This examination of Islamic and Baha'i concepts of church and state
begins with a note on transliteration (p. viii), table of contents (pp.
ix-xi), forward (pp. 1-4) in which the author acknowledges his bias as a
Baha'i theologian and one writing from the progressive side of the
spectrum of Baha'i thought.
Introduction (pp. 5-31): There were transitions from Babi messianic
fervour to "Baha'u'llah's universal rationality" (p. 5) to Abdu'l Baha's
introduction of Baha'i social principles to the West to a current focus
on religion's place in society. The analogy of society as a body is
reinterpreted from previous centralized assumptions. Post modernism is
said to postdate, "the centralised and rationalised nation-state." (p 9)
In this view, society is a polysystem, that is, a system containing
areas or entire subsystems in which the laws governing the behaviour
of other parts of the system do not apply. p. 20
Current global politics encourage the publication of this volume, even
though further considerations may have enhanced it. Islamic integrists
(a term felt more descriptive than fundamentalists) and Western
Orientalists are overhasty in denying separation of church and state.
Similar haste may cause such assertions concerning the Baha'i Faith.
Exploring the actual situation may be of global benefit.
"Religion and Politics in Islamic history" (pp. 33-136): constant
assertions of Islamic theocracy in preWesternized times are met with a
survey of such times. The historical mosaic of varying personalities,
families, ethnic groups, mystical, philosophical, legalistic concepts
and associations include some portrayals of theocratic rule. The norm,
however, is on a distinction between governance and spirituality. There
is concern that leaders and lands be moral, but usually such leaders are
distinct from the religiously learned and spiritually esteemed.
Origins of Babi and Baha'i thought are introduced, the value of Abbas
Amanat's RESURRECTION AND RENEWAL stated and Baha'i separation of state
and church asserted.
Examined is the assumption that Muhammad's lifetime witnessed the
absence of church/state separation. PreIslamic Arabia is described as
stateless, tribal, void of civil law, relying on personal leadership and
vendetta for enforcement of intertribal treaty infractions.
Considered is Muhammad's refusal to assume a political role In Mecca.
The distinction is made between Muhammad's roles as arbiter of Medina's
disputes and as Prophet and head of the Islamic community. His growing
influence, even in concluding treaties, capturing Mecca and allegedly
sending messages to the great powers, is described as something other
than evidence of state activity.
The combination of church and state in the early caliphate is accepted,
but declared abnormal in Islamic history.
Koranic citations assert Muhammad's role as a messenger and arbiter.
Some urge obedience to his arbitrations. Some uphold freedom of
religion. The Koran permits an understanding of the separation of church
and state.
"Theses on church and state" (pp. 137-147): advances ten theses:
The issue of church and state is universal (and always local)...
Islamic, Christian and Jewish political theologies are a common
tradition...Shi'ism is not different...The people count...
Establishment is not the issue...In the modern state, political
participation is a religious duty...Religions do not supply society
with common values, but with virtuous individuals...Religious law is
different in nature to civil law...Good fences make good neighbours
...What God hath separated, let no modernist join together
pp. 137-147)
"Church and State in the Baha'i Writings" (pp. 149-245) is summed up in
the author's own words:
This chapter will in essence present a long compilation of selected
Baha'i Scriptures to support a point that could be adequately shown
from any one of them: that the Baha'i writings explicitly recognize
the differentiation of religion and politics as distinct spheres, the
right of each to function without interference from the other, and
the desirability of cooperation between them. p. 149
Baha'u'llah's Kitab-i-Iqan, Kitab-i-Aqdas, Ishraqat, Bisharat, Lawh i
Dunya and Abdu'l Baha's Secret Of Divine Civilization, Sermon on the Art
of Governance and Will and Testament provide much of the material for
this. Among other sources examined are Paris Talks and The Promulgation
of Universal Peace (along with their reliability issues). Passages are
also provided from the writings of Shoghi Effendi.
"The Theology of the State" (pp. 247-264) begins with four principles:
The 'kingdom' of religion is a kingdom of the heart...The civil state
is legitimately associated with force and coercion...the state and
religion are cooperative organs in society...The institutions of the
Baha'i community have no government function. p. 247
Organic unity is considered and the harmonious functioning of the
various spheres of the Baha'i system. This is expressed in a view of
dualistic complements traced to Koran 36:36 Conceptual foundations are
provided for continuing creation, the harmony of spirit and matter,
understandings transcending excessive particular attachments, etc.
Since there is no scriptural warrant for 'God the American,' 'God the
male' or 'God the Bahai,' there are no grounds for theories of
manifest destiny for any society, or for institutional distinctions
by race, sex or religion within a society. p. 259
The individual operates within various spheres of society, and, indeed,
forms society's basic unit.
"Church and State in the secondary literature" (pp. 265-368) considers
the material available to early Western Baha'is in an attempt to locate
some causes for widespread assumptions of Baha'i theocracy. The
concept's continuation, assisted by literature review (which ought to
have corrected it), is traced. Extensive revising of Esslemont's
BAHA'U'LLAH AND THE NEW ERA is noted. Reiterated is the scanty
scriptural reliance by most asserting Baha'i theocracy, e.g. pp. 296,
316, 322, and this from p. 330:
I have reviewed a good selection of the Baha'i theocratic writers,
but have not found one who bases the belief on Baha'i scriptures.
The same follows for non Baha'is (friendly or hostile) largely basing
assertions of Baha'i theocracy on Baha'i assumptions unsupported by
scripture.
The first appendix is Abdu'l Baha's "Sermon on the Art of Governance"
(pp. 369-402) introduced to p. 378 with such background information as
the anti-tobacco concession protest and the impressive poetic form of
the original. The tablet itself asserts the harmful consequence of the
religious leadership straying into politics and urges the devout to pray
for the government and obey it.
Other appendices are: "J. E. Esslemont's Conversation with Abdu'l Baha"
(p. 403), "Paris Talks p. 157ff and earlier versions" (pp. 404-409), and
"Standard Spellings" (pp. 410-412).
The Bibliography (pp. 413-428) needs an attentive reader, as only the
scriptural material is listed under primary sources. Ibn Ishraq and ibn
Khaldun are listed as secondary sources and at Tabari, for example,
seems altogether excluded.
"Scriptural Sources Cited" include Bible, Koran and Baha'i scriptures
(pp. 429-432). There is also an index.
In the context of global politics and internal Baha'i controversies this
book shines valuable light. It is highly recommended.