On 3/26/2013 11:39 PM, Bill wrote:
> On Tue, 26 Mar 2013 19:18:04 -0400, Paul F Austin
>> That's actually untrue. Whittaker Chambers described the workings of the
>> underground part of CPUSA and its responsiveness to orders from the
>> COMINTERN and Cheka. Bentley's testimony dovetailed with Chambers as well.
>
> I have no doubt that the CPUSA was acting under orders from Moscow at
> the time, I just doubt that the US authorities knew it for a fact.
>
> You also have to ask if the CPUSA were actually stupid enough to allow
> their own country's interests to be superseded by the party of another
> country, or of that's a legend that suits the governments of both
> countries to tell.
>
> While it did happen a few times in Europe, often with men who'd been
> reporting directly to Soviet agents for years, the actual Communist
> Party organisations often didn't follow the Russian line.
>
I have little knowledge of the history of European Communist Parties
save as general impressions. Does the historiography of European
Communist Parties support the notion of significant deviationism prior
to the Secret Speech in 1956? How much financial independence from the
Soviet Union did European Parties have? The CPUSA had little.
Certainly American Communists were often as committed emotionally and
religiously as any Dominican monk. As it happens, I grew up around many
devoted leftists in the 1950s so I know from experience the culture and
commitment of members of the American Old Left.
An amusing anecdote about the nimbleness of party members in following
the vagaries of the Party Line regards The Almanac Singers, a musical
group lead by Pete Seeger, a life-long Party member. In 1940, the group
produced "Songs for John Doe", an album dedicated to anti-war and
isolationist themes. After the June 22, 1941 invasion of the Soviet
Union, all copies of the album that could be found were destroyed.
That said, CPUSA, unlike the European Parties, rarely was able to
function as a conventional political party. The American Left often
shunned them, they were expelled from major labor organizations and the
one Presidential candidate, Henry Wallace, for whom the CPUSA provided
large amounts of overt organization and support, didn't prosper from
that support.
Party and COMINTERN archives that became available in the West in 1992
clearly show the subordination of CPUSA to COMINTERN orders and Soviet
interests. Where parochial CPUSA interests and policy conflicted with
COMINTERN direction, CPUSA's interests and policy lost and any Party
member who failed to nimbly conform to the new Line was expelled from
the Party.
The COMINTERN maintained a Department of International Relations (OMS)
that was from the mid-1930s directed by Mikhail Triliser, head of the
OGPU's foreign espionage operations. OMS maintained covert
communications between the COMINTERN and each of the national political
parties. Communications between CPUSA and the COMINTERN took place using
those channels and those of Soviet intelligence apparat more or less
interchangeably. After the dissolution of the COMINTERN in 1943, the
CPSU took over these communications links directly.
The Party's cadre were often required (by the Party) to conceal their
membership, move to locations and take overt jobs that served the secret
interests of the Soviet covert intelligence operations and provide
courier and safe house support for such operations. The Party paid small
amounts to secret members to support such operations. In aggregate the
costs of the secret Party were very large, larger than the overt Party
could support.
Financially, CPUSA was both heavily dependent on subsidies from the the
Soviet Union throughout its history and subject to detailed direction in
the use of both Soviet and internally-raised funds. While initially,
Soviet funds moved to other national Parties through COMINTERN, after
the mid-1930s, subsidies were moved through and budgeted through the
NKVD. Documentation of the amounts of subsidies through these channels
are not available but the redirection was noted in archives available to
Russian historians (but not Westerners).
Soviet subsidies of CPUSA continued and expanded during the 1950s and
'60s, increasing to a million dollars in 1965. FBI informants carried
$28M from Soviet sources to CPUSA from 1958 to 1980. All foreign parties
received a total of over $200M from the Soviet Union during the 1980s,
according to Russian Deputy Prosecutor-General Yevgeny Lisov.
So in summary, the CPUSA was subject to party discipline directed from
Moscow that including expulsion of leaders who failed to conform to the
current Line, conducted widespread covert operations in support of
Soviet intelligence operations, communicated covertly with and received
financial aid and direction from the Soviet Union over decades. Does
this seem to be a conventional political party that put its nations
interests above those of another nation?
Paul