Ethiopian troops invade Somalia towns; arrest
mako...@netcom13.netcom.com
http://www.oromia.org/Oromia_Online_News.htm
aasm...@my-deja.com
Yyyeeeemmmmereeee Alllliiii... Please make him cry in public!
(do I have my Latin down or what?)
Sent via Deja.com http://www.deja.com/
Share what you know. Learn what you don't.
mohammed hussein
Communication generally involves the
exchange of information....it seems
that you have much to learn in this regard
----Original Message Follows----
From: "aasm...@my-deja.com" <aasm...@my-deja.com>
Reply-To: "soc.cultu...@list.deja.com"
<soc.cultu...@list.deja.com>
To: "soc.cultu...@list.deja.com" <soc.cultu...@list.deja.com>
Subject: Re: Ethiopian troops invade Somalia towns; arrest
Date: Fri, 27 Aug 1999 00:56:55 GMT
Message from the Deja.com forum:
soc.culture.somalia
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somali_f...@my-deja.com
somali_f...@my-deja.com
Dearest Folks,
Regarding the above subject, we would like to invite anyone with the
background of marine science or fisheries related subject who may
interest working together a new launched society named: Somali
Fisheries Society (SFS)which further information can be found this
website: http://somali-fisheries.homepage.com -Email: somali-
fish...@mailcity.com.
SFS is a professional non-governmental association which is supposed to
represent both Somalia's marine and fisheries professionals. Because of
lack of oriented professionals, we have put forward to work as much as
possible and would like to share with one who may interest in working
together to make this dream true.
Despite SFS is new, it hopes to promote scientific research and
enlighten management of resources for optimum use. It also targets to
cover the gap created by lack of central government to pioneer
research.
THE SOCIETY'S GOALS
The primary objective of our society include the following:
1. To provide effective interaction and cooperation among business
sector and marine scientists who involve in fisheries development in
Somalia in the wake of lack of unified central government.
2. To create and propagate awareness of the importance and ways of
sound utilization, cultivation, conservation, and development of
aquatic resources in the country.
3. To advocate against the illegal fishing and environmental hazard
that threaten Somalia's marine resources.
4. To promote and involve research with the help of local and
international non-govermental organizations.
5. To provide further opportunities as approperiate for marine and
fisheries scientists to foregather by holding of meetings, symposia,
workshops, conferences or other relevant gatherings.
6. Addressing important issues related to marine and fisheries in the
country as well as in the region.
Further information contact: somali-f...@mailcity.com
Regards
Mahamud Hassan Tako
The president
Somali Fisheries Society
Dayax Telecom Branch
Ferra Somalo
P. O. Box 333
Dubai U.A.E.
mako...@netcom13.netcom.com
: What was the point of your message?
: Communication generally involves the
: exchange of information....it seems
: that you have much to learn in this regard
Dear Mohammed,
You have to understand that the guy is a Habash and he has 3,000 more
years to go to learn how to communicate with humans.
Makobili
aasm...@my-deja.com
A stinking tribalist Nazi!
mohammed hussein
being as bigoted as you appear. However,
I am freinds with many ethiopians and
don't share your sentiments on this topic.
----Original Message Follows----
From: "mako...@netcom13.netcom.com" <mako...@netcom13.netcom.com>
Reply-To: "soc.cultu...@list.deja.com"
<soc.cultu...@list.deja.com>
To: "soc.cultu...@list.deja.com" <soc.cultu...@list.deja.com>
Subject: Re: Ethiopian troops invade Somalia towns; arrest
Date: 28 Aug 1999 01:38:30 GMT
Message from the Deja.com forum:
soc.culture.somalia
Your subscription is set to individual email delivery
Dear Mohammed,
Makobili
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OGADENIA
You forgot to say he has 6,000 more years to go to become a human....
mgh_...@my-deja.com
Renewed interest in the situation in Somalia
Somalia Liaison Office
September 2, 1999
YOUR EXCELLENCIES, We, the undersigned concerned Somali political
leaders, have read Your Excellency's report of 16 August, 99, to the
Security Council about the situation in Somalia, with keen interest. We
are pleased with the United Nations renewed interest in the situation
in Somalia.
However, with due respect we would like to be frank, but modest in our
submission appeal for Your Excellency's patience. The international
community, by and large represented by the United Nations vis-a-vis
Somalia, have over the years been repeatedly begging the question for
the solution of the Somali problems. They have kept telling the Somalis
to settle their problems while at the same time ignoring to curb
interference by external actors into the domestic affairs of Somalia
which have continued to fish in the latter's troubled waters. This
foreign interference has since become a pattern of common practice by
the government of neighboring Ethiopia in the face of the United
Nations implicit policy of laissez faire.
This Ethiopian interference in the form of overt military incursions
into Somalia, supply of armament to some Somali groups to encourage
hostilities and instability in the country continues unabated and
aborts any chances of a settlement. Ethiopia's official policy, as
demonstrated by its own actions shown here below, is committed to
thwarting the emergence of an effective central authority in Somalia
for its own geopolitical interests. This is the reflection of a long-
standing Ethiopian policy of expansionism. In September 1945, the
Ethiopian government of Emperor Haile Sellassie submitted a memorandum
to the then Peace Council (foreign ministers of the victor powers in
the Second World War) who were meeting in London. The Memorandum urged
that Eritrea and ex- Italian Somaliland should be handed to
Ethiopia, 'not as recompense for the ten years struggle against the
Axis, but as territories incontestably belonging to the Ethiopian
Empire since before the Christian era'. (Reference: Ex-Italian
Somaliland by the pro Ethiopian, Sylvia Pankhurst, page 217).
Historically, there had been no such thing as Ethiopia before the last
few centuries A.C., but an Abyssinia instead, which only composed of
the Amhara and Tigre territories. Nevertheless, the mythical claim
underlines an expansionist policy, which has not changed to this day
and which has now been revived and emboldened by the current situation
in Somalia.
Given the bitter history since the beginning to the sixteen-century
A.C., of enmity and perennial mistrust between our two peoples,
Ethiopia would be the lease likely honest broker in the Somalia
reconciliation process. The O.A.U. acted without circumspection by
mandating Ethiopia with the handling of the Somali problems. However,
the mandate is both legally and morally invalid, because:
a. Somalia is not a dependent territory, but a sovereign state and
members of the United Nations, despite the temporary absence from the
international fora of a legally recognized government. Therefore, there
is not entity legally empowered to mandate it to another without the
consent of the Somali people. And, b. Ethiopia is poised to exploit
Somalia's current situation for its own geopolitical and expansionist
policies and entrusting the latter's fate to the former would be
morally a mockery. The so-called mandate is, therefore, neither
acceptable nor binding on the Somali people.
In nutshell, Ethiopia:
1. Has since August 1996 made unprovoked incursions into Somalia and
lastly now practically occupies the three Somali regions of Gedo, Bay
and Bakol and threatens several other areas. Those military incursions
have claimed hundreds of lives, most of them non-combatant civilians,
damages to property and sacrilege to Mosques and other Islamic
scriptures.
2. Has been supplying armament to some groups and individuals since No.
1996 to encourage continuation of hostilities in the country and retard
indefinitely the process of reconciliation. This is a gross violation
of the UN Security Council arms embargo. The quantities of know
deliveries of small arms up to April this year are as follows:
a) To Egal 5,000 pieces of AK-47 rifles b) Abdullahi Yusuf 4,000 pieces
of AK-47 plus some mortars. The quantity earmarked was nine thousand
pieces, etc, and the balance might have been delivered.
c) 'RRR' 2,000 pieces of AK-47 rifles, plus six mounted anti-tanks.
d) 'Morgan' 1,600 pieces, plus six 106 anti-tanks. e) Ahmed Sh.Burale
500 pieces of AK-47 rifles, plus some mortars. f) Omar Hashi Aden 1,500
pieces of AK-47 rifles g) Hussein Bod and Musa Sudi twice seven truck
loads during Nov-Dec 1996 and April 1999.The international media as
shown below has 2000. reported the quantities of the first consignment
and the second consignment is expected to be similar.
All the above arms delivered have been accompanied by abundant
quantities of the corresponding types of ammunition.
The following independent press reports corroborate with Ethiopia's
arms supplies:-
(i) Africa confidential, Vol.38 (2) PP. 2-3, January 17, 1997. "The
seven truck loads which arrived from Ethiopia's military base of
Shilabo included one (truck) of Kalashnikov, plus 30 tons of
ammunition, 20 tons of anti-tank and mortar rounds and 20 tons of
missiles."
(ii) Horn of Africa Bulletin, 5/97,p., 19, "The situation deteriorated
in areas... often fuelled by arms from Addis Ababa. In defiance of the
United Nations policy, Ethiopian rewarded some.... Factions with
substantial weapons consignments. Several recipients promptly put some
on sale... where they were acquired by Ethiopia's opponents including
Hussein Aideed."
3. Ethiopia's has proliferated the number of Somali political
organizations from sixteen who had signed the Addis Ababa Peace
Agreement in March 1993 to twenty-six during the Sodere meeting in
November, 1996. This unilateral proliferation on the part of the
Ethiopian government was in violation of consensus reached by the
signatories of the above Agreement to restrict any increase of new
factions, because of the past bitter experiences. Any such increase
would be subjected to the full consensus of the signatories. Ethiopia
thus unraveled the spirit of the above Addis Ababa Peace Agreement
which it had co-midwived. In here Memorandum (Annex II) Ethiopian
officials seem to complain about proliferation of initiatives in the
Somali reconciliation process, forgetting that they were the ones who
had proliferated these initiatives in the first place. In October 1996
President Daniel Arap Moi of neighbouring Kenya brought together three
key players in the then continued hostilities in the Somali capital and
got then sign an Understanding for peace, primarily aimed at resolving
problems specific to the capital. This was to be the first step towards
an eventual settlement of the long dragging Somali crises. Upon
announcement of this process over the median and even before the ink
was dry, Ethiopia hurriedly organized to convene a counter meeting.
They not only invited the three signatories of the Nairobi Understand,
among may others, but also impertinently pressured them while they were
still the guests of the most senior and elderly African statesman,
President Moi. We believe that president Moi's initiative could have
succeeded if the Ethiopians would give it a chance, because not only
President Moi was sincere, but we could also enjoy the trust of the
Somali people.
Ethiopia has always wanted its monopoly over the Somali problems so
that its geopolitical policies could become realizable while neither
Kenya nor Egypt has any geopolitical interest against Somalia. In fact
we always welcome IGAD's collective role in the Somali reconciliation
and peace processes, but we do object Ethiopia's singularity or leading
role in this process, which may decide the future destiny of the Somali
people. The Ethiopian Government does not enjoy our trust for the
reasons stated.
We have not had the benefit of perusing the Djibouti peace plan
mentioned in the Report, (Para.10) on its entirety. However, a few of
the proposals stated there in are objectionable, e.g. representative
councils based on region. Before the military takeover in 1969, the
administrative division of the country was eight regions. The number of
the regions was later increased to eighteen by the military regime.
That over one hundred percent was far from equitably balanced. This
proposal is therefore the least acceptable. In our view, the Cairo
Declaration, which is both community and clan based, offers a framework
as basis of an agenda for a National Reconciliation Conference (NRC).
The Cairo Declaration was the product of the joint efforts and
agreement of the two main hitherto opposing political camps. It is
therefore a unique and culmination of all the previous initiatives in
the Somali reconciliation/peace process, viz: Nairobi (October 1996),
Sodere (Nov.96-Jan.97), Sana'a (April May 1997) and finally Cairo Nov.-
Dec.97). All the essential structures have been worked out. The main
features of these structures include: - A Transitional Charter to be
approved by a NRC. Formation of Presidential Council to be elected by
the NRC. The council then elects its chairman who also plays the role
of the head of state. Election of a prime Minister also by the NRC, but
his government is approved the Presidential Council in the first
instance; thereafter it will be answerable to a Constituent Assembly as
soon as the latter becomes functional. Establishment of the constituent
Assembly whose distribution has been agreed upon, taking minority
interests into consideration. The establishment of an independent
judiciary. Federalism as the future system of governance. The Cairo
Declaration offers practical basis for an agenda for a NRC. All that
remains to be done is the choice of a new venue, because Baidoa, which
was chosen by the Cairo Somali Meeting, is now under Ethiopian
occupation. A venue in a Somali environment will be preferable but this
may cause a bit more delay because of the scarcity of the necessary
infrastructures. Any venue outside the country must have the consensus
of all the Somali groups rather than an imposition as a fait accompli.
Another Djibouti proposal (Para 10) concerns the participation of the
civil society. This in principle has never been objectionable. However,
objection would arise over their selection (s). Any such nomination by
foreigners will not be acceptable. In our view theses matters should
best be left to the Somali People.
The proposal also includes a suggestion for the creation of an upper
chamber for the traditional elders. The role of the traditional elders
is apolitical in accordance with the Somali cultural values and should
remain so, for the paramount interest of the Somali people. The
decision of the traditional elders is always based on acceptable Somali
values and is fair and just. This will not be the case if these elders
become involved in politics, because they will be bound to take sides
in controversial political issues and thus face losing their important
traditional role. This is a phenomenon esoterically Somali in which
whimsical proposals from outside are not helpful. The role of these
elders is so important outside the political arena and this is one of
the main reasons that Somalia still runs despite the absence of a
central authority for almost the last ten years. The creation of an
Upper House is therefore uncalled for at this stage. The emphasis
should be on the restoration of central authority and normalcy in
Somalia.
The positions taken by the ACP EU council (Para. 11 of the report); by
the League of Arab States (Para.12) and by the OIC (Para.13) are all
positive and we have noted them with satisfaction. The basis of the
reconciliation process should be the unity of the nations and the
country and on the basis of national structures, which existed at the
overthrow of the previous regime, at end of January 1991. And not upon
consideration of any new entities which have developed since the
collapse of the nations state. The so-called building block approach is
an Ethiopian brain-child, through which it encourages the development
of mini clan based fiefdoms to under cut national cohesiveness and thus
weaken any future central authority. It is therefore utterly
unacceptable. The Cairo Declaration, which we recommend as basis of an
agenda for a national reconciliation conference, stipulates federal
governance which should suffice to safeguard the interests of the
constituent units. The most important thins now, is the restoration of
central authority, which will then address all internal anomalies and
other issues. We have noted with interest your Under-Secretary's
assurance (Para.40) of United Nations commitment to a political
solution (of the Somali problems).
However, as Your Excellency knows only too well, political solution is
dependent upon the attainment of a secured environment. In this vein,
when the Security Council fails to enforce its own resolution on arms
embargo on Somalia in the face of Ethiopian violations since 1996, it
is not re-assuring how much reliance can be attached to above
assurance. The United Nations had found easier to intervene in Somalia,
but now finds hard to protect it from external aggression. The
Ethiopian incursions into Somali territories during the last more that
three years have been well covered by the international media and was
even the subject of recent BBC interview of renown correspondent,
Patrick Jukes, after his return from a visit to Somalia., Needles to
say, Ethiopian aggression, including continued incursions,
destabilization and gross violation of the Security Council's arms
embargo in Somalia is a common knowledge to all concern. Only the
United Nations is not sure (Para.30, 36,68,etc of the Report) because,
in our view they prefer to look the other side. We earnestly request
and submit, even if only for the record that the United Nations use
their good offices and other means at their disposal to remove
Ethiopians forces from Somali territories and restore respect for
sovereignty and territorial integrity. Please accept Your Excellency
and the assurances of our highest consideration.
Ali Mahdi Mohamed, Co-chairman, National Co-ordination Committee
Hussein Mohamed Aidid, Co-ordination Committee National Co-ordination
Committee