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Nothing is likely to be done if all one sees are challenges, constraints, and restraints. Those will always be there. The longer the one waits, the more of them there is likely to be.
It is never going to be easy to eradicate corruption in Nigeria but President Buhari must try. He promised probes. He should deliver. He has a strong wind at his back- the support of a majority of the Nigerian people. He however, must not compromise the integrity of any probe(s) by coming across as selective and possible vindictive. Such probes will be tantamount to witch-hunts and for understandable reasons too. The high and now unaffordable cost to the country of unbridled corruption, is eloquent evidence that
well executed audits/probes of past administrations (federal and state) could not be a distraction or a waste of time. That case was made in the past and corruption worsened. State governments should be probed too. They receive federal allocations do they not?
Nigerians I believe, do not want a situation where the business of governing includes selective probes.
There are some who say that Buhari should take his time. Yes he should but not more time than is necessary to start the process. They should know getting started can talk all the time allowed for it. There is never going to be perfect preparation or readiness. Buhari should act sooner than later.
oa
If only it is this simple? There are also other ways or apologies. Consider for instance a patient with cancer in multiple locations. Common sense demands that we treat all and not just the latest location. Treating only one will be useless and not cost-effective. Nigeria has cancer. That cancer is corruption. And as President Buhari rightly observed, we have to get rid of this cancer or it will kill Nigeria. And it is obvious that we cannot get rid of it by focusing only on one out of many. By the way, when there is selective justice those who know that they are protected by the selection criteria tend to engage in and continue with corrupt acts unabashed and with impunity as they are emboldened by the system. That is the answer to your question below as illustrated by thev history of Nigeria.
OU
Ben Nwabueze was answering questions he was asked by a journalist in an interview. He answered the questions he was asked. The journalist pushed back. Nwabueze responded. My reading of the interview is that the interviewer-journalist was satisfied with the answers he was given. Why accuse Nwabueze of insincerity because you do not like his answers to the questions he was asked? Is the case being made that Nwabueze cannot be sincere because he turned down the offer to chair the “National Confab” and later supported it? Is Nwabueze’s accuser privy to why he turned down the offer to serve as Chair? If he is not did he try to find out why? It is ludicrous that any Nigerian is questioning Nwabueze’s meritorious service to Nigeria. He is a trueblue patriot if there are any left.
If Nigerians have learned anything, it is that selective probes do more damage to governments’ credibility than no probes in both the short and long runs. Buhari’s was widely accused of unequal treatment of equals as Head of State 1983-85. It cost him three presidential election victories. Obasanjo’s investigations and prosecutions of public officers he did not like while ignoring and protecting those who found favor with him is another case in point. Obasanjo went after Abacha but not Babangida and Abubakar. He went after some governors and not others. Those choices and actions by him remain indelible stains on his integrity as a person and leader. They confirm his popular characterization in Nigeria, as a corrupt and shamelessly vindictive leader. Do Buhari’s supporters want the same thing for him again? Are they concerned about his legacy?
Are Buhari’s supporters making the case that there should be a statute of limitation on investigating corruption in other than the Jonathan Administration? Should a thief keep stolen property because they stole it a long time ago? Should they be allowed quiet enjoyment of their loot because of the effluxion of time? The effluxion of time does not coffer legal title to stolen government property including public funds.
The evidence is that selective probe of the stewardship of public officers has never served Nigeria well. It creates more problems that it seeks to solve. There are few more effective ways to undermine or destroy public faith, public morality, and the rule of law than the selective dispensation of justice.
No one it seems to me, is suggesting that all corrupt administrations be probed at one and same time. The hope is that Buhari will have the wisdom to treat equals (ex-military or not) as equals on a matter as grievous as the wanton theft of public funds in his present incarnation as national leader- which means according to the law, regardless of the passage of time. He suffered for failing to do so before. Buhari should know not to let the hatred of some for Jonathan set his agenda as president. He should do right for Nigeria which is what he was elected to do. It is up to him to confirm or debunk, the public perception that he is a partisan who is beholden to negative and unprogressive forces and is consequently an indentured and not a free agent.
oa
-- kenneth w. harrow faculty excellence advocate professor of english michigan state university department of english 619 red cedar road room C-614 wells hall east lansing, mi 48824 ph. 517 803 8839 har...@msu.edu
For me, selectively focusing on one regime, your predecessor's, is both a political and policy error. A political error because selectivity inadvertently draws undeserved sympathy to the political figure being selectively investigated, and stokes the familiar fault lines of our politics by engendering the perception that a particular politician and a particular region or people are being targeted. Perception they say is everything in politics, and such a perception usually helps the “selected” person being investigated or prosecuted and has the potential to undermine the case against them.
Selectivity is bad policy in this context because to support such a program with a good conscience one would have to become cognitively dissonant and believe that corruption began with Jonathan’s administration, that Halliburton never happened, that Siemens never happened, that $10 billion was never wasted and relocated to private pockets in the name of improving the energy sector under OBJ.
One would have to believe that the billions stolen in other recent regimes need not be recovered and that the culprits need not be brought to account. One would have to believe that the monies stolen under the regime of Jonathan is sufficient to fuel our developmental needs or that those stolen in other regimes are not necessary to boost our fiscal position.
Even if you believe as I do that you cannot probe every regime from independence as that is impractical and as our poor record keeping culture would make going too far back impossible, you’d still have to believe that the egregious thefts of the post 1999 period occurred only under Jonathan in order to support this selective investigative regime.
In short, to subscribe to the selective policy of one-regime probe, would have to ignore the tapestries and continuities of corruption, which cross regime lines. Many corruption schemes emanate in one regime and are them perfected and expanded in another. Others continue as webs of corrupt enrichment that successive regimes are drawn into. An arbitrary focus on one regime ignores this reality.
So, no, we cannot go all the way back, but let's have a conversation about a feasible, realistic cutoff, not an arbitrary decision driven by the anger and residual acrimony of the last election. I for one, would favor an anticorruption investigative regime that takes 1999 as its point of departure. Abacha is already well investigated and monies have been recovered from his family all over the world. We may include the short tenure of Abdulsalami and be open minded enough to follow the trail to IBB's regime in specific cases.
Alliance with the Muslim North is the only way the SW has ever had access to the centre of national power, in most periods remaining in the opposition, rarely able to break out of Yorubaland.
You are arguing whether to probe the past and where to stop in the probing of the past—off coursed infused with ethnicity as always. Why not we start with the present and stop the legal stealing from Nigeria by the legislators in the form of “legal” remuneration?
“PREMIUM TIMES analyses of the lawmakers’ pay did however not include the illegal but hefty quarterly allowances lawmakers pay themselves – they call it office running cost.
It is unclear how much it is now. In 2009, it was N192million per senator per quarter while their House of Representatives counterparts received N140 million per quarter.
Insiders say the “allowances” have increased dramatically over time. Lawmakers wouldn’t disclose how it is."”—Premium Times.
Nigeria is not a serious country. More than USD$3.2M/year (and it may even be much higher now) in allowance for each senator for a country with per capita GDP of about USD$3000—a country with GDP about the same as Walmart’s annual sales.
Assuming Premium Times has their story right, Buhari and APC can stop this madness if they wish. This is real legal corruption that APC and Buhari can stop right away. If they cannot stop this madness, how will they get anywhere with probing the past? Probe all you want, but please start with stopping this legal thievery.
A cynical but interesting perspective. The cynicism is understandable I might add.
Not much enduring good came off past probes’ attempts. They sang the same song and told the same story. Their common thread was the poison of bad faith. Grudges were settled by humiliating and punishing selected enemies and opponents. The exercises most of which were futile, were like drawing water from a well with a bucket whose bottom had fallen off. Any surprise change has remained an improbable outcome. I sit in wonder.