RSS-101: Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
Posted in: Academics
Thursday 25th, June 2009Comments(0)PrintForward
Sankalpa rao
HRThe Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ,
English: National Volunteers Organization), also known as the Sangh or
the RSS, is a Hindu revivalist organization in India. It was founded
by Dr. K. B. Hedgewar, a doctor from Nagpur, as a cultural
organization in pre Independence India, with the aim of uniting Hindus
against colonial powers
The RSS is active throughout India and its influence is spread across
different walks of life. The volunteers of the RSS participated in
various political and social movements including the freedom movement,
the Bhoodan, the Sarvoday and the movement for the restoration of
democracy in India. The RSS is also known for its role in the relief
and rehabilitation work during natural calamities.
Of late, the volunteers of the RSS have also held prominent political
and administrative positions in India including the Prime Minister of
India, the Vice President of India, the Home Minister and Ministers in
the Central Government, Governors and Chief Ministers of various
provinces and the members of elected bodies at the state and the
national level and also the Indian ambassador to the US
Many critics and academicians have referred to the RSS as a Hindu
nationalist organization. Many opponents have also accused it of
militancy and fascism, which the RSS has vehemently denied and
protested, often going to the extent of suing them in the court of
law.
History:
RSS was founded in 1925 by Dr. Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, who was a
doctor in the central Indian city of Nagpur. Hegdewar as a medical
student in Kolkata had been a part of the revolutionary activities of
the Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar striving to free India from British
rule. He had been charged with sedition in 1921 by the British
Administration and was imprisoned for a year. After returning to
Nagpur, he was briefly a member of Indian National Congress before he
left it in 1925, to form the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. After the
formation of the RSS, Hedgewar kept the organization from getting
involved in the fight against the British rule. But Hedgewar and other
volunteers, in their individual capacities, took part in the Indian
National Congress, led movements against the British rule. Hedegewar
was arrested in the Jungle Satyagraha agitation in 1931 and served a
second term in prison.
The RSS was established as a educational body whose objective was to
train a group of Hindus, who on the basis of thier character would
work to unite the Hindu community so that India could become an
Independent country and a creative society.
Role during the 1962 Sino-Indian WarThe RSS which had been keeping low
profile after the lifting of the ban, earned recognition based on its
volunteer work during the Sino Indian war in 1962. The then Prime
Minister Jawahar Lal Nehru invited them for the Republic Day parade of
1963. A batch of 3000 volunteers of the RSS participated in the parade
as a separate contingent.This event helped RSS increase its popularity
and its patriotic image..
Later in 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pak wars too, the RSS volunteers offered
their services to maintain law and order of the country and were the
apperantly the first to donate blood.
Participation in Land reformsIt has been noted that the RSS volunteers
participated in the Bhoodan movement organized by Gandhian leader
Vinobha Bhave. Vinobha Bhave had met the RSS leader M. S. Golwalkar in
Meerut in November 1951. Golwalkar had been inspired by the movement
that encouraged land reforms through voluntary means. He pledged the
support of the RSS for this movement. Consequently, many RSS
volunteers led by Nanaji Deshmukh participated in the movement. But
Golwalkar has also been critical of the Bhoodan movement, on other
occassions for being reactionary and for working "merely with a view
to counteracting Communism". He belived that the movement should
inculcate a right and positive faith in the masses that can make them
rise above the base appeal of Communism
Current Sarsanghachalak-Dr.Mohan Bhagwat
...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
signalled at the national executive that he had no intention to quit
active politics in the near future and might stay put to play a longer
innings, preferably as the skipper and not as a night watchman or a
tail-ender.
The signal has come despite a feeling among most of those who matter
in the BJP and the RSS that he is no longer a vote-catcher or a crowd
mobiliser.
The irony of a simile borrowed from cricket — Advani is as obsessive
about the sport as he is about films — was not lost on the more
perceptive executive members. In his concluding remarks, he repeatedly
alluded to his party’s defeat (he insisted the drop of 22 seats
between 2004 and 2009 was a “setback” and not a “rout”) and said:
“When we lost, the people were disappointed exactly the way they get
disappointed whenever Sachin Tendulkar gets out in 90s.”
One of the members elaborated on the comparison and said that unlike
Tendulkar, who withdrew when he realised he was a far better batsman
than captain, Advani was “unwilling to believe his best years are
behind him and that it’s time he lets the party move on under a new
captain”. Tendulkar was happy being a member of the Indian team, the
source pointed out, without “disturbing” its spirit and structure and
simultaneously playing to the best of his ability.
The verdict in the BJP is that Advani would not do a Tendulkar.
“Initially, everyone in the BJP, including the chief ministers,
believed it was a matter of time before the Advani era was over. Now
it seems increasingly clear he wants a role for himself, as a player
and not a mentor,” an insider said.
At the fag end of his speech, when Advani announced he would tour the
country in the coming months, most of the listeners prepared
themselves to watch another “yatra” unroll. A source close to Advani,
however, claimed it would not be a chariot ride but “meetings to pep
up the morale of our workers”.
A prelude to yet another tenure as the BJP president when the
incumbent, Rajnath Singh, demits office in September this year? In his
first briefing after the two-day session, spokesperson Rajiv Pratap
Rudy was asked why Advani had arrogated to himself the role of revving
up the party when a president was in place. He was mum.
Advani rejected the suggestion. When journalists in Coorg, where he is
now holidaying, asked whether he would take over as party president,
Advani said: “No chance.”
The doubts over Advani’s role arose because when he was made the
leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha — the most coveted role for
an out-of-power leader — the “understanding” between the BJP and the
RSS was it was a holding operation.
By the end of 2009, the BJP will have a new president. This
appointment is expected to trigger a number of changes at the top,
underpinned by the strategy that it was time to usher in the “younger
generation” and prepare the party to take on a Rahul Gandhi-
spearheaded Congress in 2014. Advani is 82 and if he is to lead the
next election, he will be 87.
Yet in his address on June 21, Advani tactically avoided a mention of
the second generation of leaders in the BJP as he deplored the party’s
“train compartment” mentality “which makes those in leadership
positions ignore promising, talented and committed cadres who are
‘standing outside’ and waiting for the door to open.... We must
identify, train, groom and empower third, fourth and fifth generation
leaders....”
“How can the second rung move up if those at the top of the queue are
not moving?” an insider asked.
Sources said the initial assessment was if, for instance, Sushma
Swaraj (57), who was appointed the deputy leader of the parliamentary
party and effectively functioned as Advani’s number two in the Lok
Sabha, was elevated as the leader of the Opposition, the message would
be the generational change the BJP had been talking of since 2004 was
a reality. A part of the strategy was put in place after Arun Jaitley
(also 57) was made the leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha.
Both these appointments were jointly decided by the BJP and the RSS.
At 59, the new RSS chief, Mohanrao Bhagwat is considered “young” by
the organisation’s geriatric standards. “The Sangh works through
signals and insinuations. It hoped the BJP would get the message about
a generational transition with Mohanraoji’s anointment,” an RSS source
said.
The sources said the RSS was also convinced that “public perceptions”
about a leader were as important as other criteria such as
acceptability within the party and organisational skills. A BJP
functionary of Sangh provenance, who used to have reservations about
Jaitley and Sushma, conceded: “On the perception scale, they score
higher over their peers. Jaitley has a positive image, he is
articulate and has worked as a general secretary in most states. So he
cannot be faulted for being out of touch with the organisation. Sushma
is an asset, she has charisma and after Vajpayee and Advani, she is
our best orator.”
This is why the oblique attacks against Jaitley by Jaswant Singh,
Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie were criticised by veterans like
Sunderlal Patwa at the executive. “These persons are outsiders to the
Sangh. Yet, each one of them got the best of the NDA government.
That’s why their remarks were dismissed with the contempt they
deserved. Jaitley has come in through the ABVP (the Sangh’s student
wing),” a source said.
But with Advani digging in his heels, all eyes are on the RSS to see
if it can implement the second part of its blueprint for change. “The
Sangh has not revealed its hand right now because there are pulls and
pressures within,” a source said.
One section wants the Sangh to keep off the BJP and chart a
“modernisation” course for itself before delivering homilies to the
party. The other believes that it should continue being pro-active.
bademiyansubhanallah
Dirgha Raj Prasai Says:
June 21st, 2009 at 1:59 pm
Hon. shree Jaswant Singh,
I am also anxious about the result of your election. We Nepalese
people were expected that you and your Party will be in power, to
establish the Hindutva and its identity in India. But, please, don’t
worry because the result was the conspiracy of anti- Hindu who are
Christians and the money-minded.
I am writing such type of message to the presedent BJP Rajnath.
You Know,the Congress (I) party is also the hunger of power, Congress
(I) never care to save the Hinduism in India. From the very beginning
Congress (I) is playing the notorious activities to disturb the
Nepalese prestige abolishing the monarchy & the only Hindu Kingdom on
earth. The Congress (I) and RAW is using the Nepalese culprit leaders
in Nepal. So, now, Nepal is in very danger position to save Hinduism.
The leaders of Congress (I) never care to save the Indian culture &
traditions. The leaders are only the follower of power & money. So,
please, don’t worry about the result of your election. The ideology
(Hindutva) is the great path to save the Indian identities.
You know,
Among all religions of the world Hindu religion is considered as the
most liberal. According to renowned philosopher Voltaire, Hinduism is
the best gift of the East to the West. Similarly, George Bernard Shaw,
Irish litterateur also said ‘Hindu religion is the most important and
the most liberal religion in the world. According to Encyclopedia of
Religions and Ethics, signs of Hindu religion are even found in the
present Islamic country like Iran. A stone scripture of 486 BC found
in Iran contains the words Hindu and Hindus. Even an ancient Parsi
scripture ‘Shatir’ has lifted a word of Ved Vyas ‘I am a true Hindu
born in a Hindu country’. Another Hindu philosopher Manu has taken the
area between Bindhya in south India and the Himalayas in the north as
Aryabrata, the land of Aryans. Even outside travelers like Megasthaniz
and Fai Han have written in their travel memoirs after their visit of
the Kingdom of Chandra Gupta Maurya that Hindus have tall figure, long
life, healthy, who avoid narcotics, simple, intelligent, truthful, who
do not keep witness in transactions, do not lock their houses and
there is no theft. So, in the evolutionary process of the world’s
civilization, Hindu philosophy is taken as liberal, simple and
tolerant.
The declaration of Nepal as a Hindu Kingdom does not signify just its
religion rather it is taken as the source of Nepalese nationalism and
an inseparable part of Nepal. So, the party leaders made a grave
mistake by declaring Nepal as a secular state. If instead of declaring
Nepal as solely a Hindu country, it would have made sense if it were
declared both Hindu and Buddhist country. But it is a matter of
serious concern for whose interest Nepal was declared a secular state.
Nepal is a small country and on the south there is a big country with
open border. There are about 800 million Hindus and Indian Hindus
respect Nepal as a Hindu kingdom. This should be taken as a matter of
pride for us. For security reasons also, Nepal has a big advantage by
being a Hindu country. If the Maoists are for Nepal’s national
sovereignty and territorial integrity, all Nepalese request them to
change their idea about secularism. Even if one is a Christian or a
Muslim, they should support to keep Nepal a Hindu country. But the
Congress, UML, Maoists have made a great mistake by announcing Nepal
as a secular state.
No one has right to trample believe and conviction of more than two-
thirds majority of the people. Even if there is a referendum, more
than 85 percent Nepalese will vote for a Hindu country. More than that
the Hindus have the freedom to pursue their own way of observing the
religion. Therefore, if Nepal is to be declared a secular country, all
countries, which call themselves as Christian or Muslim countries
should also be declared secular countries. If they want Nepal to
become a secular country, they should also be willing to shun their
‘Cross’ of the Christians, ’sign of David of the Jews and ‘Kava’ of
Muslims. However, it needs to be pondered that even if Nepal was a
Hindu Kingdom, it nature was like a secular country as Hindus have
never done anything that would harass or trouble other religions.
I know, you have understand the reality of Hindutva. So, I request
that you have to fight against the traitors of India. It takes time.
If we want to understand the reality about the secularism we can study
the national history of India. An analyst Stephen Knapp says- India is
slowly losing the Vedic culture (Hinduism) is through the process of
secular or Christian education. In public schools all Vedic books have
been removed from the curriculum. There are no possibilities to study
the ancient Hindu literature or art in such institutions. The Hindu
population is slowly forgetting the unique history and lofty culture
of their home land. 5th Feb. 2008- Peoples Review) In fact the
Christian saints order to destroy the huts where they keep the idols
of Hindu’s God & Goddess and to break the statues of Hindus idols into
tiny pieces. That was there goal to destroy Hindu & Buddha culture and
make the country a Christian nation. Now it is a high time Nepal &
Indian nationalist should be careful to save her indigenous culture.
So, let all Nepalese & Indian people unite and raise voice to revert
the culprits & traitors.
I have another request to BJP. Please, think once. Without Nepalese
monarchy the Hinduava & Buddhas can’t secure in Nepal & India. The
permanent institution- ‘monarchy’ can put unite the religious
instigation between Nepal & India. Nepalese monarchy is still a
popular institution In Nepal as well as India. . In between Nepal &
India, the monarchy has been playing a balanced role. So, Nepalese
monarchy is the most convincing identity for Nepal & India. So,
please, never minimize the two pillar system Nepalese monarchy and
Hindu Kingdom. The single Hindutva can do nothing. Without the Hindu
monarchy who can save the cultural identities? Now, the only way would
be the acceptance for Nepal & India ( to control the communism also)
and restoration of benevolent and people-oriented monarchy. So I
request to all leaders of BJP to propose to reinstate the monarchy as
well as Hindu Kingdom in Nepal. Then, BJP can play the vital
leadership in India.
Please, reply me with comments.
Thank you.
Sincerely
Dirgha Raj Prasai
Former member of Parliament ( Nepal)
Kathmandu
Nepal
Email: dirghar...@gmail.com
hari....@indero.com
"The foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture
and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu
religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the
Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must loose their
separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the
country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing,
deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment -- not
even citizen's rights. There is, at least, should be, no other course
for them to adopt. We are an old nation; let us deal, as old nations
ought to and do deal, with the foreign races, who have chosen to live
in our country".
-- Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar's, We or Our Nationhood Defined
bademiyansubhanallah
A Strange And Bitter Crop
An ambitious RSS social engineering project is transporting children
from Meghalaya to Karnataka to bring them up ‘the Hindu way,’
discovers SANJANA. Photographs by S RADHAKRISHNA
Culture by rote Sixyear- old Meghalaya children chant shlokas in
Thinkabettu School
IN AN investigation spanning 35 schools across Karnataka and four
districts in Meghalaya, TEHELKA has found that since 2001, the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has embarked on an ambitious social
engineering project to transfer at least 1,600 children from Meghalaya
to RSS-friendly schools across Karnataka. The latest batch comprising
160 children arrived in Bengaluru on June 7, 2009. Thirty RSS
volunteers accompanied the children on the 50-hour train journey down
to the city.
Tukaram Shetty, the RSS organiser responsible for the programme, in
conversations spanning three months, candidly admitted to TEHELKA that
the children were part of a larger mission launched by the RSS and its
affiliate organisations to ‘protect’ people from Christian
missionaries active in Meghalaya. “We are committed to nurturing the
Hindu way of life. There is a long-term plan envisioned by the RSS to
defeat the Christian missionary forces active in Meghalaya while
expanding our base in the region. These children form a part of that
long-term vision. In the years to come, they will propagate our values
amongst their own family members,” A childhood recruit into the RSS
fold, Shetty hails from Dakshina Kannada district of Karnataka and has
spent close to eight years in Meghalaya – familiarising himself with
the terrain and culture.
The RSS programme brings to the fore several concerns operating as it
does within the demographic context of Meghalaya. The state is one of
the few Christian majority states in India, with 70.25 percent of the
population being classified as Christians in the 2001 census. In
comparison, Hindus are pegged at 13.27 percent while a category of
religious compositions pegged as ‘others’ – a possible reference to
the indigenous tribal religions – is at 11.52 percent. The first
Christian missionaries arrived in the mid nineteenth century to work
amongst the Garo, Khasi and Jaintia tribes living in the region that
now comprises Meghalaya. Despite the long entrenched history of
Christian conversions in the state, there exists a significant
minority population of tribals who have steadfastly continued to
practice their indigenous religions – their beliefs often spliced with
a thin wedge of resentment against those who have chosen to convert.
The RSS plans of ‘expanding the base in the region’ capitalises on
this wedge of resentment with children and their education being — as
Shetty admits — the starting points of engagement.
The Thinkabettu Higher Primary and Secondary School in remote Uppur —
nearly 500 km from Bengaluru — is one of the 35 schools in Karnataka
where the children are studying. In 2008, 17 students between six and
seven years were brought to this school from Meghalaya. Following
instructions from the head of the school, the children of Thinkabettu
School stand up, announce their names politely in Kannada, the local
language, and sit down again on the bare floor. Ask the head of the
school to introduce himself and he refuses, saying, “You have come to
see the children, here they are. If I give you my name, you will use
it against me.” The only details forthcoming are that he is a retired
bank employee and that the school, which is a century old, was started
by his father. A woman in the corner is revealed to be his wife,
Nirmala.
Introductions done, the children are asked to recite the latest prayer
that they have memorised. Hands folded and eyes closed, the children,
with shorn heads and in ragged clothes, begin a Brahminical chant that
is a tribute to the teacher — Guru Brahma, Guru Vishnu, Guru Devo
Maheshwara. The children are sitting in the same hall that serves as
their school and hostel. They live and breathe, eat and sleep and
study on that same barren floor. A 30-watt bulb, a blackboard and a
few books and slates neatly lined up complete the picture. An ancient
fridge and a ramshackle sofa separate the children’s space from the
kitchen area of the hall.
HARD FACTS
1,600 children brought to Karnataka from Meghalaya since 2001
The latest batch of 160 children arrived in Bengaluru on June 7,
accompanied by 30 RSS volunteers
Siblings are always separated to ensure better discipline
Most schools where children are studying are in the communally
disturbed coastal districts of Karnataka
While most children are from poorer backgrounds, richer families who
are RSS sympathisers pay up to Rs 16,000 a year
Children often forget their native languages
Drawn from remote and often inaccessible villages across four
districts in Meghalaya — Ri Bhoi, West Khasi Hills, East Khasi Hills
and Jaintia Hills — the children taken by the RSS to study in
Karnataka belong to the Khasi and Jaintia tribal communities.
Traditionally, the Khasi tribes follow the Seng Khasi religion, while
the Jaintias follow Niamtre religion. Ask Manje Gowda, Headmaster at
the Sri Adichunchanagiri Higher Primary School in BG Nagar, Mandya
district where 38 children from Meghalaya currently study, why
students are taken out of Meghalaya and he echoes Shetty’s logic, “If
the children had stayed on in Meghalaya they would have been converted
to Christianity by now. The RSS is trying to protect them. The
education that the children receive here includes strong cultural
values. When they go back home, after their education, they will help
propagate these values to their families.”
The cultural values that Gowda talks of imparting to children include
familiarity with Brahiminical chants, Hindu religious festivals, and a
weaning away from an overwhelmingly non-vegetarian Meghalayan diet to
vegetarianism. How could this possibly help the RSS in expanding their
base? Shetty told TEHELKA that indoctrination of cultural values and
discipline was the first step. “It is important that children imbibe
these values early on. It will bring them closer to us and away from
the Christian way of life.
We teach them shlokas so they will not recite hymns. We take them away
from meat so they will abhor the animal sacrifice that is inherent in
their own religion,” he says. “Ultimately, when the RSS tells them
that the cow is a sacred animal and that all those who kill and eat it
have no place in our society, these children will listen,” he recounts
calmly. Are these children being groomed to be the future foot
soldiers of RSS? Shetty’s only answer is that they will part of ‘the
family’ in one way or another and that time will decide.
As TEHELKA found, across schools in different districts of Karnataka,
the cultural values imparted did not vary. The degrees of immersion
into the RSS credo, however, depended on the schools the children were
placed in. Children who came from financially stable homes were placed
in schools with proper educational and hostel facilities since parents
were able to pay for them. In these schools, the disciplinary regime
imposed on the children was more relaxed compared to the schools where
children from poorer families were placed. TEHELKA found that 60
percent of the children it met came from economically weaker families.
Subsequently, the schools that these children were placed in resembled
the Thinkabettu school in Uppur where both education and lodging
facilities were free and dismal.
Most of the schools where the children have been placed are located in
the coastal belt of Karnataka, the region that has emerged as the
centre of communal violence in the state. The places include Puttur,
Kalladka, Kaup, Kollur, Uppur, Deralakatte, Moodbidri in Dakshina
Kannada, Udupi and Chikmaglur districts. Besides these, the children
have been placed in schools run by influential ashrams such as the JSS
Mutt in Suttur, the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt in Mandya district and the
Murugrajendra Mutt in Chitradurga district.
How do children from Meghalaya end up thousands of kilometres away in
Karnataka? What is the modus operandi? Almost every child and parent
that TEHELKA spoke with identified Tukaram Shetty as the man who
proposed the idea of educating children in Karnataka, offered to take
the children there and then ultimately accompanied the children to
Karnataka.
A former Seva Bharati (an RSS-affiliated community service
organization) worker, Shetty is the official face of the Lei Synshar
Cultural Society, a shell organisation established to maintain the
required official distance from the RSS. In fact, the Lei Synshar
Cultural Society is utterly unknown even outside its own head office
in Jowai in the Jaintia Hills district. Ask for Tukaram or Bah Ram as
he is called in Meghalaya and there are instant flashes of
recognition. Outside the capital city, Shillong, right down to the
village level, people easily recognise the RSS as the organisation
that takes children to Karnataka. The organisation runs three offices
in the Jaintia Hills district – in Jowai, Nartiang and Shongpong.
Besides, there are several spaces occupied by the Seva Bharati and
Kalyan Ashram organizations which help in the identification and
transport of children.
RSS organiser Tukaram Shetty candidly admitted that the children were
part of a larger RSS mission to ‘protect’ them from Christian
missionaries
YOLIN KHARUMINI, a teacher at a local Seng Khasi school and resident
at Shillong’s Kalyan Ashram described the process. “We are asked to
identify families that have not converted to Christianity and are firm
in their belief in indigenous religions — Seng Khasi and Niamtre.
Usually, these are families that nurse some form of resentment against
Christians. Offers are made to these families to have their children
educated in Karnataka. We always tell them that they will be educated
according to Seng Khasi or Niamtre traditions.” Kharumini’s own niece,
Kerdamon Kharumini, studies in Mangala Nursing School in Karnataka.
Lists are drawn up based on the parents’ capacity to afford the
child’s education and hostel facilities.
Continuing the narrative, Khatbiang Rymbai, a Class 10 student at
Vidya - niketan School in Kaup, Udupi district described in detail how
200 children travelled to Bengaluru from various villages. “There were
many young children. So when they divided us into groups of 13-14, the
older children were put in charge. In Shillong, we were all given
identification tags which had mobile numbers and the Jowai address of
the Lei Synshar Cultural Society. From there, we traveled in Tata
Sumos to Guwahati to take the train to Bengaluru,” she says. In
Bengaluru, they were taken to the RSS office before being split into
groups to go to their respective schools.
The children are taught to avoid meat so they will start to abhor the
religious sacrifices that are part and parcel of their native
religions
In a chilling admission, an RSS worker in Shillong, Prafulla Chandra
Koch and the head of the Thinkabettu school told TEHELKA that care is
always taken to ensure that any siblings are separated from each
other. “It is easier to discipline them if they are not together. We
have to control them if we have to mould them. The lesser the contact
they have with home, the better it is, really,” he stated.
TEHELKA met with several siblings placed in different schools –
Khatbiang’s brother Supplybiang Rymbai was placed in Prashanti Vidya
Kendra in Kasargod, Kerala while she studies in Vidyaniketan school
near Udupi in Karnataka. Yet another student at Vidyaniketan, Reenborn
Tariang admitted to having a sister, Wanboklin Tariang, at the JSS
Mutt school in Mysore. Bedd Sympli at the Abhinav Bharati Boys Hostel
in Mandya district has a sister studying in Vidyaniketan, Udupi
district; Iwanroi Langbang a student at the Adi Chunchanagiri Mutt
school in Mandya district had a sister, Daiamonlangki, at the
Vanishree school in Shimoga district. There is not one instance of
siblings studying together. Ask the children why they were separated
and there are no answers.
WHEN TEHELKA asked parents why they had chosen to place their children
in different schools, they admitted they were only informed of it
several months after the children had started school. Says Klis
Rymbai, Khatbiang and Supplybiang’s older sister, “When they left
home, all we knew was that they would go to Bengaluru. We had no
details of the school they would go to – not even a name or address.
Much later, we realised that Khatbiang and Supplybiang were separated
and that they were not in Bengaluru. Khatbiang also told us she was
repeating Class VIII after she got admitted into school. The RSS
promised to take care of our children and we trusted them.” Klis
admits that her family is attempting to bring Supplybiang back to
Meghalaya. “He has not adjusted well and is still young so we want him
to come back. Khatbiang has already lost a year so it is best she
finishes school there,” says Klis. The Rymbais are extremely well off,
having made their money through mining in the Jaintia Hills district.
The father, Koren Chyrmang, is an RSS sympathiser, who, besides
sending his own children, has helped convince other families to send
their children across. “He used to be very active but has fallen sick
of late This has prevented him from traveling to other villages in
this area with the RSS,” says Klis.
The physical and mental impact of studying in school environments
diametrically opposed to their culture, language, religion, and food
habits has been devastating. In the schools that TEHELKA visited,
hostel wardens, heads of schools and the children themselves admitted
to having had serious physical problems given the differences in
climatic conditions between their villages in Meghalaya and schools in
Karnataka. In the Deenabandhu Children’s Home, Chamarajnagar,
Karnataka, according to the Secretary, GS Jayadev, the six-year-olds
from Meghalaya — Shining Lamo, Sibin Ryngkhlem and Spid Khongshei —
had skin rashes for over a month as their bodies tried to acclimatise
to the heat of Karnataka. Besides rashes, Spid’s eyes turned
bloodshot. Doctors at the hospital where Spid was taken by school
authorities told them that it was a natural reaction to the
altitudinal differences.
In Thinkabettu school, too, children had severe sunburns on their
faces, hands and legs though they had already spent three months in
Karnataka when TEHELKA visited them. The situation was no different
with the children studying in the Kalabyraveshwara Sanskrit College
run by the Adichunchanagiri Mutt in Nagamangala. Of the 11 children
from Meghalaya who were placed in this school, the oldest, Iohidahun
Rabon (see box) told TEHELKA that the three of the younger ones —
Sowatki Chulet, Tailang Nongdam and Perskimlang Nongkrot — were
chronically ill since they had not taken to the food being given to
them.
The physical and mental impact of living in environments diametrically
opposed to their culture, language, religion and food is devastating
The psychological impact of the move was also obvious on several
children. In all the schools that TEHELKA visited seeking information
about children from Meghalaya, the school authorities summoned the
children from their classes and instructed them to introduce
themselves in Kannada. For the authorities, it was a matter of great
pride that children who had no association with Kannada had been
taught the language well. That students who did not know a word of
Sanskrit earlier now recited Sanskrit prayers with great clarity. In
the Sri Adichunchanagiri Higher Primary School in BG Nagar, Mandya
district, the headmaster, Manje Gowda, flung a Kannada newspaper at a
student from Meghalaya, ordering him to read it. Obediently, in a low
voice, devoid of any expression, the boy proceeded to read a few
sentences, before quietly folding and placing the newspaper back on
the headmaster’s desk. Till he was sent away, the boy never looked up.
In school after school, the same scene unfolded with variations in the
demonstrations of skill and familiarity with Kannada and Sanskrit.
While the authorities claimed that the students from Meghalaya had
integrated well with the rest, there was overwhelming evidence to
suggest otherwise. A few minutes of conversation with the children
brought out stories of how they were laughed at because their names
were unfamiliar and because they looked different. Invariably, and
especially amongst the older students, relationships were forged with
others from Meghalaya. In classrooms, six or seven students from
Meghalaya squeezed into a bench meant to seat four children. Speaking
Kannada had integrated the children only so far. Faced with animosity,
they have withdrawn into the familiar. In schools where this was not a
possibility given the limited number of students from Meghalaya, they
withdrew into themselves.
The locations of the schools did not help alleviate their isolation at
all. Iwanroi Langbang, a Class IX student currently staying in
Nagamangala (about 150 kms from Bengaluru), talked of her
disappointment at not studying in Bengaluru. “We were only told that I
would be studying in Bengaluru. It was only after I came here that I
heard the name of the school and realised that it was very far from
Bengaluru. Here, we are not allowed outside the compound wall. And
even if we get away, there is nothing outside,” said Langbang. Her
school is located off an isolated stretch of the state highway.
A consequence of completely immersing young children from Meghalaya in
a Kannada-speaking environment was visible at the Deenabandhu
Children’s Home in Chamarajnagar district. A caretaker at the Home
described one child’s growing familiarity with Kannada, “Sibin [one of
the children at the Home] has picked up a lot of Kannada in the two
months he has been here. During a phone call from a relative back
home, he kept answering questions in Kannada which obviously they did
not understand at all.” In a shocking display of insensitivity, the
caretaker burst into laughter at what she thought was a hilarious
incident and added, “For 45 minutes, a woman, I assume his mother,
kept trying. Sibin, of course, had no answers since he had forgotten
his own language.” She giggled. The caretaker then proceeded to teach
Sibin the Kannada word for dinner.
ACCORDING TO Sibin’s birth certificate, he is six. Yet another
certificate issued by the village headman of Sibin’s village,
Mihmyntdu, certifies that he comes from a poor family and needs help
for his education. TEHELKA was unable to contact his parents.
The physical and mental consequences suffered by children from
Meghalaya differ from the everyday story of children placed in several
thousand boarding schools across the country. That there is a larger
plan behind the transportation of these children is something that RSS
workers like Koch, have no qualms admitting.
Why are parents willing to send young children aged only six and seven
to a distant place? In the face of these overwhelming disadvantages to
the children, during visits with parents across eight villages in
Meghalaya, TEHELKA found that parents — mostly poor — handed over
their children to the RSS in the belief that their kids would be well
cared for, as promised. Often, the transportation of children followed
kinship routes, with younger siblings following older ones. While this
may seem to defy logic, examined closely, it speaks of the intricate
web of lies that the RSS has managed to weave, webs that ensnare
parents, school authorities and often the children themselves. There
are multiple untruths that are the foundation of this entire process.
PARENTS HAVE GIVEN THEIR CONSENT IN WRITING
Why are parents willing to send their children far from home? The
mostly poor parents believe the RSS’ promises that the kids will be
taken care of
When TEHELKA approached schools in Karnataka seeking papers that
legalise the transfers of children across states, letters signed by
the village headman or the Rangbah Shnong attesting to the family’s
poor economic condition were handed out along with birth and caste
certificates. Across different schools that TEHELKA visited, not a
single letter was produced with the parents’ signature that stated
explicitly that the care of their children was handed over to that
particular school. No parent that TEHELKA met in Meghalaya had copies
of any signed consent letter signed. Under the Juvenile Justice (Care
and Protection of Children) Act, 2000 – such consent letters are
mandatory for legal transfers of children.
The transportation of children, then, with no official papers
sanctioning the move, is in clear violation of the Juvenile Justice
(Care and Protection of Children) Act of 2000. Under this law, the RSS
can be held guilty of child trafficking.
THE CHILDREN ARE IN SCHOOLS RUN ACCORDING TO THEIR SENG KHASI OR
NIAMTRE RELIGIONS
Amongst the Khasi and Jaintia tribes, there is a tenuous relationship
between those who have converted to Christianity and those who have
not. The RSS carefully selects children from poor families who have
not converted to Christianity. “I was told that the only way to
protect my daughter from conversion was to send her outside. If I
didn’t, the Church would take them away and make them priests and
nuns,” said Biye Nongrum in Swer village. “I was afraid for my
daughter and so I agreed to hand her over,” she says. Six years after
her daughter left home, Biye has no details of the school that she is
studying in. All she has is a class photograph. “I don’t have the
money to visit my daughter and bring her back, even if I find out
where she is. But I will never send another child away,” she says.
Biye ekes out a living by selling sweet pancakes to richer families in
the village. The ramshackle house that she shares with her mother and
at least three other children further signal her poverty stricken
condition. The socioeconomic status of the families are an indication
of why it is difficult for the parents to ever bring their children
back — they simply cannot afford it.
Several parents told TEHELKA that the RSS schools where their children
were studying were schools that upheld their indigenous religions – a
rationale that has many takers. In Jel Chyrmang’s home in Mookhep
village, TEHELKA found a framed photograph of Jel’s daughter, Rani
Chyrmang, being felicitated by the patron saint of her school, Sri
Balagangadharnath. Ask Jel who the saffron-robed saint is and she
blithely repeats what she has been told, a story that would be
hilarious if the circumstances were not so sad. According to Jel, Sri
Balagangadharnath is a Seng Khasi saint who runs her daughter’s
school. There is no doubt in her voice at all. Jel’s ignorance,
however, does not extend to others in the family. Her husband, Denis
Siangshai, who contested the recent Lok Sabha elections, turns out to
be an RSS worker. Using his daughter as an example, he admitted to
having convinced others in the area as well. “People have a wrong
notion of RSS. I always tell them that the RSS will give them good
education and culture,” says Denis.
The transportation of children without clear consent letters from
parents and guardians is a clear violation of the Juvenile Justice
Act
Most parents have no idea that the schools chosen by the RSS espouse a
different ideology. Besides the forced culturisation, even the
libraries and books handed out to the students are RSS publications
from recognized right-wing publishing houses in Bengaluru. In the JSS
Ashram school, the library was stocked with publications of RSS
ideologues published from Bharata Samskruti Prakashana (Indian Culture
Publications). No trace of Seng Khasi teachings or Niamtre practices.
THE CHILDREN ARE ABANDONED AND DESTITUTE
For a non-tribal society like Karnataka, the notion of a father
abandoning the family is seen as a social and economic disaster.
Meghalaya, though, is a matrilineal society, where men move to live
with women in their villages. Mothers continue to remain the primary
caretakers. Even if the mother dies, the child is brought up by
relatives and is never entirely abandoned.
THE CHILDREN HAVE ADJUSTED WELL
When children first leave Meghalaya, parents and children are not
aware where the children will ultimately be taken. As direct
communication between the children and parents is limited owing to the
socio-economic conditions of the parents and the lack of facilities at
the schools, the RSS is the main intermediary between the two. The RSS
tells parents that the children are happy and well adjusted in their
new environments. The reality is something else.
Raplangki Dkhar, a standard VI student at Vidyaniketan, was clearly
waiting for his uncle to come take him home. “Only if people from home
come and take us, we can go back. Every year when school ends, we hear
that we will be taken back. But it has been two years already,” said a
forlorn Raplangki. Only two of the children TEHELKA met had ever
returned home to visit. Back in Raplangki’s hometown in Raliang,
Meghalaya, when TEHELKA asked his uncle why he had not visited
Raplangki, he is surprised, “I had no reason to doubt the fact that my
nephew has adjusted well. At every RSS meeting in Jowai we are assured
by them that the kids are healthy and happy.”
Direct phone calls between children and parents are dependent entirely
on the parents’ finances. If the parents have not been able to pay for
the child’s education, the schools that they are placed in are often
the free orphanages run by the Mutts, where access to phones is non-
existent, as is the case with the free hostel run by the Sri
Adichunchanagiri Mutt.
For the RSS, these falsifications are part of a process. A process
that is bound to add an additional layer of complexity amongst the
people of Meghalaya, quite apart from the mental and social costs
inflicted on young children.
WRITER’S EMAIL
san...@tehelka.com
From Tehelka Magazine, Vol 6, Issue 26, Dated July 04, 2009
bademiyansubhanallah
| June 20th, 2009 |
New Delhi: Virtually daring the BJP to snap links with the RSS, former
party ideologue K N Govindacharya has said the RSS can “walk straight
without the crutches of the BJP”.
Govindacharya, who parted ways with the BJP sometimes back, accused
the party leaders, including its chief Rajnath Singh, of practising
“pseudo-Hindutva”.
Besides, he dubbed Varun Gandhi’s election speeches as “pesudo-
Hindutva of the reactionary, irresponsible kind” and “not Hindutva”.
In a hard-hitting interview to weekly news magazine Tehelka, he said
BJP did not cater to the ideal of Hindutva either as a party in power
or as a party in the opposition.
“It is not a national party in terms of ideology, policies and
conviction,” he said about the BJP, adding that it is a party “full of
opportunists and careerists”.
The BJP leaders are taking to politics “only as a career or a dhanda
(business),” he said alleging that their thought process revolves only
around power.
The interview has come at a time when the BJP’s national executive is
taking place here amid calls by some leaders for an open debate on the
electoral debacle.
Asked how the RSS leadership is viewing the election results,
Govindacharya said, “the RSS will have a straight talk with the BJP
now and tell it to decide what kind of relationship it wants to have
with the RSS.”
Govindacharya said that “as a responsible Swayamsevak”, this is how he
reads the mind of the RSS leadership. “The RSS will tell them if you
want to go without us don’t worry.”
“We feel that we don’t need any appendage or any extra baggage. Nor
any crutches. RSS can walk straight without the crutches of the BJP.
This is the message the Sangh leadership has given to the BJP.”
Govindacharya was also harsh on the leadership of Advani, who was
projected as the prime ministerial candidate, saying that the election
campaign of the BJP, which proclaimed him as a strong leader, was “on
a wrong footing”.
“As Home Minister, Advani’s comparison can only be made with Shivraj
Patil. There was nothing much to choose from,” he said adding that the
election was a competition between “a weak Manmohan Singh and a weak
Advaniji.”
“In the realm of strong leader (Advani), the issue of Kandhar kept
coming up,” he said referring to the Kandhar plane hijack episode
during the NDA government when Advani was the Home Minister.
Govindacharya faulted Advani aide Sudheendra Kulkarni for making RSS a
“scapegoat”.
“In no way was the RSS involved in any kind of election strategies.
Only BJP people occupied the war room and they should be held
responsible,” he said. PTI SPG AMR
To a question, he said that Advani has never said anywhere that he is
going to quit as Leader of the Opposition in December. “This is
rumour, conjecture,” he said.
Asked whether there is a feeling within the RSS that perhaps it is
time for Advani to retire, he said the RSS unless asked to think and
advise on these aspects will not apply its mind on such issues.
At the same time, he said Advani has definitely expressed the will for
a retired life.
“He desires it and deserves it also. He doesn’t deserve this kind of
lampooning and cartooning from either the media or from within the
sections of the BJP. He deserves a happy and serene life,”
Govindacharya said.
Asked how does he visualise the future of BJP, he said he leaves it to
the wisdom of the leaders. “If things go as they are, the party will
be reduced in the arithmetic of elections and then they won’t even
hold as many states in power as they do today,” he said.
bademiyansubhanallah
I WISH I could believe L.K. Advani when he said at the Bharatiya
Janata Party’s (BJP) conclave recently that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh (RSS) with which the party has links had rejected theocracy —
the Hindu rashtra concept.
Then why insist on the term ‘Hindutva’ and why not ‘Bharatvata’? At
least, the BJP would not sound as equivocal as it does.
Advani would recall the criticism he had to face for having hailed
Mohammad Ali Jinnah as secular in Karachi. The RSS literally hauled
him over the coals. He gave many explanations to water down what he
said. Not that Advani’s statement was wrong. The RSS was not ready to
forgive the person “who had vivisected the limbs of Bharat Mata”.
Advani, I am afraid, may interpret Hindutva differently when he tours
the states to explain why the BJP lost. He should realise that the
party won in eight states, including Gujarat on the plank of
parochialism. Will he reinterpret the victory? I think the party has
once again avoided facing its moment of truth. Surprisingly, it has
not struck the BJP that the party is not selling any more because of
its divisive credentials. Its Hindutva, soft or hard, is lessening in
appeal as pluralism increases its space. With time India’s temperament
is becoming secular.
The crisis that the BJP faces is not that of image but of identity.
The image of Hindutva, despite its limitations, has given the party
the recognition it has sought. The new brand does not impart any
sharper, popular edge because Hindutva is Hindutva, Hindu in content
and appeal. In due course, soft Hindutva will assume the shape of
Hinduism. The presence of leaders like Narendra Modi virtually
guarantees that it will happen this way. Whatever the explanation on
the basis of cultural heritage or nationalism means, it has little
relevance when the expression boils down to Hindutva.
The Muslims, 15 per cent of the electorate, do not buy this. Nor do
the increasing numbers of youth, attuned as they are to science and
technology. They do not feel at home with the language of the mandir
or the new word ‘inclusive’ coined by Advani. They are Hindu and do
not feel threatened in a country where they form 80 per cent of the
population. The BJP tries to play on the fear which is artificially
created to get votes. But this has resulted in diminishing returns.
Where the BJP gets stumped is on the point of identity. The party is
so intertwined with the RSS that it does not have a personality of its
own. However liberal the BJP may become, it cannot escape the odium of
the RSS philosophy which emanates from Nagpur where some half-a-dozen
persons, never elected by the people or even by BJP members, pronounce
judgment on crucial problems facing the country. They are like the
Taliban leaders, confined to narrow religious practices expressed in
extreme forms.
The BJP has no cadre of its own and depends on the RSS cadre which
includes the Bajrang Dal of anti-Christian fame in Orissa and the
Vishwa Hindu Parishad of the Gujarat carnage. The BJP got a chance to
turn over a new leaf when it joined the Janata Party after the
emergency (1975-77). It promised to sever its links with the RSS. But
the erstwhile Jana Sangh members went back on the undertaking given to
Gandhian Jayaprakash Narayan who led the movement that ousted Mrs
Gandhi. Instead, they formed a new party, the BJP. When the Janata
Party was routed in 1980, one of the causes was that the BJP divided
the anti-Congress vote. Together the two might have done better.
After the reverse in the recent Lok Sabha elections, I heard some
liberal BJP elements renewing the demand to go it alone. But in no
time they seem to have realised that they do not have the inclination
or determination to build a cadre of their own. This is an arduous
job. The youth can do it. Probably the party can attract them more on
its own, not with the RSS which is attracting less and less young
people at its shakas (morning camps).
The BJP has not yet analysed the cause of its reverses in the
elections. When it met last, there were only harsh words exchanged and
inflammatory letters written and leaked. One leader even called those
in charge of the elections “conspirators”. Another regretted that the
ones who won did not get the reward. It was clear that the acrimonious
attacks were made deliberately, in a planned manner, primarily against
party president Rajnath Singh and Rajya Sabha opposition leader Arun
Jaitley. Critics sounded like they were settling personal scores. I
wish they had the courage to pursue the matter, but it turned out to
be only a storm in a teacup.
Had the BJP analysed the reasons for its losses it would have been
natural. Every defeated political party goes over the exercise as the
Communist Party of India (Marxist) has. But there is a difference
between the two. The politburo of the communists is the final
authority. In the case of the BJP, the buck does not stop with Rajnath
Singh or Advani. The high priests belong to the RSS.
Had the BJP shed Hindutva and snapped ties with the RSS it might have
provided a much-needed alternative to the Congress. The new formation
may have been on the right of centre, but it would have given a
platform to those who differed with the Congress and who may have been
rubbed the wrong way.
If the BJP cannot convert itself into a secular party, however
rightist, it should not hide itself behind soft Hindutva. In that
case, it would have been better for the party to own Hindutva openly.
Its hedging is not going to attract Muslims, liberals or the youth. A
party avowing Hinduism
publicly may also be more recognisable when it says it is related to
the culture and ethos of the people — a way of life. At present the
party has the same old image of Hindutva and no identity of its own.
It is also a divided house. How can it retrieve the ground it has
lost?
bademiyansubhanallah
June 26, 2009
A comparison of the reactions of the Left and the BJP to their
electoral setbacks underlines their ideological imperatives.
The communists have been ready to admit some of their tactical
blunders, viz the withdrawal of support to the Manmohan Singh
government and their illusions about the Third Front. The CPI(M) has
been less forthright than the CPI in this matter. What is noteworthy
is that the comrades haven’t given any indication of facing an
ideological problem, except perhaps to hint at the follies of a rigid
attitude.
There is no reference, however, to the need for clarifications on
their dogma, as the BJP’s Jaswant Singh has demanded in relation to
the concept of Hindutva. On the contrary, CPI(M) general secretary
Prakash Karat still believes that the Left can build a future on its
present 21 per cent votes because the Congress ‘represents the
interests of the imperialists and not those of the common man’.
Another politburo member, Ramachandran Pillai, has indicated that
there will be no slackening of the Left’s efforts to build a third
front.
For the BJP, however, the ideological aspect has assumed crucial
importance.
Thus, there is criticism of the BJP’s mentor, the RSS, by L K Advani’s
aide, Sudheendra Kulkarni, apart from Jaswant’s Singh’s suggestion,
which has drawn flak from the Bajrang Dal’s Vinay Katiyar, who has
seen it as an attempt to dilute Hindutva. Not surprisingly, these
expressions of dissatisfaction about the viability of the BJP’s
weltanschauung has prompted an RSS ideologue, M G Vaidya, to mockingly
ask the party to dissociate itself from the paterfamilias, knowing
full well that the BJP has neither the guts nor the inclination to do
so.
bademiyansubhanallah
India Express BuzzFriday, June 26, 2009 7:02 PM IST
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Books | Music | Miscellany Home > Opinion > Op-EdLeft, BJP in
free fall
Amulya GanguliFirst Published : 26 Jun 2009 12:20:00 AM ISTLast
Updated : 26 Jun 2009 01:03:34 AM IST
What is obvious, therefore, is that where the comrades have left
themselves room for manoeuvre, a section in the BJP is trying to break
free from the RSS-led Sangh parivar’s ideological straitjacket. This
is a curious situation since the communists are supposed to be more
doctrinaire than the fascists. The reason for the dissimilarity,
however, is that the mainstream communists, unlike the Maoists, are no
longer striving for an armed revolution, their basic ideological
objective. Instead, they are ready for adjustments with the
‘bourgeois’ system by fine-tuning their responses, as in the present
case, by even admitting the need to be more humble.
It is different, however, for the party with a difference. The BJP is
caught in a dilemma where its tactical ploys are no longer working if
only because these have already been tried and found wanting. The
party’s abandonment of the three key issues in the parivar’s Hindutva
agenda — building the Ayodhya temple, scrapping Article 370 and
introducing a uniform civil code — have reached a dead end where
winning friends and influential people are concerned. It worked in the
late Nineties to enable the BJP to set up the NDA comprising largely
of non-saffron parties. But the successive defeats in two general
elections have shown that the trick of pretending to relegate Hindutva
to the sidelines is failing to deceive anyone because it is widely
known that the party remains committed to a Hindu majoritarian state.
There were several reasons why the ruse was successful earlier in
drawing as many as 24 parties to the NDA. One was Atal Behari
Vajpayee’s presence at the helm. Although he never took a firm stand
against the hardliners, except in the matter of reaching out to
Pakistan, he was nevertheless seen as a moderating influence despite
succumbing to the hawks over, say, the question of sacking Narendra
Modi after the 2002 riots. There were, of course, some like Farooq and
Omar Abdullah who subsequently regretted their membership of the NDA
or time-servers like Ram Vilas Paswan who left the NDA when it suited
them or Mamata Banerjee whose one-track, anti-CPI(M) mindset left her
with no alternative as long as the Congress was close to the Left at
the national level. Even then, Vajpayee’s sobriety was the only glue.
Another reason why the BJP’s pretences worked was because the Congress
was too weak in the late ’90s to offer a serious threat. It was this
factor that persuaded the RSS to go easy on the ideological question
because it believed that the BJP’s stint in office would enable it to
consolidate its hold on the levers of power, thereby enabling it to
pave the way for Hindu rashtra.
But, now that many of the earlier allies have moved to a rejuvenated
Congress camp, the BJP has to make up its mind about either continuing
to kowtow to the RSS or going its own way.
If it seems unlikely that the party will dare to take the second road,
the reason is that in the absence of Vajpayee due to ill health, there
is no one of stature at the moment who has the charisma and the
intellectual prowess to defy the RSS. The latter knows this well.
Hence, Vaidya’s jeering tone. However much the RSS gloats over the
fact that it has got the BJP by the short and curly, the fact remains
that such a state of affairs will ring the BJP’s death knell. Even
before the elections, two major allies of the party, Naveen Patnaik
and Mamata Banerjee, broke away while a third, the JD(U), appeared
restive. After the elections, even the ever-faithful Akali Dal
expressed displeasure over the BJP’s criticism of Manmohan Singh.
Now, if the RSS exercises the age-old prerogative of the karta (head
of the household) of the Hindu joint family to dictate terms even to
grown-up children, then the BJP is doomed. Not only will the NDA fall
apart, the BJP itself may start to splinter with those of its fair-
weather friends, who joined it in the Nineties in the mistaken belief
that it was the party of the future, will desert the sinking ship. If
the BJP hasn’t split so far unlike the communist parties, it is
because the party became a serious player in the political game only
after Advani’s 1990 rath yatra. As a result, it is just in the last 20
years that it has experienced the ups and downs of politics that have
been linked with the party’s ideological misadventures — demolition of
the Babri Masjid in 1992 — and tactical retreats as in the shelving of
its pro-Hindu agenda four years later. However, the present low point
will test its ideological mettle and organisational cohesion as never
before.
The communists, on the other hand, have had a longer history even if
only at the state level. Their first experience of power was as long
as half a century ago when the E M S Namboodiripad government assumed
office in Kerala. The comrades were also lucky that the splits in
their parties in 1964 and 1969, especially the last one, made large
sections of them, willy-nilly, come to terms with the present system.
But their problem is not dogma so much as loss of popular appeal
because of the corroding influence of power, which is very much in
evidence in West Bengal and Kerala.
bademiyansubhanallah
It is not an ideological struggle that we have been witnessing in the
BJP through its post-election polemics. It is a heated debate over how
best to hide the ideology for the wide sections of voters outside the
party’s “core constituency”
It was a Sunday sermon on Hindutva. Addressing the national executive
of the Bharatiya Janata Party, agonising for over five weeks since its
election reverses, on June 22, Lal Krishna Advani warned against “any
narrow or bigoted anti-Muslim interpretation of Hindutva”.
He was reported as backing this clarification of the party’s “core
ideology” with a quote from the former chief of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the patriarch of the Parivar or the Far Right
“family”, on the fraternity of faiths.
The words of Madhukar Dattatraya Deoras, the fuehrer or the
“Sarsanghchalak” (Chief Director) of the RSS from 1973 to 1994, may
have been wonderful, but what of his deeds?
Here are a few indicative facts.
Jamshedpur, the steel city of then Bihar, witnessed horrendous
communal riots in 1979, leaving 108 dead. An inquiry report by a
Justice Jitendra Narain censured the self-same Deoras personally for
the communal propaganda that had caused the riots. The RSS had held a
conference there “only four days before the Ram Navami festival [when
the riots erupted] and the speech delivered by...Deoras contributed
[its] full share in fomenting these communal feelings”.
The anti-Christian riots of 1982, too, happened during the Deoras
helmsmanship of the RSS. An inquiry report by a Justice P Venugopal
found his organisation fomenting anti-Christian feelings: “It [the
RSS] has taken upon itself the task to teach the minority their place
and, if they are not willing to learn their place, teach them a
lesson. The RSS has given respectability to communalism and communal
riots and demoralise [the] administration.”
Deoras had been the general secretary of the RSS from 1965 until he
became its supremo. The period witnessed communal riots in Ahmedabad
(1969), in Bhiwandi (1970, with a toll of 75 lives), and in
Tellicherry (1971). Judicial inquiry commissions found the RSS mainly
responsible for the mayhem in all these cases as well. No word of
disapproval of his outfit’s outrageous role in any of the instances
ever escaped from Deoras.
Yet, he is idolised as an ideologue of moderation. Many observers,
even outside the RSS, give him credit for making a departure that was
to serve the Parivar and its political front so well. He might have
provoked communal carnages, but he refrained from making statements
like his predecessor Guru Golwalkar’s denying even “citizens” rights”
to “foreign races” who refused to lose “their separate existence [and]
to merge in the Hindu race”.
Deoras was a mentor, in this respect, of former Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpyee, the famous “mask” of the BJP and the Parivar. Vajpayee
put the “Hindutva” issues including Ayodhya “on the backburner” in
order to placate allies and stay on in power. He served the Parivar
ideology all the same by giving nuclear weapons to South Asia and
presiding over the Gujarat pogrom.
Neither Deoras nor Vajpyee altered the Far Right ideology; they just
feigned to do so. Their plea to the rest of the Parivar was not to
give up the ideology but to gift-wrap it. When Advani — the man who
could not become a “mask” — calls for an ideological “change”, he
means a cosmetic one just as his deceased mentor and surviving party
senior did.
It is not an ideological struggle that we have been witnessing in the
party through its post-election polemics. It is a heated debate over
how best to hide the ideology for the wide sections of voters outside
the party’s “core constituency”. The Shadow Prime Minister of the
BJP’s poll campaign was not asking for anything more substantial,
either.
This is clear from the fact that he was alluding, by all accounts, to
Varun Gandhi’s communal venom spewed at videoed party rallies. Neither
Advani nor any of his party peers, it must be noted, has denounced
Varun directly and explicitly. Their concern has been to suggest that
they were objecting to the style, and not the spirit, of his
statements.
To some, the BJP may seem to be indulging in exaggerated breast-
beating. The Vajpayee years have not gone entirely in vain, after all.
Quite a few observers would seem to see the party as not quite fully a
part of the Far Right. Well-known social scientist Ashis Nandy seems
to give the BJP such a benefit of doubt when he makes a strange
suggestion to the party.
Strange because the suggestion is that the party, which has always
taunted the Left about its alleged “foreign” inspiration and links,
can learn from an American example. Nandy writes: “The Republican
Party...also encourages and allies with Christian fundamentalists.
They know a small marginal part of the vote comes from there — small,
but a crucial vote percentage. So they woo them pre-election. Post
election, though, there could be indirect rewards but no official
rewards are handed out to them.”
He adds: “The BJP did not understand this art of political management.
They did not learn how to treat Hindutva groups as merely a sect
within them; they believed their entire existence depended on the
ideology.”
Could it be, could it just be, that Nandy does not understand fully
the BJP’s and the Indian Far Right’s politics of religious
mobilisation, which is also one of region-threatening militarism?
For comic relief, we can turn to another foreign example held out to
the Far Right’s political camp. A scribe-turned-party-strategist has
asked the BJP to learn from the example of Britain’s Conservative
Party, staging a “comeback” under 42-year-old David Cameron. Under the
young leader, we are told “the sartorial norms of traditional
Conservative dinners were relaxed from black tie to lounge suits. In
fact, Cameron often took care to appear at many party functions
without a tie.”
Is that a suggestion that attendees at the BJP’s five-star dinners of
considerable frequency should take care not to be dhoti-clad all the
time? If it is, it sounds inspired less by Deoras than by some party
“neta” (leader) of nattier apparel.
The writer is a journalist based in Chennai, India. A peace activist,
he is also the author of a sheaf of poems titled At Gunpoint
bademiyansubhanallah
bademiyansubhanallah
Vote
0 BJP to decide on opposition leader: RSS
Ians May 17th, 2009 NEW DELHI - The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
Sunday said it would support the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) every
decision if Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha L.K. Advani steps
down.
‘Whatever decision is to be taken (on who should be the next
opposition leader) has to be taken by L.K. Advani himself and the
party. The Sangh will have no specific views on this issue,’ RSS
leader Ram Madhav told reporters here.
Three top RSS leaders — Madan Das Devi, Suresh Soni and Bhaiyyaji
Joshi — met Advani earlier Sunday.
‘The election results were discussed and exchange of notes took place
in the meeting,’ Madhav said.
Asked if the RSS was also analysing the reasons for the BJP’s poll
debacle, Madhav said the Sangh does not have the capacity to analyse
the election results.
bademiyansubhanallah
HUM HINDUSTANI: How to hide an ideology
By J Sri Raman
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bademiyansubhanallah
Express news service
Posted: Sunday , Jun 28, 2009 at 0053 hrs IST
... New Delhi:
Four days after RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat called for “an inclusive
Hindutva” in his address at Jammu University, key RSS leader Suresh
Soni on Saturday reiterated the idea adding that the “RSS’s idea of
Hindutva was that of a way of life” something that had been “validated
by the Supreme Court”.
Like Bhagwat — who has lately invoked the names of A P J Abdul Kalam
and Verghese Kurien in his speeches on Hindutva — it was Kalam whose
name figured more prominently than even RSS founder K B Hedgewar’s in
Soni’s 50-minute speech. The RSS leader claimed that the former
President had “once called to ‘spiritualise religion(s)’ and
‘nationalise citizens’ here” and that “Kalam’s roadmap could address
most of the problems afflicting the country”. Soni was speaking at the
conclusion of an RSS Officers’ Training Camp, where a total of 208
volunteers drawn from five north Indian states participated.
With the RSS lately known for at least two dominant competing streams
of thought, and Soni heading one of the groups, his views on a
“liberal Hindutva and diversity” were in consonance with those of
Bhagwat and senior BJP leader L K Advani (who spoke on the subject at
the BJP national executive here last week).
“We respect diversity, and our thrust on vasudev kutumbkam essentially
is an embodiment of this philosophy. But this is possible only when
all religions agree on a common understanding on the right to co-
exist,” said the RSS leader. Soni, however, added that “even moderates
were being dubbed as kafirs in Islam”. “Why do they (the Muslims) need
to encourage stereotypes in forms of beards and burqas, thus keeping
them away from the educational mainstream,” asked Soni, alluding to
what he said was his understanding of “a sizable section of Muslims”.
“The mindset among them that you need to be a conformist and a
believer lies at the core of the conflict, the answer to this lies in
Kalam’s call to spiritualise religion,” added Soni.
bademiyansubhanallah
Neena Vyas
A key issue is articulation of Hindutva ideology
NEW DELHI: Some of the major issues on the future course of the
Bharatiya Janata Party are expected to come up on the sidelines of a
three-day meeting of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh scheduled for mid-
July in Meerut.
BJP general secretary (organisation) Ramlal will attend the all-India
meeting of prant pracharaks (State unit heads). This is the first time
since the Lok Sabha election results were declared that RSS chief
Mohan Bhagwat and other top brass will be present at one place. While
the BJP is yet to make a complete and formal assessment of how and why
it performed well below its expectations, party leaders have been
openly indicating that the reasons are well known, and the BJP
leadership is aware of what led to the poor performance.
There are several issues that need to be sorted out between the RSS
and the BJP before year-end. A new BJP president is expected to be in
place, as the three-year tenure of Rajnath Singh will end later this
year. As has been the practice, the decision on who gets the job will
be taken after consultations between BJP leaders and the RSS top
brass.
Then there is the question whether L.K. Advani, who immediately after
the Lok Sabha elections said he would step down as Leader of the
Opposition but was persuaded to retain the post, would be asked to
make way for a younger leader.
Finally, there is the issue of articulation of the party and Sangh’s
ideology of Hindutva. At the BJP’s national executive committee
meeting recently, the ‘Pilibhit’ model’ — a reference to Varun
Gandhi’s hate speeches — was rejected by party leaders, and the
softer, more inclusive Hindutva was advocated. How is this
articulation to be moderated?
RSS sources indicated that some serious exchange of views will take
place on the sidelines of the prant pracharak meeting.
In August, the BJP plans to hold its own chintan baithak
(brainstorming session). RSS point men for the BJP have participated
in all previous chintan baithaks.
It is after these two events that intense consultations are expected
to begin to put in place a new leadership with a new strategy.
Mr. Rajnath Singh has let it be known that the BJP will not behave
like an obstructionist political force but will cooperate with the
government on issues it thinks are in the national interest.
Very recently, he said that with a drought staring the country in the
face, he would like the BJP to be seen to cooperate with the
government on any measure it decides while giving constructive
suggestions.
bademiyansubhanallah
bademiyansubhanallah
BJP’s dilemma is internal
Shyam Khosla
First Published : 09 Jul 2009 11:22:00 PM IST
Last Updated : 08 Jul 2009 11:49:29 PM IST
Sections of the media and certain elements in the Bharatiya Janata
Party want the party to distance itself from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak
Sangh so that it becomes more acceptable to the masses. They have
forgotten the circumstances in which the BJP came into existence in
1980. The refusal of the Jana Sangh segment of the Janata Party to
sever its ties with the RSS saw its top leaders thrown out of the
party. Launching the BJP was a natural consequence.
If the BJP has grown in strength and popularity in the past three
decades, it is because of the motivation and support it has received
from the RSS and its sister organisations in the ideological parivar.
However, it is for the BJP to decide whether it wants any link with
the RSS. It is also for the party to decide once and for all whether
it wants only a symbiotic relationship with the ideological family or
to be bound to it by an umbilical chord.
The RSS is a movement for all-round national regeneration and is
unflinchingly committed to Hindutva as articulated by K B Hedgewar and
his successors, including Guruji Golwalkar and Mohan Rao Bhagwat. The
RSS is interested neither in power politics nor backseat driving. It
supports all patriotic organisations and those committed to Hindu
nationalism. It is not interested in the internal affairs of any
political party, but any party seeking its blessings must adhere to
the core ideology, inject idealism in its leaders and cadre, inform
its work culture with democratic values and adhere to a discipline
that allows total freedom of expression within the party but no breast-
beating in public forums.
One of the serious infirmities of the BJP is a deficit of internal
democracy. The democratic spirit that permeated decision-making and
appointments to key positions has given way to arbitrariness. Merit is
no longer the main consideration in selection of candidates and office
bearers. Factionalism and personal considerations have led to the
emergence of cliques and coteries at all levels. A ‘knowledgeable’ few
at the helm who may or may not be in touch with ground realities
presume it is their birthright to push their whims down the throats of
state units and cadre as ‘decisions of the party’.
A case in point is the alliance with a regional outfit in Haryana. An
overwhelming majority of the state executive was against it and wanted
to tie up with another regional party. The result is for everyone to
see. The party and the alliance were washed out. Uttarakhand has a
more dismal tale to tell. General Khanduri is a good administrator and
has delivered on good governance both at the national and state
levels. But the party lost all seats in the state because of the
disconnect between the performing general and the legislators and the
cadre. Why was he appointed chief minister in utter disregard of the
wishes of the party legislators? Arbitrariness doesn’t pay in the long
run.
Will the party learn any lesson and return to the era of collective
leadership? Sycophancy and individualism have become the norm rather
than an exception. The BJP can’t afford to adopt the work culture of
dynastic parties. This has done incalculable harm to the work culture
of the party and demoralised grassroot workers.
A sincere and sustained effort to restore the primacy of the cadre and
allowing democratic spirit to inform all actions will do wonders for
the party. It also needs to have a fresh look at its constitution. The
process of electing district, state and national presidents needs to
be made more democratic and transparent. Executive committees at the
national and lower levels need to be democratically elected rather
than nominated, as at present. Senior leader L K Advani’s reference to
train compartment mentality in the party is telling. The upstarts who
have managed to occupy positions of power in the party resist the
infusion of fresh blood.
This practice must end if the party is to grow. Let the party
identify, encourage and train potential leaders from its own ranks and
sister organisations. The defeat in the parliamentary elections is
both a challenge and an opportunity. Will the party and its top
leadership accept the challenge and spend the next five years
rebuilding the party from the grassroots?
For this, it needs a leader who has the moral authority and stature to
motivate the cadre and discipline the generation next. Lal Krishna
Advani has the moral authority, stature and ability to perform this
stupendous task if he decides to say goodbye to parliamentary career
and devote his energies to rebuild the party. Will he prevail upon the
coterie that is bent upon preventing him from taking the plunge?
bademiyansubhanallah
bademiyansubhanallah
First Published : 10 Jul 2009 04:04:00 AM ISTLast Updated : 10 Jul
2009 08:20:08 AM IST
Congress leaders in Karnataka have begun speaking a new language.
Deviating from their earlier claim that the party was mass-based, they
are now claiming to make it a cadre-based organisation.
They are speaking of booth level management, personality development,
discipline and other new generation language of the corporate world.
The leaders are speaking about ‘Aam Aadmi Ka Sipai’ (AAKS), a concept
mooted by Rahul Gandhi, who has been dreaming to give a new direction
to the aged Congress party.
Going by the concept paper of the Youth Congress, AAKS is intended to
make “youths connect with the grassroots level and popularise the
historic pro-people schemes implemented by the Congress-led UPA
Government, especially the NREGS which has been extended countrywide
from this year.” According to the plan, each unit of AAKS formed at
the panchayat level will have a group of three people, of which one
will have to be a woman. The AAKSs have there task cut out. They will
have to popularise the party’s programmes, educate the people about
their benefits and teach them how to use the provisions of the Right
to Information Act effectively.
This body is independent of party hierarchy but acts as a catalyst for
the party’s growth.
There are other two new bodies: Rajiv Gandhi Shakti Kendras (RGSKs) at
booth level and Indira Gandhi Svasahayata Samitis (IGSSs) at panchayat
level. The RGSKs deal with booth management particularly during
elections.
The IGSSs are voluntary organisations having the character of self-
help groups. They work like “selfsustaining, income-generating, socio-
economic units aimed at creating what could possibly be the largest
multifaceted NGO in the country.” The party has the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangha (RSS) in mind while explaining the concept and
working of these units. Though not in the open, the leaders give this
comparison privately. So, it is very clear that Rahul’s Youth
Congress, and consequently the Congress itself, wants to follow the
model of the RSS structure to change the party into a cadre-based
organisation.
India's Grand Old Party formed in 1885, has at last decided to change
its structure.
Immediately after independence, Nehru avoided such a change lest the
party lose power once the change from mass-based structure to c a d r
e - b a s e d structure was enforced. However, his great grandson
Rahul, wants to ch a n g e t h e structure. The message given to the
cadres down the line is also same, that these AAKSs, RGSKs and IGSSs
would work almost similarly as the cadres of the RSS.
But the Congress leaders, particularly Rahul Gandhi, have forgotten
one main difference here. All the frontal organisations, including the
BJP, have branched out from the RSS. So, even though they have
differences at the personal level, they remain loyal to the RSS and do
not carry their differences when they meet under the RSS. It is the
reverse in the Congress.
The organisations like AAKSs and others are the offshoots of the
Congress.
They carry all the attributes of the parent political party.
This political characterisation has already been showing in the AAKSs
and others. Can such organisations, which are born with bias of
groupism attached to them, give good service to the society or to the
party? Rahul and his people should think about it.
bademiyansubhanallah
;Binoy Valsan
JAIPUR, 10 JULY: The reins of the dissidence-ridden Rajasthan unit of
the Bharatiya Janata Party has once again been handed over to the RSS
camp, reportedly to the supposed dismay of the Vasundara Raje faction
with the appointment of Mr Arun Chaturvedi as the new state president
of the saffron political outfit. The change of guard has been taken in
the aftermath of the twin humiliating defeats suffered by the party in
the recent Lok Sabha and state Assembly elections in the desert state.
Though denied by the party central leadership, the lack of co-
ordination between the Vasundara Raje faction and the RSS backed
leaders in the state was earlier attributed as one of the prime
reasons for the party’s political downfall in Rajasthan where it had
registered a clean sweep over the Congress in the previous rounds of
Assembly and parliamentary elections.
“The morale of the party workers is low after the elections and I will
work hard to boost it especially since local body and organizational
polls are slated to be held soon,” said Mr Arun Chaturvedi, newly
appointed Rajasthan state party president.
The party central leadership has reportedly opted to appease the RSS
faction since the lacklustre poll performance was once again
threatening to plunge the party into chaotic round of infighting and
factional feuds. Former state president Mr OP Mathur had submitted his
resignation from the post immediately after the declaration of the
results and had also openly stated that rest of the "prominent" state
level leaders should also have the grace to share the burden of defeat
along with him. Mr Mathur a prominent member of the anti-Raje camp was
earlier appointed as the state party president replacing the then
party chief Mr Mahesh Sharma, a close aide of Mrs Vasundara Raje
following an open revolt within the party ranks from a number of
senior party leaders with RSS patronage. The RSS has been extremely
critical of Mrs Raje’s alleged dictatorial style of functioning and
had previously accused her and her coterie of selected leaders
responsible of alienating grassroots level workers from the party. The
sole voice of resentment against Mr Chathurvedi’s appointment from the
MLA from Kolayat, Devi Singh Bhati who has threatened to resign rather
than serving under him.
bademiyansubhanallah
Gehlot stops pension for Emergency victims
By Lokpal Sethi in Jaipur
The real reason behind shelving of the scheme was that since it
carries the stigma of Emergency during the Congress rule at the Centre
at that time, continuation of this pension scheme by the Congress
government would be politically wrong.
When detainees under Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA)
during Emergency in 1975, in the last week of June were marking the
anniversary of their arrest during that black period in democracy of
the country, Rajasthan government formally shelved the pension scheme
for them, initiated by the previous BJP government.
In a Cabinet meeting in third week of June, Gehlot government, quietly
decided not to move further to implement the scheme and accordingly
district collectors were sent the instructions not to proceed in the
matter .
This is third major scheme, which has invited the wrath of Congress
government.. The only problem with these schemes was that they were
started by previous BJP government. Soon after coming to power in
December the Congress government shelved a women empowerment scheme
called Bhamashah Mahila Shashastikaran Yojana. Then there was move to
disband all women of the Rani Hadi Battalion in the police. Thanks to
the women social activist groups, under whose pressure, government
agreed to continue the scheme.
According to official sources the reason for shelving the pension
scheme was that since most of the MISA detainees themselves are not
showing keen interest in availing the benefits under the scheme, there
is no point to carry it.
But the real reason behind shelving of the scheme was that since it
carries the stigma of Emergency during the Congress rule at the Centre
at that time, continuation of this pension scheme by the Congress
government would be politically wrong. Congress rule at the Center was
responsible for imposing Emergency in the country
During the emergency a total of 543 people, mostly leaders of
Opposition and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh were detained under MISA
and Defense of India Rule (DIR).
Last year, Vasundhara Raje led BJP government in Rajasthan announced a
scheme to give pension to the surviving MISA detainees. Initially this
scheme was applicable for MISA detainees, but later people detained in
DIR were also included on the suggestion of some party leaders.
At that time a list of such people were drawn and the number of
surviving detainees was found around 270. Under the scheme, each of
the MISA and DIR detainee was to get a monthly pension of Rs. 6,000
and medical allowance of Rs. 600.
Many surviving detainees, mostly RSS, BJP and socialist leaders
declined to take the pension. Ramkishore Parikh, than a senior RSS
functionaries, said, “We did not go to jail for pension but to fight
against the oppression of the Congress government during Emergency”.
In the month of August last year, a convention of these detainees was
held in the State capital and matter was discussed at length. Though
many opposed to receive the pension benefits, finally it was left to
the individual to avail it or not. Some of them did apply for the
pension but with the announcement of Assembly election their cases
could not be decided owing to code of conduct
Om Saini, who actively participated in total revolution movement of
Jainarayan and was in jail for 18 months , says his conscious doesn’t
allow him take this pension as he along with other went to jail for a
cause.
Informally it was decided in January, when Congress returned to power,
to shelve the scheme, but owing to enforcement of code of conduct due
to Lok Sabha elections, the formal decision in the matter was
delayed .
Few month back, Kaushal Kishore Jain, a spokesman of the MISA
detainees body, had filed a petition in Rajasthan High Court, against
the move of shelving of the scheme,At that time, government informed
the court, no decision has been taken in this matter so far.
bademiyansubhanallah
Savarkar’s Phoney Followers(Politics is a game of the impossible. The
Sangh Parivar, which never enjoyed a smooth relationship with Vinayak
Damodar Savarkar when alive, now wants us to believe that it is the
true and the only heir to his legacy. It is a different matter that
even Savarkar’s diehard followers do not seem amused with all their
rope-tricks. The manner in which RSS-BJP handled the issue of memorial
for Savarkar in faraway France indicates once again the floundering of
their strategy.)
Gopinath Munde, senior leader of BJP, was in for a great shock the
other day when he realised that his move to corner the ruling
dispensation at the centre on the issue of Savarkar memorial had
boomranged on himself and the party as well. In fact he had discussed
the issue with his close associates and had informed senior leaders of
the party about his plans. He had expected that by raising an emotive
issue around ‘Swatantryaveer’ Savarkar on the eve of elections to the
Maharashtra assembly, he would be able to score a point vis-a-vis the
Cong-NCP coalition.
Many newspapers had duly covered his demand when he raised it during
zero hour in Lok Sabha and had also mentioned how the concerned
minister ’searched for answer’.
..Gopinath Munde, BJP general secretary who hails from Savarkar’s home
state Maharashtra, raised the issue during zero hour and demanded “a
clear government response” to the proposal for setting up a Savarkar
memorial at the Marseilles in France. It said that 100 years ago on
this day, Savarkar had jumped off a British ship and escaped to French
coast while he was being brought to India after being arrested in
London for his involvement in the freedom struggle. Savarkar swam
ashore but was arrested in Marseilles.
Munde said the Mayor of Marseilles had agreed to provide land for the
memorial and had sought consent of the Indian government, but the
government had not responded so far. Leader of the opposition
L.K.Advani asked the government to make its position clear, “if not
today, then later.”..
(Come Clean on Savarkar Memorial, BJP tells govt : Express News
Service, July 9, 2009 )
But alas in his hurry to put the ruling dispensation on the mat, Mr
Munde, the ex-deputy CM of Maharashtra had forgot ten to note a very
small detail of the correspondence between the Mayor of Marseilles and
the government of India. As revealed by ‘Swatantryaveer Savarkar Seva
Kendra’ Jean Claude, Mayor of Marseilles did send a letter to the
Prime Minister expressing his willingness to address concerns of
Savarkar’s followers, but it had reached the Prime Minister’s Office
exactly 11 years back (8 th July 1998). It was the period when Atal
Bihari Vajpayee, a Sangh volunteer from his school days, happened to
be Prime Minister of the Republic. Neither Mr Vajpayee nor the Prime
Minister’s Office deemed it necessary to even look into the matter and
they forwarded the said letter to the Ministry for External Affairs to
deliberate on the matter. Any layperson can understand that it was a
political decision which was the privy of the Vajpayee-Advani duo and
was not a matter to be decided by one of their juniors. Looking at the
dithering on this matter at the top itself, the bureaucrats in the
External Affairs ministry also decided to play it safe and as expected
the said file gathered dust in the Ministry all these years. (’Ulta
Pad Gaya Savarkar Smarak Par Bhajapa ka Daon’, Bhaskar 9, July, 2009)
With their zeal to claim Savarkar’s legacy which has become very much
evident in recent times, one expected that the Sangh-BJP leadership
would not have let the matter remain in limbo for these many years.
One still remembers the hullaballo they created when Savarkar’s
quotations from Port Blair’s Cellular Jail were unceremoniously
removed few years back. (2004). It needs reporting that Mr Gopinath
Munde had decided to take out a ‘Savarkar Yatra’ then to supposedly
avenge the alleged insult to the ‘freedom fighter’.
Interestingly when some journalist posed a question before Ms Sushma
Swaraj about this serious gaffe on part of the BJP itself when in
power, and why it sat on the proposal for six long years, she had no
words to answer and preferred to evade the question itself. She
excused herself by saying that she does not have any information
regarding this and she merely wanted to bring attention of the house
towards this matter as suggested by Savarkar Seva Kendra. ( Bhaskar 9,
July, 2009)
One does not know how Mr Munde plans to exhibit his and his parties
love for Mr Savarkar in his birth centenary year now as his plan I
stands backfired.
Interestingly whatever exercises Sangh-BJP people have taken up to
claim Savarkar’s legacy, Savarkar’s old followers including his own
family members have always entertained serious doubts about all such
attempts Few years back when the issue of removal of Savarkar’s
quotations from Cellular Jail had reached headlines, Mr Vikram
Savarkar, Savarkar’s own nephew ( Savarkar nephew hits out at BJP,
August 30, 2004, Indian Express) had accused the senior leaders of the
party for ‘keeping mum despite noticing the removal of his uncle’s
quotations from Port Blair’s Cellular Jail’. According to him Ram
Kapse, the then Lt. governor of Andaman and Nicobar and former M.P Ram
Naik ( both BJP workers) “..did not utter a word when the plaque was
removed.” The report further says that ,’ ..he is not surprised at
BJP’s lack of interest in Savarkar. “We know very well that the BJP
and RSS did not appreciate his (Savarkar’s) philosophy.”..’ ..The
report further says that ‘ (Vikram- author) Savarkar insists BJP’s
sudden love for the legend is an eyewash.’ “It is an effort to woo
voters for the Assembly elections in Maharashtra.”
Incidentally the callousness with which the ‘Parivar’ itself views
this claims of legacy was not lost on the common people then itself
when they noticed that when on the one hand the BJP-Shivsena members
were making a noise about the plaque removal incident inside the
parliament the spokesperson of the RSS Mr Ram Madhav was releasing a
letter to the press purportedly written by Sardar Patel which while
‘absolving RSS from the charges of assasination of Gandhi’ had clearly
stated that Mr Savarkar was involved in the conspiracy to kill Gandhi.
Even a cursory glance at the trajectory of Hindu Mahasabha under the
leadership of Savarkar or the way in which RSS unfolded itself during
those days makes it quite clear that the differences in priorities
between the two organisations was already visible from the day
Savarkar was elected president of the Hindu Mahasabha after his
release from jail ( 1937).In a sympathetic study of RSS The
Brotherhood in Saffron,The RSS and The Hindu Revivalism, the authors
Andersen and Damle clearly explain (Page 40, Vistaar, 1986, Delhi)
that in fact Savarkar’s emphasis was on turning Mahasabha into a
political party in opposition to the Congress when Hedgewars’ had
already decided to insulate RSS from any active politics and
concentrate on ‘cultural work’. Hedgewar and later Golwalkar also
neither wanted to be associated with a formation whose confrontational
activities would place the RSS in direct opposition to the Congress.
According to him there were apprehensions regarding each other’s role
in the Hindu Unification Movement. The souring of relations between
the two organisations is visible in a angry letter issued by
Savarkar’s office in 1940 advising that
“..When there is such a serious conflict at a particular locality
between any of the branches of the Sangh RSS and the Hindu Sabhaites
that actual preaching is carried out against the Hindu Mahasabha …,
then the Hindu Sabhaites should better leave the Sangh …and start
their own Hindu Sabha volunteer corps.( Letter from V.D.Savarkar to
S.L.Mishra, 3 March 1943, Savarkar files, Bombay) “
In fact the earlier Hindu Mahasabha leaders prior to Mr Savarkar were
expecting that RSS would work as a ‘youth organisation’ of the ‘parent
body’. But that plan did not materialise and then Hindu Mahasabha
under Savarkar’s leadership was forced to form Ram Sena in its place.
Savarkar’s increasing frustration with RSS’s docile nature and its
activities was evident in the famous statement he made in the early
forties unleashing his attack on RSS without munching any words :
“The epitah for the RSS volunteer will be that he was born, he joined
the RSS and died without accomplishing anything.”-V. D. Savarkar
(Quoted in D.V.Kelkar, “The R.S.S.” Economic Weekly ( 4 Feb 1950: 132)
Page 36)
It is now history how in 1942 when the Britishers were engaged in the
World War II and the Congress’s call for ‘Quit India’ reverbated
throughout India, thousands of people engaged in government jobs
including police and military left their jobs to protest continuation
of British regime. It is interesting that the mass upsurge of the
Indian people once again could not compel both these organisations to
chart a unified path. Ofcourse there was one commonality and it was
their refusal to join the anti colonial mass upsurge And thus while
the RSS preferred to keep itself aloof from the ‘Quit India Movement’
and concentrate on its ‘cultural’ agenda , Savarkar went one step
further. At that time he preferred to tour India asking Hindu youth to
join the military with a call ‘Militarise the Hindus, Hinduise the
nation’ .
The advent of independence also could not bring about any qualitative
improvement in the relationships between Savarkar and the rest of RSS
led by Golwalkar. In fact the killing of Mahatma as part of a deep
conspiracy hatched by the forces of Hindutva and the consequent
government crackdown on RSS as well as Hindu Mahasabha and the
longwinding court proceedings further soured the relations between the
two. RSS’s vainglorious attempts to save itself from the aftermath,
Golwalkar’s petitions to Sardar Patel for lifting the ban on RSS
coupled with its’ inaction as far as the court case against Savarkar
and his other comrades was concerned proved to be the last straw.
The fifties saw the RSS’s attempts to build a mass political party of
its own in the form of Jan Sangh with a senior ex Hindu Mahasabha
leader Shyama Prasad Mukherjee in its leading position. It was a time
when both the Jan Sangh and the Hindu Mahasabha contested for the same
political space in an ambience which was not conducive for either of
them. It was clear to even a layperson that the RSS as well as Jan
Sangh were maintaining a distance from Savarkar. In fact Savarkar died
a lonely man abhorred by the very people who once called him the
pioneer theoretician of the project of Hindu Rashtra. It seems really
ironic that these are the very people who are today engaged in an
exercise to show that they are the real heirs to his legacy.
Sid Harth
Long Live Obfuscation! The debate over how best to hide the ideology
of BJP
The Daily Times, June 26, 2009
How to hide an ideology
by J Sri Raman
...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
Pankaj vohra, Hindustan Times
July 19, 2009
First Published: 21:39 IST(19/7/2009)
Last Updated: 21:45 IST(19/7/2009)
A change in the top BJP leadership is imminent. It is also more or
less certain that the BJP will have to reiterate its total commitment
to the ideology of Hindutva if it wants to retain the support of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). A decision on the leadership change
is expected to be finalised by the RSS shortly. Indications are that
the saffron party is all set to return to the beliefs of the late Jana
Sangh ideologue, Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyaya.
A recent meeting of RSS leaders in Meerut, attended by key pracharaks,
laid down the blueprint for the BJP’s future. There was unanimity on
the party’s commitment to its core issues. Most participants favoured
a change in leadership in order to restore the party’s credibility.
Top RSS leaders feel that some BJP leaders had misled them and the
time had come to reiterate that a commitment to its ideology is the
cornerstone of the party.
Last month, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat, while talking to Sangh volunteers
in Bihar, outlined his priorities. For him, ideological sanctity was
more important than attaining power. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)
has also been stressing that the BJP should have a leadership
acceptable to all the constituents of the Sangh parivar. Within the
RSS too, a review of assignments has begun. Madan Das Devi who played
a major role in getting L.K. Advani’s name cleared as prime
ministerial candidate in the Lok Sabha elections has been
marginalised.
Sources close to Rajnath Singh have also indicated that a consultation
process has begun within the BJP in order to respond to the concerns
of the RSS. Though there is resistance in some quarters, it is evident
that not many BJP leaders will oppose the Sangh’s diktats. The recent
squabbles in the party following an open revolt by senior
functionaries like Jaswant Singh, Yashwant Sinha and Arun Shourie, all
considered a part of Advani’s coterie at one time, has made things
easy for the RSS.
The RSS is disillusioned with several facets of the BJP’s leadership,
the main one being that some BJP leaders had presented an erroneous
picture of its electoral prospects to the Sangh. The Sangh was also
unhappy that these functionaries had cut the BJP loose from its
ideological moorings and tried to make the party a wannabe Congress.
What was even more unpalatable was that till date Advani has not
withdrawn his remarks on Mohammad Ali Jinnah.
The RSS was first told that the BJP was going to form the government
and may get between 150 and 200 seats. Once the BJP failed to even
touch 120, the RSS was assured that those responsible for the defeat,
including the prime ministerial candidate, would step aside to pave
the way for a new leadership. But Advani’s continuance as the leader
of opposition provoked the Sangh into acting.
The RSS is upset that Rajnath Singh has constantly tried to mislead
its top leadership. Therefore, even though Rajnath’s term as the party
president is till January next year, he may be asked to make way for a
new incumbent earlier. With the BJP scattered, the VHP shattered and
the RSS confused, the Sangh feels that the Congress can sit back and
watch the parivar self-destruct. Between us.
bademiyansubhanallah
meet, which ended here on Sunday, saw a lukewarm response from the
organisation's top brass with President Rajnath Singh keeping away and
others choosing to speak on general issues instead of focusing on
Dalits.
Mr. Singh, who was to deliver the concluding address, preferred to
attend programmes in his constituency Ghaziabad.
Senior party leader L K Advani, who gave the inaugural address on
Saturday, preferred to speak primarily on the BJP's dismal performance
in the recent Lok Sabha polls and had nothing significant to say about
Dalits.
Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, Arun Jailtey too did not
speak much on Dalit issues in his address on Saturday.
It was left to other leaders to discuss the issues.
"The practice of human scavenging has still not been removed. Even
when we were in power for six years we could not do anything," BJP
leader Kailash Meghwal said in his address.
He also lamented that RSS representatives were not present in the two-
day meet. Mr. Meghwal felt that apprising RSS functionaries of Dalit
issues would have helped their cause.
Secretary (Organisation) Ramlal, however, made some practical
suggestions in the meet. Using the Right to Information Act to ask
state governments about four steps taken by them for Dalit welfare was
one of them. He said the BJP does not believe in using Dalits as mere
votebanks.
bademiyansubhanallah
STAFF WRITER 18:32 HRS IST
Pune, July 20 (PTI) The RSS has given an indication that it no more
attaches any significance to the much-hyped remarks by L K Advani on
late Mohammad Ali Jinnah during his visit to Pakistan in 2005 that
cost him the presidentship of BJP.
"It was all a misunderstanding," said Madandas Devi, Chief, All India
Pracharak of the RSS at a function held here last night to release the
Marathi translation of the BJP leader's autobiography "My Country, My
Life."
The brief comment by Devi, who shared the dais with Advani as the
chief guest, came in the course of his speech that showered praise on
the BJP leader, tracing Advani's initiation as a "Swayamsevak" at the
age of 14 in Sindh before the partition.
bademiyansubhanallah
Padma Shastri, Hindustan Times
Indore, July 20, 2009
First Published: 00:31 IST(20/7/2009)
Last Updated: 02:24 IST(20/7/2009)
Sanskrit verses are part of the daily prayer for Mantasha Khan (class
IX), Inayat Ali (class VIII), Jofisha Khan (class IV) and 30 other
Muslim students who study at the Shaishvika Vidyalaya, a high school
with 269 students run by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
It’s not just the Medha Suktam (a Vedic hymn recited to strengthen the
intellect) that they recite with perfect diction but they also chant
the Gayatri mantra, Surya mantra and shlokas (hymns) from the Bhagvad
Gita with equal ease, besides the Ramcharitmanas and the
Hanumanchalisa.
“Afsha Sultana Khokhar who passed from the school three years ago,
excelled in recitation of Sanskrit hymns, including Ganesh
Atharvashirsha (recited to invoke Lord Ganesh) and won prizes,” the
school’s Sanskrit teacher Jagrati Shrivastava recalled.
And their parents never objected. One of the parents —Shakil Khan —has
been encouraging his community members to send their children to this
school, founded in 1975. And the results are encouraging. In 1996, it
had four Muslim students. This year, out of 50 students who got
admission, 25 were from minority community.
“None from our community has problems sending children to the RSS
school. They are gaining knowledge. The school fee is reasonable (Rs
400 a month). And teachers impart good values. Students there are
cultured,” remarked ex-student and cloth merchant Lal Ali, 38, whose
sons Fashil and Kamran study in the school.
Another ex-student and award-winning painter Riyazuddin Patel says,
“My ideology has matured after studying there. What I learned is
discipline, which is akin to the RSS.”
Not that city’s other RSS-run schools don’t have minority students but
Shaishvika Vidyalaya has the most. The management didn’t face any
problems from parents even though the school is surrounded by Muslim-
dominant localities.
“Parents are very cooperative. We’re an educational institution and
don’t promote communalism,” said school principal Aparna Modak.
It was only when girls were asked to put on bindis that Muslim parents
requested they do so only during school hours. “But then we dropped
the regulation,” said Modak, proud of the students the school has
produced.