Arms-Selling Kibbutz; Kashmir; It Takes Training, Nerve to be a
ListMeister
IN THIS MESSAGE:
* Arms-Selling Kibbutz
* Kashmir
* It Takes Training, Nerve to be a Human Shield
* In the Armed Forces, the Constitution is Suspended
* Without Hostages, Philippine Rebels are Targeted
-------------------------------------------------------
from the June 10, 2002 edition -
http://www.csmonitor.com/2002/0610/p07s01-wome.html
An arms-selling kibbutz echoes a shift in Israeli values
Riot-control equipment was shipped by an Israeli kibbutz to Zimbabwe last
month.
By Ben Lynfield | Special to The Christian Science Monitor
KIBBUTZ BEIT ALFA, ISRAEL - With its haystacks, rusting plows, and the
scent of livestock, Kibbutz Beit Alfa at first seems to resemble its
founders' vision of a model community based on agriculture.
For generations, members of this kibbutz prided themselves on their
idealism, defined themselves as a vanguard of Zionist socialism, and
believed that their effort to create a utopian community was part of a
revolution that would improve the lot of mankind.
On a stretch of land near the Jordan River Valley, they sought to create a
new species: the Hebrew farmer organically tied to the land of his
forefathers, historians say.
But 81 years later, Kibbutz Beit Alfa has an economy centered on industry
rather than agriculture, based largely on the manufacture and export of
para-military equipment, most recently a controversial deal to supply
riot-control hardware to President Robert Mugabe's pariah regime in Zimbabwe.
Beit Alfa's journey from a model of socialist agriculture to a
profit-driven exporter parallels Israel's change in values from
collectivism to capitalism and its development of a market economy
stressing a huge defense industry, analysts say.
"Like many utopias, when Beit Alfa was implemented in practice it became
part of an economic and political framework," says Yisrael Bartal, a Hebrew
University historian. "It adjusted itself to concrete reality."
The Zimbabwe deal was reported by the Ha'aretz daily newspaper to include
30 riot-control vehicles to be supplied in exchange for $14 million. The
Zimbabwe Standard reported that five vehicles arrived last month and were
part of a package that also included gas masks. Two of its journalists were
arrested for reporting on the arrival of the Beit Alfa equipment.
The sale follows supplies by Kibbutz Beit Alfa to countries including
Angola, Uganda, and Sri Lanka. In the Israel Defense Directory, published
by the defense ministry, Beit Alfa advertises its "armored personnel
carriers" and other vehicles that have been "proven in combat."
Vehicles can be equipped with a "front bulldozer" it says. The company's
website advertises a chemical additive that can be injected into water
streams to "demobilize" inmates in prison disturbances.
It was not always this way. According to the ideology of HaShomer HaZa'ir,
the "young guard" movement to which Beit Alfa's founders belonged, the
kibbutz was meant to be an archetype of a utopian socialist society.
"The principle was to work the land, that a [Jewish] nation of merchants
and luftmenschen [impractical and contemplative people without a trade]
would return to the soil," says Ely Avrahamy, a historian of kibbutzim.
But the principle was dented during World War II when kibbutzim served as
suppliers to British troops.
Beginning in the 1960s, Beit Alfa, like kibbutzim throughout the country,
began turning in earnest to industry, in line with the needs of the
national economy and for their own economic well-being, according to Mr.
Avrahamy.
"It was realized that if you wanted a high level of life, education and
culture you could not live just off of agriculture," he said. "Every
kibbutz developed a niche in industry," he adds.
At first, debates wracked kibbutzim about whether to hire outside labor for
their plants. Then the debates subsided. Beit Alfa employs about 40
residents of nearby Beit Shean and Nazareth in the factory that makes the
riot-control vehicles.
The plant, built in 1969, first produced only fire-fighting equipment,
recalled David Nahum, a veteran member of the kibbutz. "That was where the
idea of riot-dispersal equipment came from, since it also uses water
spraying," he says. Then came diversification. Much of the factory's
current work is bullet-proofing vehicles.
While the manufacturing of weapon systems is unusual for kibbutzim, the
shift from farming to more profitable ventures is not.
Avrahamy says that the emphasis of kibbutzim on making money became much
more pronounced after they fell into heavy debts in the 1980s and needed to
find ways to repay them. He says that the popularity of Milton Friedman's
economic theories at Israeli universities reverberated back onto the
kibbutzim as young members came back from studies and sought to apply their
lessons.
Mr. Nahum says that it is better that Beit Alfa's gear be used by Zimbabwe
than protesters there be faced with live fire by police, as happened during
October 2000 demonstrations by Arab citizens of Israel. "Lives could have
been saved with our equipment," he says. "We are not making anything
military," he says.
Not everyone is happy with Beit Alfa's trade with third-world regimes.
"I am absolutely against any sale of military or paramilitary equipment to
countries that abuse human rights," says Celso Garbarz, the international
secretary of HaShomer HaZa'ir. "It goes against the values of humanism."
Mr. Avrahamy, the kibbutz historian, says: "Instead of the kibbutz
influencing the society, we on the kibbutz have become ruled by a wave of
brutal capitalism and Americanization. It certainly is no cause for
happiness. I hope there will be a reverse process, with an emphasis on
humanism, not just capitalism."
Copyright 2002 The Christian Science Monitor. All rights reserved.
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ZNet Commentary
Kashmir June 10, 2002
By Charles Glass
Paris. India and Pakistan are at war. A million troops stand mobilised on
either side of the 1972 Line of Control that separates the two counties in
Kashmir. Civilians on both sides are dying in artillery exchanges.
Pakistani-armed militants have attacked Indian troops and civilians in
India. Pakistan and India have, by international consensus, at least two
hundred nuclear warheads between them. If ever the United Nations Security
Council had the obligation to invoke Article 34, calling for investigation
of disputes "likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and
security," this must be it.
So, what is happening at the UN? An emergency session, urgent discussions,
formation of a peacekeeping force, proposed sanctions for the two parties
if they escalate the conflict? Not exactly. A Reuters report conveys the
urgency: "Security Council members agree India and Pakistan's dispute over
Kashmir should be left to bilateral diplomatic efforts outside of the UN,
Syrian Ambassador Mikhail Wehbe said on Tuesday."
The UN is abdicating its legal role. In its place, bilateral diplomacy
permits the threat of nuclear war to grow. The UN Charter allows any state
(Article 35) or the Secretary General (Article 99) to place any threat to
international peace before the Security Council. No one has done so.
Instead, the United States has sent a deputy secretary of state, Richard
Armitage, and is sending Defence Secretary William Rumsfeld to discuss the
conflict with the leaders of Pakistan and India. The Russian president,
Vladimir Putin, has invited Pakistani President Pervez Musharref and Indian
Prime Atal Behari Vajpayee to Moscow. Britain has sent emissaries.
But there has been no concerted international effort to end the latest
small-scale war or to prevent a nuclear exchange that would kill millions
in both countries. The five permanent members of the UN Security Council
are not invoking international law to protect civilians from what will be a
genocide.
American diplomacy is having as much effect on India as President George
Bush's admonition to General Ariel Sharon earlier this year to withdraw his
forces from Palestinian territory "immediately," "at once," and "without
delay." If Bush was not serious about influencing a country that the US
subsidises with more than $3 billion a year, why should the Indians and
Pakistanis take his words seriously?
If the US has no influence, what can little Britain or emasculated Russia
do? At the UN, the United States, Russia, China and the rest of the world
could work together to force an agreement on two leaders who fear losing
face more than the destruction of their countries.
The United States, whose recent Nuclear Posture Review suggested options
for American first use of nuclear weapons, has created a new atmosphere.
"Resurgent American militarism is destroying arms control measures
everywhere," writes the Pakistani physicist Pervez Hoodboy of Qaid-e-Azam
University in Islamabad. "Those of us in Pakistan and India who have long
fought against nuclearisation of the subcontinent have been temporarily
rendered speechless." And defenceless.
Security Council resolutions of 1947, 1965, 1971 and 1972 established a
framework for resolving the dispute over Kashmir. Sadly, the superpowers of
the time did not encourage the UN to follow up with a full resolution of
the Kashmir dispute. The United Nations Military Observer Group in India
and Pakistan, first deployed in 1949, remains in position to become a
larger, stronger force that could help both sides to police the border.
Pakistan must prevent infiltration of India and close its insurgent bases.
India should be made to respect UN resolutions calling for a referendum in
Kashmir. Britain's India Act of 1947 gave the Kashmiris the right to choose
for themselves to be part of India or part of Pakistan. Evolution of
Kashmiri opinion since then means that any referendum must allow for a
third option: independence.
The only international forum that could discuss all the outstanding issues
and compel the parties to agree to a referendum is the United Nations. It
can impose an arms embargo and other sanctions on both India and Pakistan
if they ignore UN resolutions.
The United Nations missed a similar opportunity to prevent the planet's
last act of genocide, which took place in Rwanda in 1994. President Bill
Clinton did not want the UN to intervene. He feared that invoking the UN's
Genocide Convention would require the world community to prevent genocide
by sending American troops again to Africa in the aftermath of the debacle
he had just brought about in Somalia.
The UN commander in Rwanda, Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, had 2,500
troops. He pleaded with the chief of peacekeeping in New York for another
three thousand, plus amoured cars and other protective equipment, to
prevent the genocide that his informants assured him was on the way. His UN
force was so ill-prepared that General Dallaire cabled to the UN, "They [UN
troops] will hand over these local people for inevitable killing rather
than use their weapons to save local people."
The local UN commander in Kigali, Belgian Colonel Luc Marchal, told me
later, "I still have the feeling that we were in a desert, and that we were
trying to cry outside to get help, not only for us, but for the mission,
and for the population. During weeks and weeks, we were crying and nobody
answered us." More than 800,000 Rwandans were butchered by Hutu extremists
using rifles, machetes and knives.
The United States, Belgium and France were informed about conditions in
Rwanda. Thanks to General Dallaire, so was the head of UN peacekeeping
operations, Kofi Annan. Neither Annan nor the US ambassador to the UN,
Madeleine Albright, informed the UN or called for an emergency session.
Annan became secretary-general of the UN. Madeleine Albright was appointed
secretary of state by Bill Clinton, who went on to win a second term of
office. The lesson was: keep quiet, ignore genocide and win promotion.
Rwandans killed nearly a million of their own with primitive weapons. How
many more can Vajpayee and Musharref take with their armouries of mass
destruction? What precedent will UN inaction now set for other countries -
Russia, China or Israel - considering the quick fix of an atomic bomb or two?
Perhaps times have not changed all that much. On Armistice Day in 1948,
America's General of the Army Omar Bradley lamented, "Ours is a world of
nuclear giants and ethical infants."
======================================
Eye witness: It takes training as well as nerve to be a human shield
In an East End hall, volunteers learn to beat Israeli tanks with wallpaper
paste
http://news.independent.co.uk/uk/this_britain/story.jsp?story=303479
By Cole Moreton
09 June 2002'Not everybody has to jump in front of tanks," says Leila, a
young Palestinian, who will only give us her first name. Nervous laughter
breaks out among the 60 people in this gloomy hall in east London, where
Gandhi once slept. They are here to learn how to be human shields, trying
to prevent Israeli tanks and jets firing at homes in refugee camps on the
West Bank. Later there will be a session on "dealing with tear gas, sound
grenades, remaining sane etc".
These British volunteers intend to join the Freedom Summer, a series of
non-violent direct actions against what they perceive to be an occupying
army. Come July, they expect to be looking down the barrel of a gun, or at
the walls of an Israeli jail cell, like Josie Sandercock, the medical
researcher from Birmingham who is currently on hunger strike in Tel Aviv.
The 32-year-old was arrested last Saturday when the Israeli army moved into
a camp in Nablus. Other members of her international group are being
deported but Ms Sandercock insists she has done nothing wrong and plans not
to eat until her appeal is heard. That could take a month.
"Josie believes in doing everything totally and intensely, and I fear she
will approach this in the same way," says Dr Amanda Burl, her colleague and
friend. "We went to a peace rally together in Trafalgar Square after 11
September and she met some people from Palestine. The more she heard and
read about what was happening the more angry she became, and the more
frustrated at not being able to do anything."
The same goes for most of those around me. Some are veterans of Genoa,
Faslane, and even Greenham Common; others have never done anything like
this before. "We are not dealing with the Metropolitan Police on a May Day
action," warns Chris, an activist with the International Solidarity
Movement. Those who go to Israel will have to follow ground rules: no
violence, no abusive language, no weapons, and no alcohol or drugs during
actions. "This is the army. If you hit a soldier and they start shooting
people, you have brought that on all the others."
Nobody here is using their surname. The registration list asks only for an
email address. No photos are allowed to be taken. Photocopied handouts give
advice on how to deal with the psychological trauma of being arrested and
searched.
Chris shows a slide of protesters confronting a tank that has shot a man
dead, and pasting it with posters of his face. "They didn't do anything to
stop us," he says. "They basically retreated, because they did not want
confrontation with internationals that time. We managed to break the siege
of Nablus with a brush and some wallpaper paste."
The conflict had intensified by Easter, when the comedian Jeremy Hardy was
part of an ISM group stuck in Bethlehem as Israeli tanks rolled in. The
violent truth of what they are getting into hits people as we watch video
footage of the trip, which is meant for broadcast but has never been shown
before.
"The human shield is not something the Israelis are going to respect," says
Hardy on film, after seeing shell holes in the maternity wing of a
hospital. Next we watch his group being shot at. "I thought they were
rubber bullets," says Hardy with panic in his voice. "They are not, they
are live rounds. They are firing into the ground in front of people but the
ricochets are hitting them."
Several volunteers are wounded. The film ends with the group in a hotel
besieged by snipers, hoping for their embassies to get them out. "There is
a lot of bloodshed down in the town," says Hardy. "There are bodies in
Manger Square, a woman is dead. The plucky Brits in the hotel are not the
story b it's out there, where people are injured or dying."
The international Solidarity Movement was founded a few years ago as a
network of people from Britain, Italy, France and US, prepared to engage in
non-violent direct action. Some are in Israel today. "We are always
labelled peace activists. I find that quite frustrating," says Chris. "We
are justice activists. ISM believes that if there is justice and the
occupation is ended then peace will follow."
On Saturday afternoon we huddled together in "affinity groups" and discover
how difficult it is to make split-second decisions democratically. The
training session in non-violence degenerates into a fierce argument about
fighting back. "Suicide bombers are victims too," says a woman, and nobody
dares contradict her. In this room, the complex conflict is distorted into
good versus evil. In every role play, the villains are always the same:
dangerous soldiers and irate settlers.
Listening to Israel repeatedly branded "a terrorist state", I remember
eating a Sabbath meal with a Jewish family a few months ago, and imagine
the fireworks if they were in the room. The eldest son, Warren, was
thinking of volunteering to fight in the Israeli army. The committment
required to join either side leaves little room for doubts.
Jill got involved with the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign when she retired
from her full-time job as a teacher a year ago, and went to Ramallah in
December. "I spent my 36th wedding anniversary lying on the floor in front
of an Israeli tank," she says.
She is not so sure Nablus was really liberated by the fly posters, nor that
demolishing road blocks achieves much except the erection of replacements a
way down the road, but still thinks people should go.
"The effect on Palestinians of having foreigners with them who understand
what is happening and care about it is marvellous," she says.
Anna, a 30-year-old secretary from London, intends to give up her job to go
out with the group for a month. We eat falafels and discuss the advice not
to wear sun cream on your face, because tear gas sticks to it and burns.
Anna admits she would probably not go on hunger strike like Josie
Sandercock, but thinks she is ready to be jailed, and deported. "If that is
the worst that can happen, I will be ready. I hope." So too will the
soldiers, perhaps including their British volunteers.
===============================
US Military officer: Bush knew about impending 9/11 attacks and witheld
the information:
more
(excerpt):
>Air Force Lt. Col. Steve
Butler...
>a 24-year veteran on the verge of retirement, was suspended May 29 as vice
> chancellor for student affairs at the Defense Language Institute in
> Monterey. He faces a possible court-martial and a year in prison for
> writing a letter to a newspaper that denounced President Bush -- a letter
> claiming Bush had advance knowledge of the Sept. 11 attacks and made a
> "sleazy and contemptible" decision to withhold the information from the
public...
full article below:
WAR ON TERRORISM
Military law prohibits officer's 'contemptuous words' for Bush
Bob Egelko, Chronicle Staff Writer Sunday, June 9, 2002
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Like all other U.S. military personnel, Air Force Lt. Col. Steve Butler
took an oath to uphold the Constitution. But there's one part of the
Constitution that doesn't fully apply to him: the First Amendment.
Butler, a 24-year veteran on the verge of retirement, was suspended May 29
as vice chancellor for student affairs at the Defense Language Institute in
Monterey. He faces a possible court-martial and a year in prison for
writing a letter to a newspaper that denounced President Bush -- a letter
claiming Bush had advance knowledge of the Sept. 11 attacks and made a
"sleazy and contemptible" decision to withhold the information from the
public.
Any civilian could have written the letter without fear of legal action.
Butler faces criminal prosecution under Article 88 of the Uniform Code of
Military Justice, which prohibits commissioned officers from using
"contemptuous words" against the president, the vice president, Congress,
several Cabinet secretaries or the governor or legislature of the state
where the officer serves.
Since the current code was adopted in 1950, only one officer has been
court- martialed under Article 88: Army Lt. Henry Howe, who -- while
off-duty and in civilian clothes -- carried a sign calling President Lyndon
B. Johnson a "petty ignorant fascist" during a 1965 anti-war demonstration.
Howe was discharged and sentenced to two years in prison, but was released
after three months.
Others have been disciplined administratively, including an Air Force
general who was reprimanded, fined and forced into retirement for referring
to President Bill Clinton in a 1993 banquet speech as "gay-loving,"
"womanizing," "draft-dodging" and "pot-smoking." Military and legal
researchers say earlier versions of the ban were used to prosecute more
than 100 soldiers, mostly during the Civil War and the two World Wars.
Scholars trace the prohibition to 16th century England, where Henry VIII,
sensitive to criticism and fearful of military unrest, decreed death for
any soldier who circulated "murmurs or grudges against the king or any
person of his host."
Authorities on military law seem to agree on two points: Freedom of speech
in the armed services is more limited than in civilian life, and it does
not protect the speech that Article 88 prohibits.
"I don't know a single judge who I think would overturn the statute," said
attorney Eugene Fidell, president of the National Institute of Military
Justice, a nonprofit organization that works to improve the military
justice system.
The 1950 code limits the scope of the ban to commissioned officers. But
another provision forbidding conduct that harms "good order and discipline
in the armed forces" was used to prosecute an enlisted man who denounced
President John F. Kennedy.
Restrictions on speech and other personal liberties, like privacy, are "the
price we pay" for military service, said Fidell, who taught a course on the
subject at Yale Law School. "Article 88 is about respecting civilian
control of the military."
"That (right) is the thing you give up when you swear to uphold the
Constitution and when the Constitution or Congress gives you the power of
life and death over people," said Army Maj. Robert Bateman, a military
historian and author who has studied Article 88. "Because we are a unique
institution, we are allowed to have our own laws."
The Supreme Court has never considered Article 88, but has been deferential
to military judgment on related issues.
"The military need not encourage debate or tolerate protest to the extent
that such tolerance is required of the civilian state by the First
Amendment," Justice William Rehnquist, now the chief justice, wrote in a
1986 case.
That 5-4 ruling allowed the Air Force to prohibit Simcha Goldman, an
officer and ordained rabbi, from wearing a yarmulke while on duty at a base
hospital. Rehnquist said military officials' conclusion that uniform attire
was needed to instill "habits of discipline and unity" outweighed Goldman's
religious rights.
Another five-justice majority, also led by Rehnquist, upheld the court-
martial and imprisonment of Army Capt. Howard Levy in 1974. He had told
enlisted men in the 1960s that blacks should refuse to fight in Vietnam and
that U.S. Special Forces were "liars and thieves and killers of peasants
and murderers of women and children."
Levy was prosecuted for actions harmful to "good order and discipline" and
for "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman." He said those
provisions were so vaguely worded that military personnel would not know
what was prohibited, but the court said Levy clearly knew he was violating
the rules.
One persistent criticism of the rules is the lack of uniform enforcement
and the tendency to target small fry.
"Instead of chastising insubordinate generals, (the ban) has usually served
as an extra prop to the Army's already formidable system of internal
discipline," wrote legal scholar John Kester in a 1969 Harvard Law Review
article.
Bateman, the Army major and military historian, said he had no problem with
the prosecution of Butler, but questioned why officers who derided Clinton,
vocally and in writing, were let off with administrative sanctions.
"I think the guys who criticized Clinton should have been court-martialed
immediately," he said.
But Fidell, the National Institute of Military Justice leader, said
uniformity shouldn't be expected from the largely decentralized military
justice system, where commanding authorities generally make their own
decisions. He also predicted that Butler will escape criminal prosecution
and wind up with a reprimand.
E-mail Bob Egelko at beg...@sfchronicle.com.
====================================
June 9, 2002
Without Hostages, Philippine Rebels Are Targeted
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Filed at 4:35 p.m. ET
MANILA, Philippines (AP) -- The Philippine military stepped up its attack
Sunday on Muslim rebels considered more vulnerable now that they no longer
held hostages as human shields.
Two days after a U.S. woman was freed in a rescue mission that killed her
husband, the military said that up to 1,800 more troops were joining forces
that began attacking the Abu Sayyaf guerrillas in the jungles of three
southern islands.
``We're now operating with greater intensity,'' said Maj. Gen. Ernesto
Carolina, head of southern Philippine forces. ``We will not let them get
away with this.''
The new offensive began after troops ambushed the rebels Friday on the main
southern Philippine island of Mindanao. Two hostages died during a gun
battle: Filipino nurse Ediborah Yap, 45, and 42-year-old missionary Martin
Burnham of Wichita, Kan.
Burnham's wife, Gracia, survived the fighting with a bullet wound in her
thigh. The 43-year-old woman planned to leave for the United States on
Monday morning. Her husband's body has been flown to a U.S. base in Japan.
Carolina said the rebels were more vulnerable now that they had no
hostages. But he said the army was still reluctant to bomb them from the
air for fear of hitting pursuing troops.
The three-pronged operation was focusing on the mountainous, jungle-covered
islands of Jolo, Basilan and Mindanao. The area is in a 60-mile stretch of
the Sulu Sea in the extreme southwest of the Philippines.
On Mindanao, soldiers were hunting Abu Sayyaf leader Abu Sabaya, who fled
into dense jungle with about 40 men after the army attacked them in
Friday's rescue mission. The group has been linked to the international
al-Qaida terror network.
Other troops were hunting commander Isnilon Hapilon on Basilan. On Jolo,
they were stalking Khaddafy Janjalani, another rebel leader.
``If we get the three, the others will fall,'' Carolina said.
On Sunday, air force helicopters rocketed a southern Philippine village
inhabited by a different communist guerrilla group, killing at least nine
rebels, an official said.
Soldiers and police also captured three New People's Army rebels and seized
a large cache weapons after the attack in Dalio village in the southern
province of Sarangani, said regional police chief Bartolome Baluyot.
The Abu Sayyaf forces on Basilan and Mindanao are thought to number less
than 100 fighters, down from more than 1,000 a year ago, after steady army
attacks. Several hundred more fighters may still inhabit Jolo island.
Meanwhile, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo told reporters that U.S.
advisers who are training Philippine troops and planning missions might be
upgraded to the company level, putting them closer to the fighting.
``We will have to finish this war because terrorism is a scourge on the
Earth,'' Arroyo said.
U.S. soldiers include special operations troops, pilots, support staff and
military engineers on Basilan and western Mindanao who are on a six-month
training mission.
Their role in the new offensive wasn't immediately clear. The Americans
have used surveillance and satellite technology to help the local army, and
U.S. pilots and medics have entered combat zones to retrieve and treat
Filipino wounded.
The Americans also helped plan Friday's mission to rescue the Burnhams, who
were kidnapped May 27 last year from a southwestern resort by Sabaya's men.
Yap, a Basilan native, was kidnapped days later when the men raided a
hospital to seize staff and medicine to treat wounded rebels.
On Sunday, a white wooden coffin holding Yap's body was returned to her
hometown of Lamitan. A procession of about 100 people in cars, vans and
tricycle taxis accompanied the body.
``Finally you are home. We will always remember you,'' read one streamer
held by residents.
Arroyo met Yap's four children, between the ages of 7 and 24, at the
presidential palace. Gracia Burnham also wanted to meet the children before
she returned to America because Yap nursed the missionaries, Arroyo said.
``Even in captivity, she was doing her duty as a nurse,'' the president said.
Copyright 2002 The Associated Press
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