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Kill Bill: Sid Harth

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navanavonmilita

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Apr 11, 2010, 10:41:17 AM4/11/10

Kill Bill: Sid Harth

Fresh cracks in BJP over Women's Bill
11 Apr 2010, 1459 hrs IST

On the eve of Parliament reconvening for the Budget session, cracks
have once again surfaced with the BJP over the contentious issue of
OBC quotas in the Women's Reservation Bill.

BJP's deputy leader in the Lok Sabha and one of their vice presidents,
Gopinath Munde, has created a bit of a stir saying that though he
knows the party's position on the Women's Reservation Bill he will
still lay the proposal of OBC quotas before the party.

Munde was speaking at a felicitation function organised by the All
India Muslim OBC Organisation at Birla Matoshree Auditorium, Mumbai.
Munde's comments are significant as he is deputy leader in the Lok
sabha where the Bill goes next for a vote.

Munde speaking on quota for OBC said, "There is a demand by the OBC
community to have an OBC reservation in the Women's Reservation Bill.
I have conveyed that my party has a different stand on this issue, but
I have assured them that I will put forth this demand to my party."

While the BJP and Left parties supported the UPA government in passing
the women's reservation bill reserving 33 per cent seats for women in
the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, parties like RJD and SP staunchly
opposed it. The BJP is against any quota within quota in the Bill.

An all-party meeting called earlier to break the logjam over the bill
failed as differences persisted, with Trinamool Congress joining
Samajwadi Party, RJD and JD(U) opposing the proposed legislation in
the present form. This has prompted even UPA allies and those
supporting the proposed legislation not to rush through its
introduction till there is consensus.

Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee earlier held two-hour-long
deliberations with leaders of SP, RJD, JD(U), BSP, who are strongly
opposed to 33 per cent reservation for women in Lok Sabha and
Assemblies as envisaged in the bill.

Munde, Bhujbal one in demanding census for OBCs

Gopinath Munde's statement that he was willing to work under the
leadership of NCP's Chhagan Bhujbal for the rights of OBCs has created
a buzz in state political circles.

Munde's announcement at a function here yesterday that he was willing
to work under Bhujbal's leadership in a national movement of OBCs is
also seen as the BJP leader's acceptance that Bhujbal was the leader
of OBCs in the state.

Sharing the dais, both Munde and Bhujbal were vocal, demanding that
other backward classes count be included during the ongoing census
exercise.

Munde shared the stage with Bhujbal a week after he remarked that he
should have stayed with the RSS instead of graduating to Jan Sangh
during Emergency days.

"Perhaps I should have gone back to RSS. I could have done many other
things. But now it's too late. You can enter BJP, there is no exit
route," Munde had said.

When Nitin Gadkari, his junior in the state politics, was made BJP
president, Munde was made party's deputy leader in the Lok Sabha and
appointed Chairman of Parliament's Public Accounts Committee (PAC).

On his recent remarks, political observers feel that Munde is not too
happy in BJP.

It is to be seen what happens after yesterday's sharing the dais of
Bhujbal and Munde.

http://www.timesnow.tv/Fresh-cracks-in-BJP-over-Womens-Bill/articleshow/4342739.cms

Congress: No consensus on Women's Bill
5 Apr 2010, 1402 hrs IST

The all-party meeting called by Union Finance Minister Pranab
Mukherjee to discuss the Women's Bill has ended without any
consensus.

The meeting was convened by Pranab Mukherjee and was attended by
political leaders from the Lok Sabha, including P Chidambaram, A K
Antony, T R Baalu, Mamata Banerjee, Veerappa Moily, Lalu Prasad,
Sharad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, and Prithviraj Chavan among
others.

The meeting was held against the backdrop of the Government's
assurance to hold consultations with political parties before the bill
is tabled in the Lok Sabha. The Bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha
last month.

The Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal reiterated yesterday
(April 4) that they would convey their strong opposition to the Bill
at this meeting. Parties like the SP, BSP and RJD continue to oppose
the Bill in its present form, demanding 'quota within quota' for
backward classes and the minority Muslim community.

While the Congress does enjoy the majority in the Lok Sabha currently,
with 441 members out of a total 544 members in support of the Women's
Reservation Bill while only 83 are against - they plan to push for the
legislation at the earliest with the knowledge that if the SP, BSP and
RJD parties withdraw support and if Mamata Bannerjee's Trinamool
Congress also withdraws support on the Bill, they would lose the
majority.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4342281.cms

Congress attempts 'consensus' on Women's Reservation Bill
5 Apr 2010, 0840 hrs IST

The Congress is anxious to forge a consensus in favour of the
legislation on the Women's Reservation Bill in the Lok Sabha, even as
detractors are hardening their stand against the proposal which
provides for 33% reservation for women in the Parliament and state
assemblies. In the latest development, Finance Minister Pranab
Mukherjee is holding an all-party meeting today (April 5) on the
issue.

The Samajwadi Party and the Rashtriya Janata Dal announced yesterday
(April 4) that they are preparing to convey their strong opposition to
the Bill at this meeting, which comes against the backdrop of the
Government's assurance that it will hold consultations with all
political parties before the Bill is tabled in the Lok Sabha.

The bill was passed by the Rajya Sabha last month. The SP and RJD
continue to oppose the Bill in its present form, demanding 'quota
within quota' for backward classes and the minority Muslim community.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4342244.cms

Women's Bill abiding commitment of Cong: Sonia
12 Mar 2010, 1838 hrs IST, AGENCIES

Congress President Sonia Gandhi today said the Women's Reservation
Bill was part of the abiding commitment of the party to the
empowerment of the aam aadmi (common man) along with several other
legislations of the government.

Addressing the party general secretaries, senior members and PCC
presidents on how to commemorate the 125 th foundation day of the
party, she said, "Our abiding commitment to the empowerment of the aam
aadmi must be conveyed with clarity."

She said, "The Right to Information marked a revolutionary step for
transparent governance...The NREGA empowered the rural masses with
guaranteed right to work. The right to education will provide quality
primary education to all our children and now, the Women's Reservation
Bill - when it comes to fruition it would be realisation of Rajivji's
vision to empower women politically".

Describing the completion of 125 years of the party's existence as a
"momentous occasion", she said for the people of India and thousands
of Congressmen and women across the country, it is time to recall the
struggle.

"No other party can claim to have a legacy as rich as ours," she said,
referring to the freedom struggle under the leadership of Mahatma
Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and his colleagues.

All AICC general secretaries, including Rahul Gandhi, PCC presidents,
party in-charge of various states and office-bearers of the committee
to celebrate 125th anniversary were present in the meeting.

Gandhi said the party's 125th anniversary falls in the first year of
the second term of Congress led UPA government and holds special
political significance for it.

Referring to the 2009 Lok Sabha election results, she said it was an
affirmation of the abiding faith of the Indian people in the values
and programmes, policy of inclusive growth and for the welfare of the
'aam aadmi' of Congress.

"This is the time for consolidation and an opportunity to reach out to
each section of society, in each region of the country and connect
with the masses," she said, adding, "Our young people must be made
aware of the history of the struggle for independence. We need to
reach out to them as they hold the key to future".

The Congress President said that the AICC has taken a decision to
launch a year-long commemoration by holding a special public function
at Jallianwalla Bagh in Amritsar on April 13.

She said the AICC National Prepatory Committee has drawn up a list of
historical landmarks in the freedom struggle - major satyagrahas
launched by Mahatma Gandhi at Dandi, Champaran, Bardoli, Kheda, the
Quit India call and the call for Sampoorna Swaraj.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340455.cms

Women's Bill: Govt bows to opposition pressure?
11 Mar 2010, 1422 hrs IST

The stand-off over Women's Reservation Bill ended on Thursday (March
11) with government announcing that the proposed legislation would be
brought in the Lok Sabha only after consultations with all sections.

The breakthrough came after SP chief Mulayam Singh Yadav, RJD leader
Lalu Prasad and JD(U) President Sharad Yadav, the three strong
opponents of the bill, met Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee.

Trinamool Congress leader Mamata Banerjee, NCP chief Sharad Pawar and
DMK leader T R Baalu also attended the meeting.

During the meeting, "some sort of assurance was sought on the progress
of the Constitution Amendment Bill (Women's Reservation Bill) before
bringing it to the Lok Sabha. Government will complete the process of
consultations with all concerned," Mukherjee said in a statement in
the Lok Sabha after his discussions.

"I think, this assurance would assuage the feelings of all members and
the business would be conducted smoothly," he said, when the House re-
assembled after two adjournments on the issue.

The stand-off over the bill prevented normal functioning of the Lok
Sabha for the last four days as those opposed to it have been
disrupting the House.

"I would like to inform members that it has been agreed to conduct
smooth business of the House for the remaining period," Mukherjee
said.

"I would request colleagues to help the Chair to conduct normal
business," he said.

The statement by the Leader of the House came at 2 PM after two
adjournments following uproar over the bill. Normalcy was restored
soon after and discussion on General Budget, which had got delayed
because of acrimony, was taken up.

Earlier, after his meeting with Mukherjee, Sharad Yadav said the
government had assured those opposing the bill that all sections of
the House will be consulted before bringing the measure in Lok
Sabha.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340342.cms

Women's Bill: Leaders working out breakthrough?
11 Mar 2010, 1313 hrs IST, AGENCIES

Unable to make their point over Women's Reservation Bill during the
business hours, proponents and opponents of the legislation on
Thursday (March 11) used the adjournment periods in Lok Sabha to
convince each other about their views. As the Lok Sabha was adjourned
at 11.40 AM for 20 minutes following uproar by members of SP, RJD and
JD-U, who are opposed to the bill, hectic activities were witnessed in
the House.

Members from various parties were seen approaching those of others to
convince them about their points of view on the bill that has already
been passed by the Rajya Sabha and is to be introduced in the Lok
Sabha. Clusters of members, cutting across party lines, were seen
holding consultations.

RJD Chief Lalu Prasad and Samajwadi Party President Mulayam Singh
Yadav walked up to UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi, apparently to
persuade her not to press the bill. Gandhi was joined by Leader of the
House Pranab Mukherjee and they together tried to convince the
opponents to give up their resistance.

"Aap inki baat suniye (listen to him)," Gandhi was heard telling
Prasad and Yadav while pointing towards Mukherjee.

Trinamool Congress President Mamata Banerjee, whose party did not
participate in voting in Rajya Sabha in protest against the bill, also
joined them and was significantly seen as acting as a mediator. She
goaded Prasad to tell his point of view to Gandhi.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340336.cms

70% BJP MPs against Women's Bill?
11 Mar 2010, 1021 hrs IST

Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha and BJP MP Sushma Swaraj has
held a meeting on Thursday (March 11) of party Members of Parliament
after reports that a majority of BJP MPs were unhappy with the Women's
Reservation Bill.

The meeting comes days before the Bill is set to be introduced for
discussion and voting in the Lok Sabha.

"We will issue a whip to party MPs when the bill comes up in Lok
Sabha," Swaraj said after the meeting.

Prominent among those opposing the bill are MP from Gorakhpur, Yogi
Adityanath, former union minister Hukumdeo Narayan Yadav, an old
socialist from Janata Dal parivar, and party's chief whip in the Lok
Sabha Ramesh Bais.

The party's chief whip meanwhile denied the reports of cracks within
the party, saying though there could be personal differences; the
party's support for the Bill has been stated unequivocally and could
not be rescinded since the Bill had already been passed in Rajya Sabha
with the help of the BJP's consent.

The BJP's chief whip has denied reports of that a majority of the
party's MPs want to go against Bill in the Lok Sabha. Admitting that
there is a lot of resentment against the Bill among many MPs, and that
this has been conveyed to the party high command, the whip said,
regardless of what individuals may feel, their personal opinions
cannot supersede the party line - that BJP supports Women's
reservation.

"Now that the Bill has been passed in the Rajya Sabha with the help of
the BJP, there is no point in thinking about the ifs and buts. Our
party will support the Bill in the Lok Sabha," BJP Chief Whip Ramesh
Bais said adding top leaders of the party had assured that grievances
of the MPs would be addressed.

Reports say BJP MPs are suspicious and resentful about the
Constitution Amendment Bill as women's quota would challenge their own
political futures in their respective constituencies.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340324.cms

Cong, BJP issue whip on Women's Bill
5 Mar 2010, 1718 hrs IST

Supporting "fully" the Women's Reservation Bill, the Congress and the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on Friday (March 5) issued a whip to
party members to be present in Rajya Sabha on Monday (March 8) when
the house takes it up for discussion.

BJP sources said a meeting was convened by Parliamentary Affairs
minister Pawan Kumar Bansal with representatives from various
political parties to urge them to issue a whip to their members for
passage of the bill in the upper house of Parliament on Monday,
International Women's Day.

"A whip has been issued to party MPs to be present in the house on
Monday," BJP senior leader Arun Jaitley said in New Delhi. Asked about
the party's stance on the bill, he said the BJP supported it fully.
"It (the bill) is a long standing commitment. We support it fully," he
said.

But, while this move unites the opposition and the government, the
usual opposers continue to maintain their stand.

Left parties also support the Womens Bill.

The magic figure to pass the bill stands at 155 and right now the
figure of those in favour is 164.

In Lok Sabha, there is comfortable majority of 410 votes in favour of
Bill Once passed in RS, Bill will be introduced in LS to make it a
law. Women's Reservation Bill was 1st introduced in 1996. Since then,
the Bill was tabled thrice in Parliament in 1998, 1999 and 2008.

This Monday it might be the biggest breakthrough after a decade and
history is in the making.

SP, JD (U), RJD, TMC and BSP are against the Bill. Those opposed to
Bill want quota within quota for SC, ST, OBCs. They have vowed to
oppose the Bill in its present form. They are demanding a quota within
the quota for women from backward classes.

Lalu Prasad Yadav, RJD Chief, said his party would oppose the Bill. He
said, "Why is the government in a hurry? Let leaders of all parties
take a unanimous decision. The voice of 80% of the population is being
ignored."

Women's Bill in this very session, says PM

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh today said the Women's Reservation Bill
would be taken up in Parliament during the current session, amid
indication that it would be brought in Rajya Sabha on March 8, the
International Women's Day.

Announcing this while replying to the debate on the Motion of Thanks
on the President's address, Singh sought the support of members on
this important legislation.

"We introduced the Womens Reservation Bill in the Rajya Sabha in May,
2008. We have already considered the Report of the Standing Committee
of Parliament on this bill. I sincerely hope that members would
support the bill, as it would be the strongest affirmation of our
commitment to the empowerment of women," he said.

The Prime Minister's announcement, which was welcomed with thumping of
desks by several members, came close on the heels of Union Minister
Prithviraj Chavan saying in the Rajya Sabha that the measure was on
next week's agenda for the House.

Parliamentary Affairs Minister P K Bansal has already given hints that
the bill would be taken up in Rajya Sabha on March 8. It is for the
government to decide the business after getting approval from the
Business Advisory Committee.

Congress President Sonia Gandhi has already said that she personally
attaches the "highest importance" to the bill, which seeks to reserve
33 per cent seats for women in Lok Sabha and state Assemblies.

Singh's statement showed that the government was determined to go
ahead with the Women's Reservation Bill despite opposition from
certain parties like RJD, SP and JD(U) and sees no problem in its
passage.

Owaisi to oppose Bill

Terming the Women's Reservation Bill as "regressive", Hyderbad MP
Asaduddin Owaisi claimed that it was not in the interest of Muslims.
"If the bill is passed then less number of Muslim will be able to come
to the House. I would oppose it," AIMIM MP told reporters outside
parliament.

Owaisi, however, said "the UPA government has undertaken some good
steps for Mulsims like introducing scholarship scheme but the proposed
bill is a regressive step by the government."

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4339928.cms

'Two more years to implement Women's Reservation Bill'
11 Mar 2010, 0818 hrs IST

After all the drama surrounding the landmark Women's Reservation Bill,
Union Law Minister Veerappa Moily says it will take more than two
years for the legislation to get implemented.

Moily said that the Bill would take a minimum of two and half years
from now to become a law and be implemented, due to the long
subsequent legislative and other processes associated with it.

However, the Law Minister said that he is confident that the
reservation of seats for women in Lok Sabha will definitely be in
place before the next Lok Sabha elections in 2014.

Explaining the process, Moily said once Lok Sabha passes the Bill and
the President signs it, the Bill will be sent to all the states for
ratification. At least 14 of the 28 states will have to ratify the
legislation for it to become a law. Moily has said that this process
alone may take upto 9 months.

Apart from reserving seats in Lok Sabha, the Constitution Amendment
Bill, which was passed by Rajya Sabha on Wednesday (March 10), seeks
to provide reservation for women in 1,370 out of a total of 4,109
seats in 28 assemblies.

The principle of reservation of seats for women will also apply to
seats reserved for SC/ST candidates.

The Bill also provides for rotation of seats reserved for women every
Lok Sabha.

"It will take a minimum of two years. Just like the delimitation
process, a commission or a committee, it will take two to two-and-a-
half years from now. The process is such," said the Law Minister.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340307.cms

Introduction of Women's Bill may take time
10 Mar 2010, 1922 hrs IST

TIMES NOW on Wednesday (March 10) have learnt that the Government
wants time before it introduces the Women's Bill in the Lok Sabha.
Sources said that there is no question on the Government’s intent but
it wants time as it does not want to rock the boat just yet. The
Women's Reservation Bill, which has been passed by Rajya Sabha, may be
tabled in Lok Sabha on March 15 or 16 but a final decision on it will
be taken by the Business Advisory Committee which meets on Friday. The
bill was passed in the Rajya Sabha yesterday with overwhelming
majority, with 191 voting in favour and only one against among those
present in the House.

Earlier, replying to questions, Moily said the bill could be tabled on
March 15 or March 16. "The BAC is meeting on Friday. It will have to
decide the date," Law Minister M Veerappa Moily told reporters when
asked when the Constitution (108th Amendment) bill would be tabled in
the Lower House. He expressed confidence that the bill that provides
for 33 per cent reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state
assemblies would have a smooth sailing in the Lower House of
Parliament too.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340277.cms

Women's Bill row: MPs protest eviction of 7 RS members
10 Mar 2010, 1551 hrs IST, AGENCIES
Members of SP, RJD and JD(U) disrupted Lok Sabha proceedings for the
third day on Wednesday (March 10)over the Women's Reservation Bill and
the forcible eviction of their colleagues in the Rajya Sabha.

Virtually no business could be transacted due to pandemonium in the
House, which had to be adjourned twice till 1400 hours and finally for
the day when it reassembled. Only one question could be taken up.

As soon as the House met for the day, members belonging to SP, RJD and
JD(U) led by Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad and Sharad Yadav rushed
to the well and disrupted proceedings.

They shouted 'marshal bulao' (call the marshals) to protest the
eviction of their party colleagues in the Rajya Sabha, forcing Speaker
Meira Kumar to adjourn the House first during Question Hour and later
at noon.

The Speaker could not even order the laying of papers due to the
vociferous protests. Noticing the aggressive mood, Kumar adjourned the
House almost immediately after she came in.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi, Leader of
the House Pranab Mukherjee and Leader of Opposition Sushma Swaraj were
present.

When the House was not in session, Yadav and Prasad were seen urging
Swaraj to take up the issue of using marshals to remove the seven
suspended members from Rajya Sabha yesterday and BJP member Yashwant
Sinha was heard asking them to go the President and withdraw their
support to the UPA.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340256.cms

Want all party meet on Women's Bill: Mamata
10 Mar 2010, 1220 hrs IST, AGENCIES

Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday (March 10)
defended her party's decision to abstain from voting on the Women's
Reservation Bill in the Rajya Sabha but said she was in favour of the
Constitutional amendment. "Our party is committed to the Bill. We will
do it," she told reporters outside Parliament.

But at the same time, she was critical of the "communication gap"
before the Bill was put to vote in Rajya Sabha yesterday.

"In Rajya Sabha we have two members. We were not informed... there was
communication gap," she said.

She said during the meeting of allies with Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh, it was decided to call for an all party meeting (on the Bill)
where her party could also raise the issue of including minorities in
women's reservation.

"But no (all party) meeting was called later. We had no information,"
Mamata said.

When pointed that Left was taking all the credit for the successful
passage of the Bill in the Upper House, she said Left never wanted
quota for women in the Rajya Sabha as it was
against letting common women enter the Upper House.

"They only want their cadre to enter the Rajya Sabha. They do not want
common women to enter the Upper House," Mamata said.

She also said her party has repeatedly asked quota for women in Rajya
Sabha.

Yesterday, Trinamool MP Dinesh Trivedi had said his party chief wanted
the views of the Dalits, OBCs and Muslims to be taken on board. "But
unfortunately that did not happen. Trinamool Congress is for debate
and discussion," he had said.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340241.cms

Day later, Mulayam and Lalu back down?
10 Mar 2010, 1018 hrs IST
A day after RJD Chief Lalu Prasad and SP supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav
threatened to ask for a no confidence motion against the government,
the Yadav duo seem to have backed down on the demand of doing so. In
what seems to be a clear turnaround from angry threats yesterday, both
leaders on Wednesday (March 10) seemed to have tempered down.

Mulayam Singh Yadav and Lalu Prasad, the two strong opponents of the
women's bill, said they were "as of now" not considering the issue of
bringing a no-confidence motion in Lok Sabha, saying they did not have
the numbers for it.

"Nothing as of now, we need to decide it among ourselves first and
then only we can bring it (a no-confidence motion). We don't have
enough MPs of our own," Mulayam, whose Samajwadi Party has 21 members
in Lok Sabha, said.

On whether he was planning to carry out his threat to withdraw outside
support to the UPA, the SP supremo said, "There is no question of
meeting the President now." He did not elaborate.

On the issue of no-trust motion, Lalu Prasad, whose RJD has four
members in the Lower House, said, "There is no such decision. It is
wrong information. We have only four MPs and, therefore, where is the
question of no-confidence motion," he said.

He, however, said that his party has sought a meeting with President
Pratibha Patil but has not been allotted a time as yet.

Earlier, RJD Chief Lalu Prasad and Mulayam Singh Yadav threatened a
"jihad" even as they said the government consult all parties to hammer
out an acceptable proposal.

They threatened to withdraw support to UPA, warning that an agitation
like in 1977 would be launched. "This government will not last five
years," the Yadav duo said.

http://www.timesnow.tv/articleshow/4340231.cms

Jethmalani's article on Hindutva 'complimentary', says Advani
11 Apr 2010, 1824 hrs IST, AGENCIES

Senior BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani on Sunday (April 11) indicated
that the party needs to work more to explain to the people that
Hindutva and Indian secularism are synonymous. Referring to an article
by his former Cabinet colleague and senior lawyer Ram Jethmalani in a
magazine, Advani said in his latest blog posting: "the title of this
article 'Hindutva is not property of BJP' sounds provocative. Some of
my party colleagues may take umbrage and presume the article is
critical. It is not. It is complimentary."

The Chairman of the BJP Parliamentary Party quoted Jethmalani as
saying "It is a pity that the BJP has not been able to explain to
people that Hindutva and Indian secularism are practically synonyms."
Pointing out that "indeed, the stress is on Indian secularism having
its roots in Hindutva", the BJP leader recalled that Jethmalani had
argued Shiv Sena leader Manohar Joshi's case in the Supreme Court and
secured a landmark judgement on Hindutva in which the court had
observed "Hindutva is a way of life or state of mind and cannot be
understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism".

Advani also mentions about a book authored by Newsweek International's
editor Fareed Zakaria. "He has repeatedly emphasised that Hinduism is
not a religion in the 'Abrahamic' sense of the word," he said
referring to 'The Post American World'. "Zakaria argues that it is
this non-doctrinaire character that gives Hinduism its absorptive and
assimilative power. I hold that it is this Hindu ethos that accounts
for the success of both democracy as well as secularism in India," he
said in his blog titled 'The roots of democracy and secularism'.

http://www.timesnow.tv/Jethmalanis-article-on-Hindutva-complimentary-says-Advani/articleshow/4342752.cms

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Women in India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Aishwarya Rai Bachchan is often cited by the media as the most
beautiful woman in the world.[1][2][3]Women in...

The status of women in India has been subject to many great changes
over the past few millennia. From equal status with men in ancient
times[4] through the low points of the medieval period,[5] to the
promotion of equal rights by many reformers, the history of women in
India has been eventful. In modern India, women have adorned high
offices in India including that of the President, Prime minister,
Speaker of the Lok Sabha etc.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women%27s_rights

History

There are very few texts specifically dealing with the role of women;
an important exception is the strIdharmapaddhati of Tryambakayajvan,
an official at Thanjavur around c.1730. The text compiles strictures
on womenly behaviour dating back to the Apastamba sutra (c. 4th c.
BCE).[6] The opening verse goes:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thanjavur
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apastamba

mukhyo dharmaH smr^tiShu vihito bhartr^shushruShANam hi :
the primary duty of women is enjoined to be service to one's husband.
where the term shushruShA (lit. "desire to hear") covers a range of
meanings from the devotee's homage to god, or the obsequieous service
of a slave.[7]

Ancient India

Scholars believe that in ancient India, the women enjoyed equal status
with men in all fields of life.[4] However, some others hold
contrasting views.[8] Works by ancient Indian grammarians such as
Patanjali and Katyayana suggest that women were educated in the early
Vedic period[9][10] Rigvedic verses suggest that the women married at
a mature age and were probably free to select their husband.[11]
Scriptures such as Rig Veda and Upanishads mention several women sages
and seers, notably Gargi and Maitreyi.[12]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gender_equality
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patanjali
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Katyayana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedic_period
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rig_Veda
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Upanishad
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maitreyi

Some kingdoms in the ancient India had traditions such as nagarvadhu
("bride of the city"). Women competed to win the coveted title of the
nagarvadhu. Amrapali is the most famous example of a nagarvadhu.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nagarvadhu
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ambapali

According to studies, women enjoyed equal status and rights during the
early Vedic period.[13] However, later (approximately 500 B.C.), the
status of women began to decline with the Smritis (esp. Manusmriti)
and with the Islamic invasion of Babur and the Mughal empire and later
Christianity curtailing women's freedom and rights.[5]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedic_period
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smriti
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manusmriti
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babur
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mughal_Empire

Although reformatory movements such as Jainism allowed women to be
admitted to the religious order, by and large, the women in India
faced confinement and restrictions.[13] The practice of child
marriages is believed to have started from around sixth century.[14]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Child_marriage

Medieval period

Krishna at Goddesss Radharani's feetThe Indian woman's position in the
society further deteriorated during the medieval period[4][5] when
Sati, child marriages and a ban on widow remarriages became part of
social life in India. The Muslim conquest in the Indian subcontinent
brought the purdah practice in the Indian society. Among the Rajputs
of Rajasthan, the Jauhar was practised. In some parts of India, the
Devadasis or the temple women were sexually exploited. Polygamy was
widely practised esp. among Hindu Kshatriya rulers.[14] In many Muslim
families, women were restricted to Zenana areas.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muslim_conquest_in_the_Indian_subcontinent
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajput
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jauhar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devadasi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zenana

In spite of these conditions, some women execeled in the fields of
politics, literature, education and religion.[5] Razia Sultana became
the only woman monarch to have ever ruled Delhi. The Gond queen
Durgavati ruled for fifteen years, before she lost her life in a
battle with Mughal emperor Akbar's general Asaf Khan in 1564. Chand
Bibi defended Ahmednagar against the mighty Mughal forces of Akbar in
1590s. Jehangir's wife Nur Jehan effectively wielded imperial power
and was recognized as the real force behind the Mughal throne. The
Mughal princesses Jahanara and Zebunnissa were well-known poets, and
also influenced the ruling administration Shivaji's mother, Jijabai
was deputed as queen regent, because of her ability as a warrior and
an administrator. In South India, many women administered villages,
towns, divisions and heralded social and religious institutions.[14]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Razia_Sultana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gondi_people
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Durgavati
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chand_Bibi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ahmednagar_Sultanate
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nur_Jehan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jijabai

The Bhakti movements tried to restore women's status and questioned
some of the forms of oppression.[13] Mirabai, a female saint-poet, was
one of the most important Bhakti movement figures. Some other female
saint-poets from this period include Akka Mahadevi, Rami Janabai and
Lal Ded. Bhakti sects within Hinduism such as the Mahanubhav, Varkari
and many others were principle movements within the Hindu fold to
openly advocate social justice and equality between men and women.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhakti
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mirabai
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akka_Mahadevi
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Ded

Shortly after the Bhakti movement, Guru Nanak, the first Guru of Sikhs
also preached the message of equality between men and women. He
advocated that women be allowed to lead religious assemblies; to
perform and lead congregational hymn singing called Kirtan or Bhajan;
become members of religious management committees; to lead armies on
the battlefield; have equality in marriage, and equality in Amrit
(Baptism). Other Sikh Gurus also preached against the discrimination
against women.

See also: Women in Sikhism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Women_in_Sikhism

Historical practices

Traditions such as sati, jauhar, and devadasi have been banned and are
largely defunct in modern India. However, some cases of these
practices are still found in remote parts of India. The purdah is
still practiced by many Indian women, and child marriage remains
prevalent despite it being an illegal practice, especially under
current Indian laws.

Sati

Sati is an old, largely defunct custom, in which the widow was
immolated alive on her husband's funeral pyre. Although the act was
supposed to be a voluntary on the widow's part, it is believed to have
been sometimes forced on the widow. It was abolished by the British in
1829. There have been around forty reported cases of sati since
independence.[15] In 1987, the Roop Kanwar case of Rajasthan led to
The Commission of Sati (Prevention) Act.[16]
J
auhar

Jauhar refers to the practice of the voluntary immolation of all the
wives and daughters of defeated warriors, in order to avoid capture
and consequent molestation by the enemy. The practice was followed by
the wives of defeated Rajput rulers, who are known to place a high
premium on honour.

Purdah

Purdah is the practice of requiring women to cover their bodies so as
to cover their skin and conceal their form. It imposes restrictions on
the mobility of women, it curtails their right to interact freely and
it is a symbol of the subordination of women. It does not reflect the
religious teachings of either Hinduism or Islam, contrary to common
belief, although misconception has occurred due to the ignorance and
prejudices of religious leaders of both faiths.

Devadasis

Devadasi is a religious practice in some parts of southern India, in
which women are "married" to a deity or temple. The ritual was well
established by the 10th century A.D.[17] In the later period, the
illegitimate sexual exploitation of the devadasi's became a norm in
some parts of India.

British rule

European scholars observed in the 19th century Hindu women are
"naturally chaste" and "more virtuous" than other women.[18] During
the British Raj, many reformers such as Ram Mohan Roy, Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar, Jyotirao Phule etc. fought for the upliftment of women.
While this list might suggest that there was no positive British
contribution during the Raj era, that is not entirely so, since
missionaries' wives like Martha Mault née Mead and her daughter Eliza
Caldwell née Mault are rightly remembered for pioneering the education
and training of girls in south India - a practise that initially met
with local resistance, as it flew in the face of tradition. Raja
Rammohan Roy's efforts led to the abolition of the Sati practice under
Governor-General William Cavendish-Bentinck in 1829. Ishwar Chandra
Vidyasagar's crusade for the improvement in condition of widows led to
the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856. Many women reformers such as Pandita
Ramabai also helped the cause of women upliftment.

Kittur Chennamma, the queen of the princely state Kittur in Karnataka,
led an armed rebellion against the British in response to the Doctrine
of lapse. Abbakka Rani the queen of coastal Karnataka led the defence
against invading European armies notably the Portugese in 16th
century. Rani Lakshmi Bai, the Queen of Jhansi, led the Indian
Rebellion of 1857 against the British. She is now widely considered as
a nationalist hero. Begum Hazrat Mahal, the co-ruler of Awadh, was
another ruler who led the revolt of 1857. She refused the deals with
the British and later retreated to Nepal. The Begums of Bhopal were
also few of the notable female rulers during this period. They did not
observe purdah and were trained in martial arts.

Chandramukhi Basu, Kadambini Ganguly and Anandi Gopal Joshi were few
of the earliest Indian women to obtain educational degrees.

In 1917, the first women's delegation met the Secretary of State to
demand women's political rights, supported by the Indian National
Congress. The All India Women's Education Conference was held in Pune
in 1927.[13] In 1929, the Child Marriage Restraint Act was passed,
stipulating fourteen as the minimum age of marriage for a girl through
the efforts of Mahomed Ali Jinnah.[13][19] Though Mahatma Gandhi
himself married at the age of thirteen, he later urged people to
boycott child marriages and called upon the young men to marry the
child widows.[20]

Women played an important part in India's independence struggle. Some
of the famous freedom fighters include Bhikaji Cama, Dr. Annie Besant,
Pritilata Waddedar, Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, Anjali
Ammal, Aruna Asaf Ali, Sucheta Kriplani and Kasturba Gandhi. Other
notable names include Muthulakshmi Reddy, Durgabai Deshmukh etc. The
Rani of Jhansi Regiment of Subhash Chandra Bose's Indian National Army
consisted entirely of women including Captain Lakshmi Sahgal. Sarojini
Naidu, a poet and a freedom fighter, was the first Indian woman to
become the President of the Indian National Congress and the first
woman to become the governor of a state in India.

Independent India

Women in India now participate in all activities such as education,
politics, media, art and culture, service sectors, science and
technology, etc.[5]

The Constitution of India guarantees to all Indian women equality
(Article 14), no discrimination by the State (Article 15(1)), equality
of opportunity (Article 16), equal pay for equal work (Article 39(d)).
In addition, it allows special provisions to be made by the State in
favour of women and children (Article 15(3)), renounces practices
derogatory to the dignity of women (Article 51(A) (e)), and also
allows for provisions to be made by the State for securing just and
humane conditions of work and for maternity relief. (Article 42).[21]

The feminist activism in India picked up momentum during later 1970s.
One of the first national level issues that brought the women's groups
together was the Mathura rape case. The acquittal of policemen accused
of raping a young girl Mathura in a police station, led to a wide-
scale protests in 1979–1980. The protests were widely covered in the
national media, and forced the Government to amend the Evidence Act,
the Criminal Procedure Code and the Indian Penal Code and introduce
the category of custodial rape.[21] Female activists united over
issues such as female infanticide, gender bias, women health, and
female literacy.

Since alcoholism is often associated with violence against women in
India,[22] many women groups launched anti-liquor campaigns in Andhra
Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and other
states.[21] Many Indian Muslim women have questioned the fundamental
leaders' interpretation of women's rights under the Shariat law and
have criticized the triple talaq system.[13]

In 1990s, grants from foreign donor agencies enabled the formation of
new women-oriented NGOs. Self-help groups and NGOs such as Self
Employed Women's Association (SEWA) have played a major role in
women's rights in India. Many women have emerged as leaders of local
movements. For example, Medha Patkar of the Narmada Bachao Andolan.

The Government of India declared 2001 as the Year of Women's
Empowerment (Swashakti).[13] The National Policy For The Empowerment
Of Women came was passed in 2001.[23]

In 2006, the case of a Muslim rape victim called Imrana was
highlighted in the media. Imrana was raped by her father-in-law. The
pronouncement of some Muslim clerics that Imrana should marry her
father-in-law led to widespread protests and finally Imrana's father-
in-law was given a prison term of 10 years, The verdict was welcomed
by many women's groups and the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
[24]

Timeline

The steady change in their position can be highlighted by looking at
what has been achieved by women in the country:

1879:John Elliot Drinkwater Bethune established the Bethune School in
1849, which developed into the Bethune College in 1879, thus becoming
the first women's college in India.
1883: Chandramukhi Basu and Kadambini Ganguly became the first female
graduates of India and the British Empire.
1886: Kadambini Ganguly and Anandi Gopal Joshi became the first women
from India to be trained in Western medicine.
1905: Suzanne RD Tata becomes the first Indian woman to drive a car.
[25]
1916: The first women's university, SNDT Women's University, was
founded on June 2, 1916 by the social reformer Dhondo Keshav Karve
with just five students.
1917: Annie Besant became the first female president of the Indian
National Congress.
1919: For her distinguished social service, Pandita Ramabai became the
first Indian woman to be awarded the Kaiser-i-Hind by the British
Raj.
1925: Sarojini Naidu became the first Indian born female president of
the Indian National Congress
1927: The All India Women's Conference was founded.
1944: Asima Chatterjee became the first Indian woman to be conferred
the Doctorate of Science by an Indian university
1947: On August 15, 1947, following independence, Sarojini Naidu
became the governor of the United Provinces, and in the process became
India's first woman governor.
1951: Prem Mathur becomes the first Indian women commercial pilot of
the Deccan Airways
1953: Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit became the first woman (and first Indian)
president of the United Nations General Assembly
1959: Anna Chandy becomes the first Indian woman judge of a High Court
(Kerala High Court)[26]
1963:Sucheta Kriplani became the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the
first woman to hold that position in any Indian state.
1966: Captain Durga Banerjee becomes the first Indian woman pilot of
the state airline, Indian Airlines.
1966: Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay wins Ramon Magsaysay award for
community leadership.
1966: Indira Gandhi becomes the first woman Prime Minister of India
1970: Kamaljit Sandhu becomes the first Indian woman to win a Gold in
the Asian Games
1972: Kiran Bedi becomes the first female recruit to join the Indian
Police Service.[27]
1979: Mother Teresa wins the Nobel Peace Prize, becoming the first
Indian female citizen to do so.
1984: On May 23, Bachendri Pal became the first Indian woman to climb
Mount Everest.
1989: Justice M. Fathima Beevi becomes the first woman judge of the
Supreme Court of India.[28]
1997: Kalpana Chawla becomes the first India-born woman to go into
space.[29]
1992: Priya Jhingan becomes the first lady cadet to join the Indian
Army (later commissioned on March 6, 1993)[30]
1994: Harita Kaur Deol becomes the first Indian woman pilot in the
Indian Air Force (IAF), on a solo flight.
2000: Karnam Malleswari became the first Indian woman to win an
Olympic medal (bronze medal in the 2000 Summer Olympics at Sydney)
2002: Lakshmi Sahgal became the first Indian woman to run for the post
of President of India.
2004: Punita Arora became the first woman in the Indian Army to don
the highest rank of Lieutenant General.
2007: Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak became the first Indian woman to be
appointed as University Professor at an Ivy League university
(Columbia University).
2007: Pratibha Patil becomes the first woman President of India.
2008: Renu Khator became the first India born woman to lead a major
American university, the University of Houston.
2009: Meira Kumar became the first woman Speaker of Lok Sabha, the
lower house in Indian Parliament

Culture

Sari (a single piece of a long cloth wound around the body) and salwar
kameez are worn by women all over India. Bindi is part of the women's
make-up. Traditionally, the red bindi and sindhur were worn only by
the married Hindu women, but now they has become a part of women's
fashion.[31]

Rangoli (or Kolam) is a traditional art very popular among Indian
women.

Education and economic development

According to 1992-93 figures, only 9.2% of the households in India
were female-headed. However, approximately 35% of the households below
the poverty line were found to be female-headed.[32]

Education

Though it is gradually rising, the female literacy rate in India is
lower than the male literacy rate. Compared to boys, far fewer girls
are enrolled in the schools, and many of them drop out.[21] According
to the National Sample Survey Data of 1997, only the states of Kerala
and Mizoram have approached universal female literacy rates. According
to majority of the scholars, the major factor behind the improved
social and economic status of women in Kerala is literacy.[21]

Under Non-Formal Education programme (NFE), about 40% of the centers
in states and 10% of the centers in UTs are exclusively reserved for
females.[citation needed] As of 2000, about 0.3 million NFE centers
were catering to about 7.42 million children, out of which about 0.12
million were exclusively for girls.[citation needed] In urban India,
girls are nearly at par with the boys in terms of education. However,
in rural India girls continue to be less educated than the boys.

According to a 1998 report by U.S. Department of Commerce, the chief
barrier to female education in India are inadequate school facilities
(such as sanitary facilities), shortage of female teachers and gender
bias in curriculum (majority of the female characters being depicted
as weak and helpless).[33]

Workforce participation

Contrary to the common perception, a large percent of women in India
work.[34] The National data collection agencies accept the fact that
there is a serious under-estimation of women's contribution as workers.
[21] However, there are far fewer women in the paid workforce than
there are men. In urban India Women have impressive number in the
workforce. As an example at software industry 30% of the workforce is
female. They are at par with their male counter parts in terms of
wages, position at the work place.

In rural India, agriculture and allied industrial sectors employ as
much as 89.5% of the total female labour.[32] In overall farm
production, women's average contribution is estimated at 55% to 66% of
the total labour. According to a 1991 World Bank report, women
accounted for 94% of total employment in dairy production in India.
Women constitute 51% of the total employed in forest-based small-scale
enterprises.[32]

One of the most famous female business success stories is the Shri
Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad. In 2006, Kiran Mazumdar-Shaw, who
started Biocon - one of India's first biotech companies, was rated
India's richest woman. Lalita Gupte and Kalpana Morparia (both were
the only businesswomen in India who made the list of the Forbes
World's Most Powerful Women), run India's second-largest bank, ICICI
Bank.[35]

Land and property rights

In most Indian families , women do not own any property in their own
names, and do not get a share of parental property.[21] Due to weak
enforcement of laws protecting them, women continue to have little
access to land and property.[36] In fact, some of the laws
discriminate against women, when it comes to land and property rights.

The Hindu personal laws of mid-1956s (applied to Hindus, Buddhists,
Sikhs and Jains) gave women rights to inheritance. However, the sons
had an independent share in the ancestral property, while the
daughters' shares were based on the share received by their father.
Hence, a father could effectively disinherit a daughter by renouncing
his share of the ancestral property, but the son will continue to have
a share in his own right. Additionally, married daughters, even those
facing marital harassment, had no residential rights in the ancestral
home. After amendment of Hindu laws in 2005, now women in have been
provided the same status as that of men.[37]

In 1986, the Supreme Court of India ruled that Shah Bano, an old
divorced Muslim woman was eligible for maintenance money. However, the
decision was vociferously opposed by fundamentalist Muslim leaders,
who alleged that the court was interfering in their personal law. The
Union Government subsequently passed the Muslim Women's (Protection of
Rights Upon Divorce) Act.[38]

Similarly, the Christian women have struggled over years for equal
rights of divorce and succession. In 1994, all the churches, jointly
with women's organisations, drew up a draft law called the Christian
Marriage and Matrimonial Causes Bill. However, the government has
still not amended the relevant laws.[13]

Crimes against women

Police records show high incidence of crimes against women in India.
The National Crime Records Bureau reported in 1998 that the growth
rate of crimes against women would be higher than the population
growth rate by 2010.[21] Earlier, many cases were not registered with
the police due to the social stigma attached to rape and molestation
cases. Official statistics show that there has been a dramatic
increase in the number of reported crimes against women.[21]

Sexual harassment

Half of the total number of crimes against women reported in 1990
related to molestation and harassment at the workplace.[21] Eve
teasing is a euphemism used for sexual harassment or molestation of
women by men. Many activists blame the rising incidents of sexual
harassment against women on the influence of "Western culture". In
1987, The Indecent Representation of Women (Prohibition) Act was
passed[39] to prohibit indecent representation of women through
advertisements or in publications, writings, paintings, figures or in
any other manner.

In 1997, in a landmark judgement, the Supreme Court of India took a
strong stand against sexual harassment of women in the workplace. The
Court also laid down detailed guidelines for prevention and redressal
of grievances. The National Commission for Women subsequently
elaborated these guidelines into a Code of Conduct for employers.[21]

Dowry

Main articles: Dowry, Dowry death, and Dowry law in India

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dowry
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dowry_death
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dowry_law_in_India

In 1961, the Government of India passed the Dowry Prohibition Act,[40]
making the dowry demands in wedding arrangements illegal. However,
many cases of dowry-related domestic violence, suicides and murders
have been reported. In the 1980s, numerous such cases were reported.
[34]

In 1985, the Dowry Prohibition (maintenance of lists of presents to
the bride and bridegroom) rules were framed.[41] According to these
rules, a signed list of presents given at the time of the marriage to
the bride and the bridegroom should be maintained. The list should
contain a brief description of each present, its approximate value,
the name of whoever has given the present and his/her relationship to
the person. However, such rules are hardly enforced.

A 1997 report[42] claimed that at least 5,000 women die each year
because of dowry deaths, and at least a dozen die each day in 'kitchen
fires' thought to be intentional. The term for this is "bride burning"
and is criticized within India itself. Amongst the urban educated,
such dowry abuse has reduced considerably.

Child marriage

Child marriage has been traditionally prevalent in India and continues
to this day. Historically, young girls would live with their parents
till they reached puberty. In the past, the child widows were
condemned to a life of great agony, shaving heads, living in
isolation, and shunned by the society.[20] Although child marriage was
outlawed in 1860, it is still a common practice.[43]

According to UNICEF’s “State of the World’s Children-2009” report, 47%
of India's women aged 20–24 were married before the legal age of 18,
with 56% in rural areas.[44] The report also showed that 40% of the
world's child marriages occur in India.[45]

Female infanticides and sex selective abortions
Main article: Sex-selective abortion and infanticide
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sex-selective_abortion_and_infanticide

India has a highly masculine sex ratio, the chief reason being that
many women die before reaching adulthood.[21] Tribal societies in
India have a less masculine sex ratio than all other caste groups.
This, in spite of the fact that tribal communities have far lower
levels of income, literacy and health facilities.[21] It is therefore
suggested by many experts, that the highly masculine sex ratio in
India can be attributed to female infanticides and sex-selective
abortions.

All medical tests that can be used to determine the sex of the child
have been banned in India, due to incidents of these tests being used
to get rid of unwanted female children before birth. Female
infanticide (killing of girl infants) is still prevalent in some rural
areas.[21] The abuse of the dowry tradition has been one of the main
reasons for sex-selective abortions and female infanticides in India.

Domestic violence

The incidents of domestic violence are higher among the lower Socio-
Economic Classes (SECs).[citation needed] The Protection of Women from
Domestic Violence Act, 2005 came into force on October 26, 2006.

Trafficking

The Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act was passed in 1956.[46] However
many cases of trafficking of young girls and women have been reported.
These women are either forced into prostitution, domestic work or
child labor.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_trafficking
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Child_labor

Other concerns

Health

The average female life expectancy today in India is low compared to
many countries, but it has shown gradual improvement over the years.
In many families, especially rural ones, the girls and women face
nutritional discrimination within the family, and are anaemic and
malnourished.[21]

The maternal mortality in India is the second highest in the world.
[13] Only 42% of births in the country are supervised by health
professionals. Most women deliver with help from women in the family
who often lack the skills and resources to save the mother's life if
it is in danger.[21] According to UNDP Human Development Report
(1997), 88% of pregnant women (age 15-49) were found to be suffering
from anemia.[32]

Family planning

The average woman in rural areas of India has little or no control
over her reproductivity. Women, particularly women in rural areas, do
not have access to safe and self-controlled methods of contraception.
The public health system emphasises permanent methods like
sterilisation, or long-term methods like IUDs that do not need follow-
up. Sterilization accounts for more than 75% of total contraception,
with female sterilisation accounting for almost 95% of all
sterilisations.[21]

Notable Indian women

See also: Category:Indian women and List of Indian film actresses

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Indian_women
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Indian_film_actresses

Arts and entertainment

Singers and vocalists such as M.S. Subbulakshmi, Gangubai Hangal, Lata
Mangeshkar and Asha Bhosle are widely revered in India. Many actresses
such as Aishwarya Rai. Anjolie Ela Menon is a famous painter.

Sports

Although the general sports scenario in India is not very good, some
Indian women have made notable achievements in the field. Some of the
famous female sportspersons in Indian include P. T. Usha, J. J. Shobha
(athletics), Kunjarani Devi (weightlifting), Diana Edulji (cricket),
Saina Nehwal (badminton) , Koneru Hampi (chess) and Sania Mirza
(tennis). Karnam Malleswari (weightlifter), is the only Indian woman
to have won an Olympic medal (Bronze medal in 2000).

Politics

Through the Panchayat Raj institutions, over a million women have
actively entered political life in India.[36] As per the 73rd and 74th
Constitutional Amendment Acts, all local elected bodies reserve one-
third of their seats for women. Although the percentages of women in
various levels of political activity has risen considerably, women are
still under-represented in governance and decisionmaking positions.
[21]

Some of the notable women leaders in India include Indira Gandhi,
Sushma Swaraj, Vasundhara Raje Scindia, Sheila Dikshit, Jayalalitha,
Uma Bharati, Mayawati, Mamata Banerjee Sindhu Joyand Sonia Gandhi. On
July 25, 2007 the country's ever first woman president Pratibha Patil
was sworn in.

Literature

Sudha Murthy, Sarojini Naidu, Chandabai, Subhadra Kumari Chauhan,
Mahadevi Varma, Shivani, Anita Desai, Arundhati Roy, Shashi Deshpande,
Shobha De, Kiran Desai, Jhumpa Lahiri, etc. are some of the notable
female Indian authors.

Religion

Mata Amritanandamayi, Mother Meera, Mate Mahadevi

Other fields

Shahnaz Husain is one of the popular Indian beauticians and
entrepreneur. Mirudhubashini Govindarajan is a women's healthcare
specialist.

navanavonmilita

unread,

Apr 14, 2010, 1:42:59 AM4/14/10

Kill Bill: Sid Harth

Volume 27 - Issue 08 :: Apr. 10-23, 2010
INDIA'S NATIONAL MAGAZINE
from the publishers of THE HINDU

COLUMN

Bill as bait?
C.P. CHANDRASEKHAR

The draft Foreign Educational Institutions Bill suggests that the
process is one of creating a window for foreign players and then
changing the rules in their favour.

CH. VIJAYA BHASKAR
Activists of the Democratic Youth Federation of India and the Student
Federation of India protest against the proposal to allow foreign
universities into the country, in Vijayawada, Andhra Pradesh, on March
19.

The Union Cabinet has reportedly passed a version of the Foreign
Educational Institutions (Regulation of Entry and Operations) Bill,
and a draft of this modified version is to be tabled soon in
Parliament. The debate has, however, already begun, with proponents
and opponents expressing a range of views on the subject.

One view is that it favours foreign players over domestic ones, both
public and private, which seems unfounded when the draft Bill is read
as it is. While debate is normally a process of bringing clarity to an
issue, there is a real danger that this would not be true on the
subject of expanding higher education, improving it and rendering it
inclusive.

The case for a freer entry for private domestic institutions and
foreign private and public institutions is that higher educational
facilities are woefully inadequate in India. For example, the
proportion of the population in the 18-24 age group accessing higher
education is about half the 15 per cent average elsewhere in Asia. A
reason for this is the shortage of higher educational facilities.
Moreover, it is argued, even where such facilities are available,
quality is uneven.

Low allocation

An important reason is the low level of resource allocation for higher
education. Public spending – Central and State – on higher education
has indeed been low, amounting to less than half a per cent of the
gross domestic product (GDP) over the past two decades, even though
the government itself targets a spending rate of 1.5 per cent of GDP.
Clearly, the emphasis must be on increasing public spending and
enrolment with more allocation for education.

This is likely to be extremely effective since India has the requisite
institutional framework. There is no reason to believe, especially
given the experience, that allowing the entry of private institutions,
whether domestic or foreign, and the resources associated with it will
ensure quality.

If foreign institutions are to be allowed at all, it is better that
they operate within an appropriate framework of regulation. If not,
unscrupulous operators can use the “foreign” tag to exploit poorly
informed students who do not have the scores to enter a good national
institution or the finances to travel abroad to acquire a good
education. In an environment where good higher educational facilities
are in short supply, such operators could get away with charging high
fees for courses backed by inadequately qualified faculty, inferior
infrastructure and substandard equipment.

In recent years, this has been a reality in India because of a
mismatch between the law on foreign investment and the law on the
functioning of “recognised” educational institutions. The foreign
investment law does allow foreign educational providers to enter India
under the automatic route in the educational services area. It,
therefore, allows for commercial provision of educational services by
foreigners and the repatriation of surpluses or “profits” earned
through such activity.

However, if an educational service provider chooses to establish an
institution that is termed a university and is recognised as such by
the University Grants Commission (UGC) or if it awards a degree or
diploma that is recognised by the All India Council for Technical
Education (AICTE) or the Medical Council of India or other such
institutions, then it would be subject to regulation just as any other
Indian institution engaging in similar practices. It also cannot
operate on a “for-profit” basis. Surpluses can be generated on the
basis of fees charged, but those surpluses have to be ploughed back
into the institution.

This distinction in the regulatory framework, applying to institutions
that seek recognition of their degrees and those that do not, resulted
in the proliferation of courses that were not recognised by the
government, in institutions that were, as a consequence, not subject
to regulation under laws governing higher education. Most of these
institutions were in the private sector, with the majority being
Indian-owned and a few foreign. Some were good, many extremely bad.
These institutions were not all avowedly “for-profit” entities, but
there were many that made large surpluses, legally and otherwise, and
distributed them in various ways to their promoters.

In some ways, the Foreign Educational Institutions Bill seeks to bring
some of these foreign institutions within a separate, clearly defined
regulatory framework that requires institutions providing diplomas and
degrees to register under a designated authority and makes them
subject to regulation that seeks to ensure that the institution has a
proper pedigree and that it brings in adequate resources, employs
quality faculty, offers adequate facilities and reinvests all
surpluses in the institution itself. However, even though these are
not considered for-profit institutions, the government is not seeking
to regulate the fees they charge students or set parameters for
compensation for faculty or impose demands such as reservation of
seats for disadvantaged sections.

Three questions arise in this context. One is whether the
implementation of the Bill amounts to a further skewing of the
inequality in access to higher education and a tilting of the playing
field against public institutions. Clearly, the Bill does not allow
for the application of laws on affirmative action in the form of
reservation of seats in private institutions, domestic or foreign. But
if the infrastructure for higher education is inadequate, this is true
not just for those who fall in the “general category” but for those in
the reserved categories as well, who need adequate numbers of seats to
be reserved for them. So, if private institutions, including foreign
ones, are seen as entities that would help close the demand-supply gap
in higher education, they would need to service students eligible for
affirmative action as well.

Since the aim of promoting private education, including that offered
by foreign providers, is to make up for the shortfall in public
education, the clamour for admission of reserved category students
into these institutions with support from the state is bound to rise.
That is, while the state is not going to regulate fees, it may be
forced to demand reservation, by covering the fees charged by these
institutions, to assure access to those who are deprived of it because
of the social discrimination they face.

The obvious question that would then arise is whether it may not be
better to use these funds to expand quality public education at lower
cost per student. Hence, clarity on the government’s use of these
institutions to close the demand-supply gap would be useful.

If the direction of policy in other areas is indicative, the public-
private partnership mantra would be used to justify supporting private
provision by funding access to the disadvantaged with no regulation of
costs or prices. In fact, the likelihood is that the implicit control
would be on the “subsidy” offered to needy students, who then may have
to make do with entry into poorer quality institutions.

A second question that arises is whether the better among foreign
educational providers are likely to choose not to come into the
country if stringent regulations are imposed on them. With budgetary
cuts for education in developed countries and with demographic changes
affecting the size of the domestic college-going population in these
countries, universities may like to go abroad if they can earn
surpluses to support domestic operations. But if regulation includes
the “not-for-profit” condition, which prevents them from extracting
surpluses and transferring them abroad, they may see no reason to be
in India. Perhaps for this reason, the Bill has clauses that subvert
its very intent.

For instance, it provides for the constitution of an advisory board
that can exempt any foreign provider of all requirements imposed by
the Bill except the requirement of being a not-for-profit body. It
also exempts from most of the provisions institutions conducting any
“certificate course” and awarding any qualification other than a
degree or diploma and makes them subject only to certain reporting
requirements.

This amounts to saying that if a foreign provider enters the country,
reports its presence, and advertises and runs only such “certificate
courses” (as opposed to courses offering degrees and recognised
diplomas), it would have all the rights that many of the so-called
“fly-by-night” operators exploit today. Once that possibility is
recognised, the only conclusion that can be drawn, on the basis of the
experience hitherto, is that this Act in itself is unlikely to bring
high-quality education into the country or keep poor-quality education
out. What motivates it is, therefore, unclear.

This raises the third question, as to whether this Bill is just the
thin end of the wedge. If foreign providers do not come in requisite
measure will the government use that “failure” to dilute the law even
further and provide for profit and its repatriation by foreign
operators?

Some time back, the Commerce Ministry had put out a consultation paper
clearly aimed at building support for an Indian offer on education in
the negotiations under the General Agreement on Trade in Services
(GATS). The paper, while inviting opinions on a host of issues, was
inclined to offer foreign educational providers significant
concessions that would facilitate their participation in Indian
education.

In its view: “Given that India’s public spending, GER [gross enrolment
ratio] levels and private sector participation are low, even when
compared to developing countries, there appears to be a case for
improving the effectiveness of public spending and increasing the
participation of private players, both domestic and foreign.”

GATS is a trading agreement and therefore applies to those engaged in
trade in services for profit. Providing such a concession would force
a fundamental transformation of the face of higher education in the
country.

Put all of this together and both the motivation and the likely
outcome of this Bill remain unclear. If the intent is to attract new,
more and better foreign investment in higher education to close the
demand-supply gap, then the specific framework being chosen is likely
to subvert its intent. If the idea is to regulate only those who have
been coming and will come, then a separate law just for foreign
operators, as opposed to all non-state players, is inexplicable.

This suggests that the process under way is one of creating a window
for foreign players and then changing the rules of the game in ways
that persuade them to exploit the opportunity. This may explain the
fear that the field would be skewed against domestic private players.

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20100423270804000.htm

http://navanavonmilita.wordpress.com/kill-bill-sid-harth-2/

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