who have never read it, and there are many still, among purportedly "educated" Nigerians who huff-and-puff about good governance, but whose limited knowledge of the process of civil governance is beneath the abilities of my Terrier. Damn! Read folks! It is not too much to ask before engaging in public discussions.Obi Nwakanma
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“And every time an African is listed as a poet in English language - a language he speaks with a heavy foreign accent - a man pushing a broom comes to mind.” Steve Kueberuwa
Steve; yours above excerpted is in reference....
I was away from the forums in the past several days returning less than an hour ago. As I deleted left and right the near two thousand mails in my inbox , yours happened to catch my attention and interest.
Man, are you really serious or simply shucking and jiving? I hope so for if not, I wonder what some of these African poets/writers, if reading you, would say for selves and their fraternity in literature:
Wole Soyinka – Noble Laureate
Kofi Awoonor
Chinua Achebe (Late)
Kwesi Brew
David Diop
Niyi Osundare
J. P. Clark (Late)
Lanre Peters
Gabriel Okara; just to mention a few of them.
Well; maybe it is colo-mentality to deride one’s own. Thought I wouldn’t associate such with you.
Mazi KC Prince Asagwara
From: NaijaP...@yahoogroups.com [mailto:NaijaP...@yahoogroups.com]
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Subject: Re: [NaijaPolitics] Re: [NIgerianWorldForum] Re: Ayo Ojutalayo: Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma)
Emeka,
It is your fault for taking Obi seriously in what he writes here. Like Joe Attueyi, he has no training for what he writes. He is a poet.
And every time an African is listed as a poet in English language - a language he speaks with a heavy foreign accent - a man pushing a broom comes to mind.
Especially, if he is a revanchist, like Obi.
As for the princely Snake, he is just funding.
Stevek.
The most dangerous trend in the world today is the growing awareness of the common man - Zbigniew Brzezinsky 1978
A wise man proportions his beliefs to the evidence - David Hume
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Ayo Ojutalayo,
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On Tue, 5 Jul, 2016 at 7:01, Rex Marinus rexma...@hotmail.com [NaijaObserver]<NaijaO...@yahoogroups.com> wrote:
Ayo Ojutalayo
“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. ” . . . Martin Luther King Jr
From: 'Chukwuemeka Okala' via NaijaEvent <naija...@googlegroups.com>
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Subject: Re: [NIgerianWorldForum] Re: Ayo Ojutalayo: Re: The president has no constitutional mandate to probe corruption (Opinion by Obi Nwakanma)
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On Tue, 5 Jul, 2016 at 7:29, 'Ayo Ojutalayo' via AfricanWorldForum<africanw...@googlegroups.com> wrote:
Obi,Is it Congress that should "investigate" forgery and stealing by politicians and government officials using select committees?
Ayo Ojutalayo
“The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy. ” . . . Martin Luther King Jr
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Sent: Tuesday, July 5, 2016 1:01 AM
Subject: [africanworldforum] Aluko and A bit of US Congressional History
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