Hindu Worldview: Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
Indian History Sourcebook:
Sir Monier Monier-Williams:
Camp Life in India, 1850
MY only room was, of course, a tent. It had four doors and no windows,
and a fifth door leading into a kind of lean-to, or small annex,
fitted up with a large bath. Happily no one need trouble himself with
a portable bath in India, because this indispensable convenience is
found everywhere. The tent had a lining of blue and yellow chintz, and
for a carpet a stout blue and white cotton cloth laid on flax straw.
All the doors had two coverings, or rather flaps, one of the same
material as the tent, the other a kind of wire screen, called a chick,
to let in air, and keep out as far as possible inquisitive intruders---
not men and women, but huge bees, wasps, grasshoppers, squirrels,
snakes, and all manner of winged and creeping things innumerable. For
furniture there were two or three chairs, a dressing-table, and a good
iron bedstead with hard mattresses, woolen pillows, and mosquito
curtains, well tucked in all round. Let the reader, then, imagine me
comfortably ensconced, after my month's voyages and travels, within my
four canvas walls, and looking forward with pleasant anticipations to
an undisturbed sleep in a veritable bed---my first since leaving
England.
I go through every needful purificatory rite in my strange lavatory,
and emerge refreshed from my tent door to peep at the scene outside
and take my bearings. I find that we are in a large field or common,
on one side of the Mehmoodabad station. The camp consists of about a
dozen tents, all under large spreading trees, with which the whole
park-like country round is beautifully wooded. Most of the trees are
new to me---the mango, the banyan, the pipal, the tamarind, the nim,
and the
Japanese acacia with its lovely yellow flowers. No tent is ever
pitched under a tamarind. It is supposed, I believe, to exhale too
much carbonic acid during the nighttime. The mango and nim are the
tent-pitcher's favorite trees. Under one mango there is a large
pavilion-like erection for the collector and his wife. Then there is
another double tent, which serves as a dining-room and drawing-room,
of ample dimensions, fitted up with carpets, tables, bookcases, easy-
chairs, sewing-machine, and harmonium: two or three others for
visitors like myself; another for the baby and its ayahs; another for
the Portuguese butler; and of course a capacious tent, with annexes,
which together serve for the collector's kutchery, magisterial court,
and other offices.
On one side under the dense foliage of a banyan is a circular canvas
erection without any roof. This is the kitchen, where excellent
dinners are cooked by means of two bricks and a hole in the ground. A
little removed from the tents is the stable, an open space quite
unprotected, except by foliage, where four Arab horses and two ponies
are tethered by their heels, each attended by its man. Near them stand
carriages, carts, and a curious vehicle called a tonga, usually drawn
by two ponies. It has two seats back to back, suspended on two wheels
and is covered by an awning. Not far off an all but nude Bhisti, dark
as a Negro, is seen plying his occupation. He supplies the camp with
water, by means of two waterskins slung over the back of a bullock.
Ranging about the field in promiscuous places are other bullocks,
buffaloes, goats, sheep, geese, ducks, and fowls. The bullocks are for
the carts, the buffaloes and goats for producing milk and butter. The
other creatures come in usefully as raw material, out of which the
excellent dinners before alluded to are supplied. A sheep in these
country places only costs, I am told, about four rupees, or eight
shillings. It is, however, a melancholy reflection that infliction of
death is essential to the maintenance of an Englishman's life. For
life is everywhere exuberant around me, and every living thing seems
to enjoy itself, as if it were certain of being unmolested. Natives
never willingly destroy life. They cannot enter into an Englishman's
desire for venting his high spirits on a fine day by killing game of
some.kind. "Live and let live" is their rule of conduct towards the
inferior creation.
I walk about admiring every living creature, especially the birds---
the hoopoo with its lovely crest hopping about near me, the doves very
like those at home, the bright parrots, the jays, the woodpeckers.
Then little gray and brown streaked squirrels are playing all around
me. They jump about with wonderful agility, peer in at the tent doors,
and try to secure little bits of cotton for their nests. The sounds
are not always melodious. I hear a screeching note above my head. It
comes from a kind of gray and red toucan seated trustfully on a
branch, and quite undisturbed by my presence. Then another discordant
cry, and a rush---a number of natives are driving away a troop of big,
gray, mischievous monkeys, some with little baby-monkeys clinging to
them. They soon repel the invaders, but only by shouting in rather
harsh vernacular, "The monkey-people, the monkey-people!" To shoot a
monkey would be nothing short of sacrilege. I venture to follow the
retreating intruders, but am arrested by hedges of prickly pear. Then
I fall into ecstasies over the creepers, many of them of gigantic
size, which twine themselves everywhere, covering hedges, bushes, and
bees with their brilliant red, orange, and white flowers.
I must not omit to mention that dotted about the field are mounted and
unmounted sepoys, with here and there a belted government servant
(called a patti-wala, or patta-wala, because distinguished by a
belt)---all within call---all ready to answer instantaneously to the
sahib's summons, and eager to execute his behests. As to the big
collector sahib himself, in the eyes of the people of his district he
is every inch a king. He speaks like one, acts like one, and really
has the power of one. He says to one man, "Come," and he cometh, and
to another "Go," and he goeth. His title of collector gives a very
inadequate idea of his real duties and authority; unless it be taken
to mean that in him all the administrative functions of the district
are collected and comprehended. He not only collects the revenue, but
has high judicial powers, and the whole welfare of a small territory
is committed to him. He superintends police, civil engineering, road-
making, rural economy, municipal government, sanitation, education,
every conceivable matter.
But if every collector is a small king, every Englishman in India is
regarded as a petty prince. Obsequious natives watch his movements,
and hang upon his words. I try to stroll about, but as I circle
leisurely round the compound, attendant satellites hover about my
path. I am evidently expected to develop wants of some kind or other
in the course of my ramble. I ransack my store of correct Hindustani
just imported from Europe for the most polite way of requesting to be
left alone; but I feel as helpless as a child, and as shy as a new boy
at school. Disconcerted and humiliated, I long for a little temporary
obscurity, and hastily hide my head within the walls of my tent. But
my tenacious followers are not to be shaken off so easily. I am
conscious of being vigilantly watched through my barrier of canvas. By
way of experiment I utter the magical formula, "Qui hai?" and a dusky
form seems to rise out of the ground as if by magic. There he stands
in an attitude of abject reverence and attention, waiting for me to
issue my commands either in the best Gujarat or purest Hindustani. But
I do not rise to the occasion. I am not sure whether to be exhilarated
by the opportunity of bringing my knowledge of Indian languages into
play, or depressed by an uncomfortable consciousness of blank
inability to deliver myself of any well-turned and highly idiomatic
sentence expressive of a simple desire to know the dinner-hour. Just
at this juncture I hear a commanding voice call out in the distance
"Khana lao." This is the collector's brief and business-like order for
dinner. I repair with relief to the drawing-room and dining-room. The
collector and his wife, beaming with hospitality, make me sit down at
a well-appointed dinner-table. I have a French menu placed before me.
I eat a dinner cooked with Parisian skill, I drink wine fit for an
emperor, and am waited on by a stately butler and half a dozen stately
waiters in imposing costumes, who move about with noiseless tread
behind my chair, and anticipate every eccentricity of my appetite. I
am evidently on enchanted ground, and can only think of Aladdin in the
"Arabian Nights."
Dinner over, we sit out in the open air. The moon is shining with a
luster unknown in Northern latitudes. We recline on lounging-chairs
round a blazing wood fire, not sorry to wrap ourselves up in our warm
plaids. I retire early to my tent and compose myself for the luxurious
slumber I had anticipated. But I am too excited to sleep immediately.
With difficulty I gain the borderland between consciousness and
unconsciousness. What is that sound, half snort, half snuffle, close
to my head?
I start, and sit up. Can it be the Brahmani bull I saw just before
dinner roaming about at large in full enjoyment of a kind of sacred
independence? Cautiously and guardedly I open my mosquito curtains,
intending to seize the nearest weapon of defense. Clink, clink! Clank,
clank! Thank goodness, that must be the guard parading close to my
tent; and sure enough there are sounds of a rush, and a chase, and a
genuine bull's bellow, which gradually diminish and fade away in the
distance.
Again I compose myself, but as night advances begin to be aware that a
number of other strange sounds are intensifying, outside and inside my
tent---croaks, squeaks, grunts, chirps, hums, buzzes, whizzes,
whistles, rustles, flutters, scuffles, scampers, and nibbles. Harmless
sounds proceeding from harmless creatures! I reason with myself. A
toad is attracted by the water in my bathroom, a rat has scented out
my traveling-biscuits, mosquitoes and moths are tryint to work their
way through my curtains, a vampire bat is hanging from the roof of my
tent, crickets and grasshoppers are making themselves at home on my
floor. "Quite usual, of course," I say to myself, "in these hot
climates, and quite to be expected!" Ah, but that hissing sound! Do
not cobras hiss? The hissing subsides, and is succeeded by a
melancholy moan. Is that the hooting of an owl? No! the moan has
changed to a prolonged yell, increasing in an alarming manner. Yell is
taken up by yell, howl by howl. Awful sounds come from all directions.
Surely a number of peasants are being murdered in the adjoining
fields. I am bound to get up and rush to the rescue. No, no, I
remember. I saw a few jackals slinking about the camp in the evening.
Once more I try to compose myself, disgusted with my silly
sensitiveness. Shriek, shriek, and a thundering roar! The midnight
luggage-train is passing with a screaming whistle fifty yards from my
head. At last I drop off exhausted into a troubled slumber. I dream of
bulls, snakes, tigers, and railway collisions. A sound of many voices
mingles with my perturbed visions. Crowds of natives are collecting
for the six o'clock train two hours before sunrise. They talk,
chatter, jabber, shout, and laugh to beguile the tedium of waiting. At
five minutes to six the station bell rings violently, and my servant
appears with my chota haziri, or little breakfast. I start up, dress
quickly, remembering that I am expected to drink a cup of hot tea, and
go out like a veteran Anglo-Indian, to "eat the air," before the sun
is well up.
I conform to the spirit of the trite precept, Si Romae fuerris, Romano
vivito more; but the collector and his wife are out before me, and are
seen mounting their horses and starting off to scour the country in
every direction for an hour or so. I find the morning breeze bites
keenly, and am glad to walk briskly up and down the camp. I amuse
myself by watching the gradual gathering of natives around the
Butchery---two or three policemen with a prisoner; a cheerful-looking
man in a red turban and white garments carrying a paper or petition of
some kind; several emaciated, half-naked villagers bowed down to the
dust with the weight of their poverty and grievances; a decrepit old
man attended by a decrepit old woman; underlings who come to deliver
reports or receive instructions; other persons who come to be advised,
encouraged, scolded, or praised, and others who appear to have nothing
to do, and to do it very successfully. Every one has an air of quiet
resignation, and nearly all squat on the ground, awaiting the
collector sahib's return with imperturbable patience. All these cases
are disposed of by the collector in person after our eight o'clock
breakfast.
At eleven the post comes in; that is, a running messenger, nearly
naked, brings in a pile of letters on his head from the neighboring
town. The collector is immersed in a sea of papers until our next
meal. Meanwhile a visitor from a neighboring station makes his
appearance riding on a camel, and is received in the drawing-room by
the collector's wife. Then a deputation of Brahmans is seen
approaching. They have come to greet me on my arrival; some of them
are Pandits. A mat is spread for them in a vacant tent. They enter
without shoes, make respectful salaams, and squat round me in a
semicircle. I thoughtlessly shake hands with the chief Pandit, a
dignified, venerable old gentleman, forgetful that the touch of a
Mleccha (English barbarian) will entail upon him laborious
purificatory ceremonies on his return to his own house. We then
exchange compliments in Sanskrit, and I ask them many questions, and
propound difficulties for discussion. Their fluency in talking
Sanskrit surprises me, and certainly surpasses mine. We English
scholars treat Sanskrit as a dead language, but here in India I am
expected to speak it as if it were my mother-tongue. Once or twice I
find myself floundering disastrously, but the polite Pandits help me
out of my difficulties. Two hours pass away like lightning, the only
drawback to general harmony being that all the Pandits try to speak at
once. I find that no one thinks of terminating the visit. Native
visitors never venture to depart till the sahib says plainly, "You may
go." I begin to think of the most polite Sanskrit formula for breaking
up my conclave, when I am saved from all awkwardness by a call to
tiffin.
In the afternoon the sun acquires canicular power, the thermometer
rises to eighty-two, and the temperature is about as trying as that of
the hottest day of an English summer. Under the combined influence of
tiffin, heat, exhilaration, humiliation, and general excitement, I am
compelled to doze away an hour or two, till it is time to walk with
the collector to a neighboring baoli, or old underground well, now
unused and falling into ruins, but well worth a visit. It is more like
a small subterranean tank than a well, and the descent to it is by a
long flight of stone steps, surrounded by cool stone chambers built of
solid masonry, and supported by handsome pillars. In Eastern
countries, benevolent men who have become rich and wish to benefit
their fellow-creatures before they die, construct wells and tanks,
much as we build hospitals in Europe. I return with the collector to
his camp as the sun sets. So much for my first day's experiences.
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From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World
in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. II:
India, Persia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, pp. 224-233.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has
been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.
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© Paul Halsall November1998
hal...@fordham.edu
bademiyansubhanallah
Sir Monier Monier-Williams:
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THE Parsis are descendants of the ancient Persians who were expelled
from Persia by the Muhammedan conquerors, and who first settled at
Surat between eleven and twelve hundred years ago. According to the
last census they do not number more than seventy thousand souls, of
whom about fifty thousand are found in the city of Bombay, the
remaining twenty thousand in different parts of India, but chiefly in
Gujarat and the Bombay Presidency. Though a mere drop in the ocean of
241 ,000,000 inhabitants, they form a most important and influential
body of men, emulating Europeans in energy and enterprise, rivaling
them in opulence, and imitating them in many of their habits. Their
vernacular language is Gujarati, but nearly every adult speaks English
with fluency, and English is now taught in all their schools. Their
Benevolent Institution for the education of at least one thousand boys
and girls is in a noble building, and is a model of good management.
Their religion, as delivered in its original purity by their prophet
Zoroaster, and as propounded in the Zend Avesta, is monotheistic, or,
perhaps, rather pantheistic, in spite of its philosophical dualism,
and in spite of the apparent worship of fire and the elements,
regarded as visible representations of the Deity. Its morality is
summed up in three precepts of two words each---"Good thoughts," "Good
words," "Good deeds"; of which the Parsi is constantly reminded by the
triple coil of his white cotton girdle. In its origin the Parsi system
is closely allied to that of the Hindu Aryans---as represented in the
Vedas---and has much in common with the more recent Brahmanism.
Neither religion can make proselytes.
A man must be born either a Brahman or a Parsi; no power can convert
him into either one or the other. One notable peculiarity, however,
distinguishes Parsiism. Nothing similar to its funeral rites prevails
among other nations; though the practice of exposing bodies on the
tops of rocks is said to prevail among the Buddhists of Bhotan. And
truly among the interesting contrasts which everywhere meet the eye of
an observant European traveler, when he first arrives at Bombay, may
especially be noted the different methods adopted by the adherents of
different creeds for the disposal of their dead.
There in Bombay one may seen within a short distance of each other,
the Christian cemetery, the Muhammedan graveyard, the Hindu burning-
ground, and the Parsi Dakhmas, or Towers of Silence. These latter are
erected in a garden, on the highest point of Malabar Hill---a
beautiful rising ground on the north side of Back Bay, noted for the
bungalows and compounds of the European and wealthier inhabitants of
Bombay scattered in every direction over its surface. The garden is
approached by a well-constructed private road, all access to which,
except to Parsis, is barred by strong iron gates. I obtained leave to
visit the Towers on two different occasions, and thanks to the
omnipotent Sir Jamsetjee, no obstacles impeded my advance. Each time I
made my appearance before the massive gates they flew open before me
as if by magic. I drove rapidly through a park-like inclosure, and
found the courteous Secretary of the Parsi Panchayat, Mr. Nasarwanjee
Byramjee, awaiting my arrival at the entrance to the garden. On the
occasion of my first visit he took me at once to the highest point in
the consecrated ground, and we stood together on the terrace of the
largest of the three Sagris, or Houses of Prayer, which overlook the
five Towers of Silence. These Sagris are indispensable adjuncts to all
Parsi burial-towers in large towns such as Bombay, Surat, and Poona,
but are not found attached to them in less important localities. They
are not only places of prayer, they are sanctuaries for the sacred
fire, which, when once kindled and consecrated by solemn ceremonial,
is fed day and night with incense and fragrant sandal by a priest
appointed for the purpose, and never extinguished. It is noteworthy
that the wall of the Bombay Sagri has an aperture or apertures, so
arranged that the light streaming from the sacred fire, or from a
consecrated oil-lamp, kept burning throughout the night, may pass
through similar apertures in the parapets of the towers, and fall on
the bodies lying in the interior. The view we enjoyed when standing
near the principal Sagri can scarcely be surpassed by any in the
world. Beneath us lay the city of Bombay partially hidden by cocoanut
groves, with its beautiful bay and harbor glittering in the brilliant
December light. Beyond stretched the magnificent range of the Ghauts,
while immediately around us extended a garden, such as can only be
seen in tropical countries. No English nobleman's garden could be
better kept, and no pen could do justice to the glories of its
flowering shrubs, cypresses, and palms. It seemed the very ideal, not
only of a place of sacred silence, but of peaceful rest.
But what are those five circular structures which appear at intervals
rising mysteriously out of the foliage? They are masses of solid
masonry, massive enough to last for centuries, built of the hardest
black granite, and covered with white chunam, the purity and
smoothness of which are disfigured by patches of black fungus like
incrustations. Towers they scarcely deserve to be called; for the
height of each is quite out of proportion to its diameter. The largest
of the five may be described as an upright cylindrical stone
structure, in shape and solidity not unlike a gigantic millstone,
about fourteen feet high and ninety feet in diameter, resting on the
ground in the midst of the garden. It is built of solid granite,
except in the center, where a well, ten feet deep and about fifteen
across, leads down to an excavation under the masonry, containing four
drains at right angles to each other, terminated by holes filled with
sand, or in some cases, with charcoal. Round the upper and outer edge
of this circular structure, and completely hiding its upper surface
from view, is a high stone parapet. This is constructed so as to seem
to form one piece with the solid stone-work, and being, like it,
covered with chunam, gives the whole erection, when viewed from the
outside, the appearance of a low tower. Clearly, one great object
aimed at by the Parsis in the construction of these strange
depositories of their dead is solidity. We saw two or three enormous
massive stones lying on the ground, which had been rejected by the
builders simply because they contained almost invisible veins of
quartz, through which it was possible that impure particles might find
their way, and be carried, in the course of centuries, by percolating
moisture, into the soil. Earth, water, and fire are, according to
Zoroaster, sacred symbols of the wisdom, goodness, and omnipotence of
the Deity, and ought never, under any circumstances, to be defiled.
Especially ought every effort to be made to protect Mother Earth from
the pollution which would result if putrefying corpses were allowed to
accumulate in the ground. Hence the disciples of Zoroaster spare
neither trouble nor expense in erecting solid and impenetrable stone
platforms fourteen feet thick for the reception of their dead. The
cost of erection is greatly increased by the circumstance that the
Towers ought always to be placed on high hills, or in the highest
situations available. I was informed by the Secretary that the largest
of the five Towers was constructed at an outlay of three lakhs
(300,000) of rupees.
The oldest and smallest of the five was built two hundred years ago,
when the Parsis first settled in Bombay, and is now only used by the
Modi family, whose forefathers built it; and here the bones of many
kindred generations are commingled. The next oldest was erected in
1756, and the other three during the succeeding century. A sixth Tower
stands quite apart from the others. It is square in shape, and only
used for persons who have suffered death for heinous crimes. The bones
of convicted criminals are never allowed to mingle with those of the
rest of the community.
But the strangest feature in these strange, unsightly structures, so
incongruously intermixed with graceful cypresses and palms, exquisite
shrubs, and gorgeous flowers, remains to be described. Though wholly
destitute of ornament, and even of the simplest moulding, the parapet
of each Tower possesses an extraordinary coping, which instantly
attracts and fascinates the gaze. It is a coping formed, not of dead
stone, butof living vultures. These birds, on the occasion of my
visit, had settled themselves side by side in perfect order, and in a
complete circle around the parapets of the Towers, with their heads
pointed inwards, and so lazily did they sit there and so motionless
was their whole mien that, except for their color, they might have
been carved out of the stone-work.
And now as to the interior of the Towers, the upper surface of the
massive granite column is divided into compartments by narrow grooved
ridges of stone, radiating like the spokes of a wheel from the central
well. These stone ridges form the sides of seventy-two shallow open
receptacles or coffins, arranged in three concentric rings, the last
of the three encircling the central well. The ridges are grooves---
that is, they have narrow channels running down their whole length,
which channels are connected by side ducts with the open coffins, so
as to convey all moisture to the central well, and into the lower
drains. The number three is emblematical of Zoroaster's three moral
precepts, AGood thoughts, good words, and good deeds," and the seventy-
two open stone receptacles represent the seventy-two chapters of his
Yasna, a portion of the Zend-Avesta.
Each concentric circle of open stone coffins has a pathway surrounding
it, the object of which is to make each receptacle accessible to the
corpse-bearers. Hence there are three concentric circular pathways,
the outermost of which is immediately below the parapet, and these
three pathways are crossed by another conducting from the solitary
door which admits the corpse-bearers from the exterior, and which must
face the east, to catch the rays of the rising sun. In the outermost
circle of stone coffins, which stands for Agood deeds,@ are placed the
bodies of males; in the middle, symbolizing Agood words,@ those of
females; in the inner and smallest circle, nearest the well,
representing Agood thoughts,@ those of children. Each Tower is
consecrated with solemn religious ceremonies, and after its
consecration no one, except the corpse-bearers, ----not even a high-
priest,---is allowed to enter, or to approach within thirty feet of
the immediate precincts.
The first funeral I witnessed was that of a child. While I was engaged
in conversation with the Secretary outside the Fire Temple, a sudden
stir among the vultures made us raise our heads. At least a hundred
birds, collected round one of the Towers, began to show symptoms of
excitement, while others swooped down from neighboring trees. The
cause of this sudden abandonment of their previous apathy soon
revealed itself. A funeral procession was seen to be approaching.
However distant the house of a deceased person, and whether he be
young or old, rich or poor, high or low in rank, his body is always
carried to the Towers by the official corpse-bearers, the mourners
walking behind. The corpse-bearers are properly divided into two
classes, named Nasa-salars and Khandhias. The former alone are
privileged to enter the Towers, but they are assisted in carrying the
bier by the Khandhias, and they carry the dead bodies of the children
without the aid of the Khandhias. As these Nasa-salars are supposed to
contract impurity in the discharge of their duty, they are obliged to
submit to certain social disadvantages. For instance, they are
generally expected to eat apart from the rest of the community at
social gatherings. They enjoy, however, a compensating advantage in
being highly paid for the work they have to do.
Before they removed the body of the child from the house where its
relatives were assembled, funeral prayers were recited, and the corpse
was exposed to the gaze of the sacred dog. The dog, because of its
faithfulness, is greatly loved by the Parsis, and they feed it as a
sacred duty and pleasure. In olden times dead bodies were given to
dogs to consume; but in these days a piece of bread is fed to the one
that follows the corpse. Moreover, for three days after burial the
soul of the dead man is supposed to be in great danger of being
attacked by evil spirits, and from these the dog is believed to
deliver him.
Then the body, swathed in a white sheet, was placed on a curved metal
trough, open at both ends, and the corpse-bearers, dressed in pure
white garments, proceeded with it towards the Towers. They were
followed by the mourners at a distance of at least thirty feet, in
pairs, also dressed in white, and each couple joined by holding a
white handkerchief between them. When the two corpse-bearers reached
the path leading by a steep incline to the door of the Tower, the
mourners, about eight in number, turned back and entered one of the
prayer-houses. AThere,@ said the Secretary, Athey repeat certain
Gathas, and pray that the spirit of the deceased may be safely
transported on the fourth day after death to its final resting-place."
The Tower selected for the child's burial was one in which other
members of the same family had before been laid. The two bearers
speedily unlocked the door, reverently conveyed the body of the child
into the interior, and, unseen by any one, laid it uncovered in one of
the open stone receptacles nearest the central well. In two minutes
they reappeared with the empty bier and white cloth. But scarcely had
they closed the door when a dozen vultures swooped down upon the body,
and were rapidly followed by flights of others. In five minutes more
we saw the satiated birds fly back and lazily settle down again upon
the parapet. They had left nothing behind but a skeleton. Meanwhile
the bearers were seen to enter a building shaped like a huge barrel.
There, as the Secretary informed me, they changed their clothes and
washed themselves. Shortly afterwards we saw them come out and deposit
their cast-off funeral garments on a stone receptacle near at hand.
Not a thread leaves the garden, lest it should carry defilement into
the city. Fresh garments were supplied at each funeral. In a
fortnight, or at most four weeks, the same bearers return, and with
gloved hands and implements resembling tongs, place the dry skeleton
in the central well. There the bones find their last resting-place,
and there the dust of whole generations of Parsis commingling is left
undisturbed for centuries.
The revolting sight of the gorged vultures made me turn my back on the
Towers with ill-concealed abhorrence. I asked the Secretary how it was
possible to become reconciled to such a usage. His reply was nearly in
the following words: "Our Prophet Zoroaster, who lived six thousand
years ago, taught us to regard the elements as symbols of the Deity.
Earth, fire, water, he said, ought never, under any circumstances, to
be defiled by contact with putrefying flesh. Naked, he said, we came
into the world, and naked we ought to leave it. But the decaying
particles of our bodies should be dissipated as rapidly as possible,
and in such a way that neither Mother Earth nor the beings she
supports should be contaminated in the slightest degree. In fact, our
Prophet was the greatest of health officers, and following his
sanitary laws, we built our Towers on the tops of the hills, above all
human habitations. We spare no expense in constructing them of the
hardest materials, and we expose our putrescent bodies in open stone
receptacles, testing on fourteen feet of solid granite, not
necessarily to be consumed by vultures, but to be dissipated in the
speediest manner, and without the smallest possibility of polluting
the earth, or contaminating a single living being dwelling thereon.
God, indeed, sends the vultures, and, as a matter of fact, these birds
do their appointed work much more expeditiously than millions of
insects would do, if we committed our bodies to the ground. In a
sanitary point of view nothing can be more perfect than our plan. Even
the rain-water which washes our skeletons is conducted by channels
into purifying charcoal. Here in these five Towers rest the bones of
all the Parsis that have lived in Bombay for the last two hundred
years. We form a united body in life, and we are united in death. Even
our leader, Sir Jametjee, likes to feel that when he dies he will be
reduced to perfect equality with the poorest and humblest of the Parsi
community."
When the Secretary had finished his defense of the Towers of Silence,
I could not help thinking that however much such a system may shock
our European feelings and ideas, yet our own method of interment, if
regarded from a Parsi point of view, may possibly be equally revolting
to Parsi sensibilities.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Source
From: Eva March Tappan, ed., The World's Story: A History of the World
in Story, Song and Art, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1914), Vol. II:
India, Persia, Mesopotamia, and Palestine, pp. 234-244.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The text has
been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg
Note: Many Western sources about Islamic countries exhibit what has
come to be known as orientalism. The terms used ("Mohammedan" for
instance rather than "Muslim"), and the attitudes exhibited by the
writers need to be questioned by modern readers.
bademiyansubhanallah
1819-1899
Monier was born in Muambai (Bombay), West India November 12, 1819. He
began his studies at Balliol College in 1837 then moving on to the
prestigious University of Oxford. He was unable to complete his
education at Oxford due to a nomination for civil service in the East
India Company, but Monier�s mother had different plans for him. While
completing his training for the East India Company, Monier was at
Haileybury when his mother persuaded him to decline his nomination and
return to Oxford to continue his education. Monier then returned to
University College where he devoting himself to the studies of
Sanskrit.
After receiving his degree, he became a professor of the Sanskrit,
Persian, and Hindustani languages. Monier taught at the University
until the Crown overturned the government and the college was
abolished along with the old government. He then moved on to teach
oriental languages in Cheltenham for ten years until he was elected
professor of Sanskrit at Oxford. He was elected after a confrontation
with professor Max Miller about the suffrage of outside voters, these
people chose to put Monier in and keep Max Miller out.
To others in his field, Monier�s talents in reading and writing were
not that of his colleagues, but Monier exceeded them in the study of
Sanskrit. In 1875, Monier published Dictionaries translating English
to Sanskrit and Sanskrit to English, which brought much honor, and
attention to Monier�s work. Throughout the later portion of his life
he went to India to focus on the native religions. The entire Indian
institute at oxford owes it existence to the works of Monier. During
the remaining years of his life while he continued his study of
Sanskrit philology, he was knighted in 1886, making him Sir Monier,
and he was also made KCIE in 1889 when he adopted his Christian name
of Monier as an additional surname. Sir Monier passed away in April of
1899.
References:
http://www.biography.com/search/article.jsp?aid=9411832
http://83.1911encyclopedia.org/M/MO/MONIER_WILLIAMS_SIR_MONIER.htm.
The 1911 edition Encyclopedia; Love to Know
Written by Andrew Petersen
Edited by Marcy L. Voelker, 2007
...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
From LoveToKnow 1911
MONIER - WILLIAMS, SIR Monier (1819-1899), British orientalist, son of
Colonel Monier-Williams, surveyor-general in the Bombay presidency,
was born at Bombay on the 12th of November 1819. He matriculated at
Oxford from Balliol College in 1837, but left the university on
receiving in 1839 a nomination for the East India Company's civil
service, and was completing his course of training at Haileybury when
the entreaties of his mother, who had lost a son in India, prevailed
upon him to relinquish his nomination and return to Oxford. As Balliol
was full, he entered University College and, devoting himself to the
study of Sanskrit, he gained the Boden scholarship in 1843. After
taking his degree he was appointed professor of Sanskrit, Persian and
Hindustani at Haileybury, where he remained until the abolition of the
college upon the transfer of the government of India from the Company
to the Crown. He taught oriental languages at Cheltenham for ten
years, and in 1860 was elected Boden professor of Sanskrit at Oxford
after a contest with Professor Max Muller (q.v.), which attracted
great public interest and severe criticism, the motive of the
nonresident voters, whose suffrages turned the scale, being
notoriously not so much to put Monier-Williams in as to keep Max
Muller out. Although, however, far inferior to his rival in
versatility and literary talent, Monier-Williams was in no way
inferior in the special field of Sanskrit, and did himself and his
professorship much honour by a succession of excellent works, among
which may especially be named his Sanskrit-English and EnglishSanskrit
dictionaries; his Indian Wisdom (1875), an anthology from Sanskrit
literature; and his translation of Sakuntala (1853). In his later
years he was especially attracted by the subject of the native
religions of India, and wrote popular works on Brahmanism, Buddhism
and Hinduism. His principal undertaking, however, was the foundation
of the Indian Institute at Oxford, which owes its existence entirely
to him. He brought the project before the university in May 1875, and
in that year and the following, and again in 1883, visited India to
solicit the moral and financial support of the native princes and
other leading men. Lord Brassey came to his aid with a donation of
9000, and in November 1880 the institute was adopted by the
university, but the purchase of a site and the erection of a building
were left to the professor. Upwards of £30,000 was eventually
collected; the prince of Wales, in memory of his visit to India, laid
the foundation stone in May 5883; and the edifice, erected in three
instalments, was finally completed in 1896. Ere this, failing health
had compelled Monier-Williams to withdraw from the active duties of
his professorship, which were discharged by the deputy-professor, Dr
A. Macdonell, who afterwards succeeded him. He continued,
nevertheless, to work upon Sanskrit philology until his death at
Cannes on the 55th of April 1899. He had been knighted in 5886, and
was made K.C.I.E. in 1889, when he adopted his Christian name of
Monier as an additional surname.
...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
Phillip
Upwards of £30,000 was eventually
> collected; the prince of Wales, in memory of his visit to India, laid
> the foundation stone in May 5883
Considering that we are now in the yugabda 5111, it is hard to see how
this date could be possible, unless this happened in a previous yuga.
he siddhaartha monier williams anena mlecchapaNDitena tava kiM
kaaryamasti/ sa boethlingk-roth anayoH jarmaNapaNDitayoH
zabdakozamacorayadityneke manyante/ cheltenham idamatisundaraM nagaraM
bhavati//
bademiyansubhanallah
The Military and Non-Violence
The launch of India's first nuclear-powered submarine, INS Arihant,
reminded me of an embarrassing moment from the past. I was in a city
outside Bombay and needed to meet a high ranking naval officer for
some work. I spoke about him to a couple of acquaintances, both of
whom immediately said, "Oh him, he's on the nuclear submarine
project". As I sat making small talk with the officer a few hours
later, I casually asked, "So how is the work on the nuclear submarine
proceeding? Is it likely to be functional any time soon?" He looked
flabbergasted. "Who told you I was working on that?" he asked. I
realised that, not only was the project supposed to be a carefully
guarded secret, but that, until that moment, the officer had believed
his official position as overseer of certain civil contracts was taken
seriously. I hemmed and hawed, mumbling I couldn't remember who,
precisely, had mentioned the nuclear sub, and changed the subject.
I hope the officer was present at the commissioning of Arihant the
other day.
Arihant means 'destroyer of enemies'. A fair enough name for a
submarine, you would think. But there's a catch. The word is used in
Jain tradition to refer to certain enlightened souls who have, to mix
religious terminology a bit, triumphed in the Greater Jihad against
hatred and personal egotism. Jainism happens to be the most militantly
non-violent faith in the world, if that phrase isn't an oxymoron. In
the past, when Jains became prime ministers or high officials, and had
to get involved in warfare, they atoned for their sins by endowing
temples. The lavish marble monuments of Mount Abu were constructed
from these endowments. Jains, literally, would not hurt a fly. Many go
out of their way to try and protect insects, wearing masks so as not
breathe the critters in, and sweeping the ground before their feet
with peacock feathers to brush off any unfortunate beetle who might be
chilling in the danger zone.
Many Gujarati Jains, it must be said, have been less than true to
their ideals during the reign of Narendra Modi, but that's a separate
issue. The issue, right now, is INS Arihant, and Jains are displeased
that their prophets have been associated with a machine of
destruction.
It must be difficult for the military establishment to cope with all
the pacifist traditions we have in our country, but sometimes the
brass seem to miss obvious points of conflict. Like, India's first
nuclear test, conducted in 1974, was codenamed The Smiling Buddha. A
number of commentators have since suggested it was unwise to connect
history's most profound teacher of non-violence with the most
horrendously destructive device conceived by humankind.
Not that India admitted its interest in stockpiling weapons of mass
destruction. The Smiling Buddha was classified as a Peaceful Nuclear
Explosion. That seems like the oxymoron to end all oxymorons, but
there's actually a treaty governing such tests, because at one time
scientists believed nuclear weapons could be of help in building dams
and canals. India's own military ambitions used that convenient cloak
in 1974.
In 1998, the cloak was thrown off, all pretense came to an end. The
Buddha smiled again, they said, of the five tests conducted that year.
I doubt he did.
Posted by Girish Shahane Girish Shahane at 11:07 PM
bademiyansubhanallah
My dear Phillip,
Love you too Bubba. This is only the initial salvo. Chapter one, verse
one. You ain't seen nothing. Keep trucking.
Sid Harth
Professor, Harvard University, Boston, USA
Department of Sanskrit and East Asian Cultures
Long time no see.
Your brave article originally published in Hindu, Chennai edition
just
about eight years ago, if my poor memery serves me right. I quoted
this
famous article, immediately, all over the creation, especially all
those newsgroups related to Soc.culture.indian...variety.
My friend, we had a great time telling these Hindutva chanting morons
the real truth in very simple yet very convincing language.
Unfortunately, the guy who cannot spell common English words, whose
knowledge level is that of a first-grader and who has temerity to
challenge your authoritative judgment on the very word, HINDU, and
religion called "HINDU RELIGION," both do not exist in any
respectable
history book on this earth. You know it and I know it. Alas, bavards
such as this stupid man, keep telling lies on the top of more lies,
just to keep other fools like him happy.
Great job. See you around.
Sid Harth...The one and the Only "Hindu-Brahmin-Bania-Basher," par
excellence.
Work cited:
"Autochthonous Indians?"
The evidence from old Indian and Iranian texts.
By Michael Witzel, Ph.D.
Harvard University
.."There is really no such religion called Hinduism or Hindu. This is
a misnomer. The Arab traders called the people living East of the
Indus river as Indu. This word then became Hindu in Europe and
European traders called these people Indus or Hindus. The people who
lived South of the Himalayas and East of the Saraswati river, which
flowed near the Indus, called themselves Bahratiya and they lived in
a
country called Bharat. The dharma they practiced was called Sanatan
dharma.
Sanatan dharma means an eternal way of life. In essence neither is
there anything called Hinduism nor do we practice any religion.
Dharma
is not religion. Dharma is a way of life and it is based on knowledge
which can change over time.
dhananjay
then there are no such religion called budhdhism, islam, christian,
jews and others (scientology)
>This is a misnomer. The Arab traders called the
so you remember the arab traders. hmmm,
sure they used you as entertainment for their camels right? buzkashi.
>people living East of the Indus river as Indu.
its not indus anglo american son of a bernard william john james
dubbya.
it is sindhu and people lived near are called sindhi which are
displaced when hindu left the fate of nation to mahatma dealing with
islamist jinnah.
>This word then became Hindu in Europe and European traders called these >people Indus or Hindus.
what do we called then these europeans stealing secrets of mathamatics
and calculations from india via sea route?
>The people who lived South of the Himalayas and East of the Saraswati river, >which flowed near the Indus, called themselves Bahratiya and they lived in
> country called Bharat.
how many times elections took place in this bharat country? cani call
maharashtr as southern state of UP and bihar?
>The dharma they practiced was called Sanatan dharma.
never heard of it. do you mean vedic traditions?
> Sanatan dharma means an eternal way of life.
hindus dont believe in eternal living(till dooms day). even hindu gods
had to die when they wear human body as a 'cause'.
>In essence
you are possibly a gay right activist. its ok. now you can f**k your
roommate its legal now. that if you are still an indian if not a
f**ked up ABCD then may hindu god help you.
>neither is there anything called Hinduism
is there anything called islam? can you answer that on al zazira?
>nor do we practice any religion.
we?
hizda kya practice karega bheek mangne kapractice karo.
> Dharma is not religion.
ok.
>Dharma is a way of life
fine.
> it is based on knowledge
like wiki?
> which can change over time.
dynamic wiki.
> ..and I am Sid Harth
may be may be not. may be f**k yourself.
D
ModerateMallu
> On 27 Lug, 22:50, bademiyansubhanallah <elcidha...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> Upwards of �30,000 was eventually
>> collected; the prince of Wales, in memory of his visit to India, laid
>> the foundation stone in May 5883
>
> Considering that we are now in the yugabda 5111, it is hard to see how
> this date could be possible, unless this happened in a previous yuga.
>
Or as Yogi Berra said, it is deja vu all over again. Maybe the old bot
Shithard can predict the future?
> he siddhaartha monier williams anena mlecchapaNDitena tava kiM
> kaaryamasti/ sa boethlingk-roth anayoH jarmaNapaNDitayoH
> zabdakozamacorayadityneke manyante/ cheltenham idamatisundaraM nagaraM
> bhavati//
Funneeee!!! To me, this reply in Sanskrit is a first in this newsgroup.
Couple of nitpicks
If Monier-Williams is a mlecchapandita, why aren't Boethlingk and Roth?
:-) :-)
zabdakoza or shabdakosha?
Cheltenham is atisundaram???? The FC sucks big time, and the FC is the
only thing that makes a city atisundaram. :-) :-)
Now, it is not a good idea to engage a bot like Shithard. The bot only
cuts and pastes articles, and does not "converse" in this newsgroup. Boring.
paayaanchi vahaaNa paayaantach baree. No?
Phillip
> Couple of nitpicks
Is that all? That makes my day.
>
> If Monier-Williams is a mlecchapandita, why aren't Boethlingk and Roth?
> :-) :-)
Goes without saying, right?
> zabdakoza or shabdakosha?
Sounds the same.
>
> Cheltenham is atisundaram???? The FC sucks big time, and the FC is the
> only thing that makes a city atisundaram. :-) :-)
Haha. Well, I liked it better than Peckham, but maybe that's because
in Cheltenham I actually had somewhere to stay. But my experience of
British cities is not wide. pan FC mhanaje kay?
> Now, it is not a good idea to engage a bot like Shithard. The bot only
> cuts and pastes articles, and does not "converse" in this newsgroup. Boring.
Is he a bot? I didn't know that there was the technology for such
cutting and pasting, but that explains him then, and that other one
(maybe the same bot) Sir Whateverthefuckawallah on what used to be the
Hindu and Indian Culture groups.
> paayaanchi vahaaNa paayaantach baree. No?
atidurlabham, samazle nahi, sorry na re.
(This week in Bengaluru)
ModerateMallu
> On 28 Lug, 21:52, ModerateMallu <KalluMallu...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
>> Cheltenham is atisundaram???? The FC sucks big time, and the FC is the
>> only thing that makes a city atisundaram. :-) :-)
>
> Haha. Well, I liked it better than Peckham, but maybe that's because
> in Cheltenham I actually had somewhere to stay. But my experience of
> British cities is not wide. pan FC mhanaje kay?
>
FC mhanje Football Club :-)
>> Now, it is not a good idea to engage a bot like Shithard. The bot only
>> cuts and pastes articles, and does not "converse" in this newsgroup. Boring.
>
> Is he a bot? I didn't know that there was the technology for such
> cutting and pasting, but that explains him then, and that other one
> (maybe the same bot) Sir Whateverthefuckawallah on what used to be the
> Hindu and Indian Culture groups.
>
I don't care for any or all of these. "Noise" is filtered out via a
killfile :-)
>> paayaanchi vahaaNa paayaantach baree. No?
>
> atidurlabham, samazle nahi, sorry na re.
>
Footwear is best worn on the feet (and not on one's head :-)). So better
to treat dirt like dirt and not dignify it with a response.
> (This week in Bengaluru)
Phillip
> >> paayaanchi vahaaNa paayaantach baree. No?
>
> > atidurlabham, samazle nahi, sorry na re.
>
> Footwear is best worn on the feet (and not on one's head :-)). So better
> to treat dirt like dirt and not dignify it with a response.
Oh, a beauty, masta mhan.
bademiyansubhanallah
Indology must change with the times
N.S. RAJARAM
Recent developments suggest that academic courses may be in danger of
becoming irrelevant
WITHIN THE past year, the Sanskrit Department at Cambridge University
and the Berlin Institute of Indology, two of the oldest and most
prestigious Indology centres in the West, have shut their doors. The
reason cited is lack of interest. At Cambridge, not a single student
had enrolled this year for its Sanskrit or Hindi course. Other
universities in Europe and America are facing similar problems.
Coming at a time when worldwide interest in India is the highest in
memory, it points to structural problems in Indology and related
fields such as Indo-European Studies. What is striking is the contrast
between this gloomy academic scene and the outside world.
During my lecture tours in Europe, Australia and the United States, I
found no lack of interest, especially among the youth. Only they are
getting what they want from programmes outside academic departments,
in cultural centres like the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, temples and short
courses and seminars conducted by visiting lecturers (like this
writer).
This means the demand is there, but academic departments are being
bypassed. What has gone wrong with academic Indology, and what is to
be done?
To understand the problem today it is necessary to visit its peculiar
origins. Indology began with Sir William Jones' observation in 1784
that Sanskrit and European languages were related. Jones was a capable
linguist but he was also responsible for interpreting Indian law and
customs to his employers, the British East India Company. This dual
role of Indologists as scholars as well as interpreters of India
continued well into the 20th century.
Indologists' role as interpreters of India ended with independence in
1947, but many Indologists, especially in the West, failed to see it.
They continued to get students from India, which seems to have lulled
them into believing that it would be business as usual. But today, six
decades later, Indian immigrants and persons of Indian origin occupy
influential positions in business, industry and now the government in
the U.S. and the U.K. They are now part of the establishment in their
adopted lands. No one in the West today looks to Indology departments
for advice on matters relating to India when they can get it from
their next-door neighbour or an office colleague.
Scientific discoveries
This means the Indologists' position as interpreters of India to the
West, and sometimes even to Indians, is gone for good. But this alone
cannot explain why their Sanskrit and related programmes are also
folding. To understand this we need to look further and recognise that
new scientific discoveries are impacting Indology in ways that could
not be imagined even 20 years ago.
This is nothing new. For more than 50 years, the foundation of
Indology had been linguistics, particularly Sanskrit and Indo-European
languages. Archaeological discoveries of the Harappan civilisation
forced Indologists to take this hard data also into their discipline.
Today, there is a similar revolution in the offing, brought on by
discoveries in natural history and population genetics based on DNA
analysis. Natural history tells us that we need to take into account
sea level changes at the end of the last Ice Age. This led to major
developments in land based civilisations when coastal populations were
forced to move to the interior. Genetics has also thrown up surprises
like the close kinship between Indian and Southeast Asian populations
as well as their flora and fauna.
These are exciting developments that scholars can ill afford to
ignore. The questions though go beyond Indology. Sanskrit is the
foundation of Indo-European Studies. If Sanskrit departments close,
what will take its place? Will these departments now teach Icelandic,
Old Norse or reconstructed Proto Indo-European? Can Indo-European
Studies survive without Sanskrit? These are questions that Indologists
must now face.
© Copyright 2000 - 2009 The Hindu
Phillip
> During my lecture tours in Europe, Australia and the United States, I
> found no lack of interest, especially among the youth. Only they are
> getting what they want from programmes outside academic departments,
> in cultural centres like the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, temples and short
> courses and seminars conducted by visiting lecturers (like this
> writer).
So where'd you learn your Sanskrit, Sid?
bademiyansubhanallah
> On 1 Ago, 18:45, bademiyansubhanallah <elcidha...@gmail.com> wrote:
My Dear Phillip, I learned it from my father and grandfather. I am
Brahmin from Nashik. The truth is I learned in Bombay University, long
time ago. I kept up and read as much as possible thru published
materials. I love the language, literature and all that jazz. I have
written hundreds of articles in Sanskrit, about Sanskrit and its
present neglect at the hands of the so called "Hindutva" brigade. Nice
of you to comment on my posting. Hope to talk to you more.
> So where'd you learn your Sanskrit, Sid?
http://hindica.orientalstudies.ru/eng/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=1577&Itemid=131
bademiyansubhanallah
History of Indology at the IOM
30/11/2006
Indology at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts
Indology in Russia and St.-Petersburg started to develop in the first
half of the 18th century. Among the first academicians of the newly
founded Academy of Sciences was T.-Z. Bayer, who came to Russia in
1726. Studying mainly the Chinese, Mongolian, Kalmyk, Manchurian and
Tangut (Tibetan) languages, he was one of the first in Russia to study
the “language of Brahmins”, i.e. Sanskrit, under the guidance of
“Sonhhara” (i.e. Suhara), an Indian visiting St.-Petersburg at that
time. As a result of these studies Bayer published two articles on the
literature and grammar of these languages. In the second article
samples of Sanskrit alphabet (Devanagari), printed with wooden cliches
based on Bayer's own drawings were presented to the public for the
first time in Russia, and a summary on the Dravidian (Tamil and
Telugu) and some of the new Indian languages (Marathi, Gujarati, etc.)
presented. In the 1730s, apart from Bayer, D.G.Messerschmidt (mainly
interested in Punjabi and Tamil languages) was also engaged in
studying of Devanagari and alphabet of the Dravidian languages.
Study of Sanskrit in Russia in the early years depended on the
personal interests of individual researchers who explored the language
incidentally, along with the mainstream of Oriental studies. This
research pattern was observed in the first decade of the work of the
Russian Academy of Sciences. We should first of all mention the name
of F. Adelung (1768-1843), a honorary academician, who prepared a
review of Sanskrit literature.
An important contribution to the study of Sanskrit was made by R. H.
Lenz (1808-1836). He was the first who started to deliver free
lectures on Sanskrit literature and comparative linguistics at St
Petersburg University.
A direct successor to R. H. Lenz in studying Sanskrit was J. P. Petrov
(1814-1875). The result of his activities was the work entitled
Addition to the Catalogue of the Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Asia
Museum of St.-Petersburg’s Academy of Sciences.
Prominent in the history of Oriental studies was the academic and
pedagogical activity of Prof. K. A. Kossovich (1815-1883). The first
Sanskrit-Russian dictionary was published under his guidance by the
Academy of Sciences.
In the first half of the XIX century the Academy of Sciences became
the main centre for Sanskrit studies. This period is marked by the
name of Acad. O. N. Böhtingk (1815-1904). In 1887 he published the
famous Grammar of Panini. Among his important contributions were
publication of Vopadeva’s Grammar, the Hemachandra’s Dictionary of
Synonyms (with his translation of it into German), Upanishads,
Mricchakatika (The Clay Vehicle) – an ancient drama in German
translation, and also a Sanskrit Reader. The ultimate point in the
long-term work of O. N. Böhtingk was the creation of Sanskrit
dictionaries published by the Academy of Sciences in Comprehensive
(1852-1875) and Concise (1879-1889) volumes. These dictionaries marked
an epoch in studying Sanskrit and were widely popular all over the
world, known as “St. Petersburg’s dictionaries”. They served as a
basis for all European Indology for an entire century and promoted the
development of comparative and historical linguistics.
Indological researches at the Academy of Sciences in the pre-
revolutionary period (before 1917) were conducted in two directions.
The first - a linguistic one, reflected in publication of the above-
mentioned Sanskrit dictionaries - provided important sources of Indian
grammar literature and various Sanskrit texts.
The second stream in Indology was Buddhist studies. The founders of
the academic approach to Buddhism were the Sinologist Acad.
V.P.Vasilev (1818-1900), and the Indologist Prof. I.P.Minaev
(1840-1890). The latter has produced a number of remarkable Russian
Indologists who became later the most outstanding Orientalists of
their time and continued his work. Two of them became academicians:
S.F.Oldenburg and F.I.Stcherbatsky.
In addition to the northern Buddhism, which was the sphere of S.F.
Oldenburg’s life-long academic interest, he studied Indian folklore,
fairy tales and jatakas, worked on the publication of Sanskrit texts.
S.F. Oldenburg paid particular attention to Mahabharata; he carefully
read the entire epos under the guidance of an Indian in London. He was
the initiator and permanent supervisor of the edition of a world-
famous series, Collection of Original and Advanced Buddhist Texts
under the title Bibliotheca Buddhica founded by him in 1897.
At the turn of the XIX and XX centuries intensive and comprehensive
study of Central Asian cultures began. At that time, during
S.F.Oldenburg's expeditions - to Turfan [1909-1910] and Dunhuang
[1914-1915], old centers of Buddhist culture were discovered, new
texts in Sanskrit and Tibetan languages found, and this initiated the
intensive study of northern Buddhism.
Acad. F. I. Stcherbatsky (1866-1942) also worked in this area. His
academic interests were steadily aimed at studying Indian philosophy,
or more precisely, Buddhist logic, and also Buddhism itself. His
studies were based on both Sanskrit and Tibetan sources. The proximity
of the territory of Russia to the countries of the Buddhist region and
rich information gathered by the activities of the Academy of Sciences
in the field of Tibetan Buddhist literature have also influenced his
choice.
Thus, from the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century,
Sanskrit studies at the Academy of Sciences have been determined by
the studying of Buddhist philosophy and culture. However, along with
it the stream of research activities in the sphere of linguistics also
continued. In this regard is worth noticing the work of the third of
I.P.Minaev’s pupils, Prof. N.D.Mironov, who for many years explored
Vedic literature (on the material of Rig-veda hymns). He worked on the
description of Sanskrit manuscripts, part of which was collected and
brought to Russia by the researcher himself. As a result of his work
I.P.Mironov has prepared and published two catalogues of these
manuscripts which are available both at the Institute of Oriental
Manuscripts (the former St.-Petersburg’s Branch of the Institute of
Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences), and at the State
Public Library.
After the October revolution, the further development of traditional
stream of Russian Indology continued. Bibliotheca Buddhica text-
edition project continued to flourish. Around it were focused the
efforts of most outstanding academics of both West and East: Prof.
Sylvain Levy (France), Prof. De la Vallée-Poussin (Belgium), Wogihara
(Japan), M.Walzer (Germany), F.I.Stcherbatsky and O.O.Rosenberg
(Russia).
On the initiative of Oldenburg and Stcherbatsky, the first Buddhist
exhibition in Petrograd (St Petersburg) has been opened on August,
24th, 1919, during which Oldenburg, Stcherbatsky, Rosenberg,
Vladimirtsov delivered public lectures.
On the initiative of Oldenburg and Stcherbatsky the series Sources of
Indian Philosophy (Pamyatniki Indijskoy Filosofii), conceived by them
back in 1914 and approved by the Academy of Sciences, was resumed. For
this purpose Vacaspatimishra’s works on all Indian philosophical
systems, the basic treatises of the Nyaya system, seven treatises of
Dharmakirti, Dignanga’s works on logic and Vasubandhu’s
Abhidharmakosha containing the system of original Buddhism have been
selected.
In the first years of the Soviet rule there was an urgent need for
Sanskrit textbooks. In 1923 on the initiative and under supervision of
F.I.Stcherbatsky the Russian translation of the G.Bühler textbook was
done. This textbook created from the point of view of the Indian
grammatical tradition, is still used in the study of Sanskrit at St
Petersburg State University and other universities of the country.
In the plans of the Institute of Oriental Studies (reformed in 1930)
emphasis was placed on new subjects, in particular the economies of
the East. Among the issues demanding exploration on the basis of
Sanskrit sources, in addition to traditional topics were publishing of
the major Indian treatises on history, economy and the political
system of ancient India. At the same time begins the work on the
Kautilya’s treatise Arthashastra, which has been interrupted and
renewed only in 1938 (the Russian translation of entire Arthashastra
was finished only in 1959). In the same 1938 a student of
F.P.Stcherbatsky and A.P.Barannikov, M.A.Shiryaev (1887-1952)
undertook a work on the new translation of the Laws of Manu.
In 1939 on the initiative of A.P.Barannikov, who by then was director
of the Institute of Oriental Studies, the Russian academic translation
of Mahabharata, the major epic monument of ancient India, into Russian
was launched. The work on the translation of the first book, Adiparva,
continued with considerable breaks during the war, first under the
blockade of Leningrad and then in Tashkent where the Institute was
temporally evacuated to. The translation of the first book appeared
only in 1950, edited by A.P.Barannikov.
After a long break the translation of the second book of Mahabharata,
Sabhaparva, was prepared and published in 1962, and the work on the
translation and research of Mahabharata continued. In 1964 the
translation and study of the fourth book of this epos, Virataparva,
have been completed; it was published in 1967.
Particularly worth noting is V.S.Vorobyov-Desyatovsky (1928-1956) who,
possessing rare abilities and talent, deep linguistic training and
broad academic horizons, in a relatively short period of time, managed
to write a number of very valuable papers. Being a member of the
Department of Oriental Manuscripts, V.S. Vorobyov-Desyatovsky
successfully dealt with the study of Central Asian manuscripts,
continuing the tradition started by S.F.Oldenburg. He reviewed the
Indian collection and published an article about it - The Collection
of the Indian Manuscripts Kept at the Institute of Oriental Studies of
the Academy of Sciences of the USSR. V.S. Vorobyov-Desyatovsky showed
particular interest in exploring manuscript collection comprising of
collections of N.F.Petrovsky, P.K.Kozlov, S.F.Oldenburg and others,
and containing unique handwritten materials of the 1-9th centuries in
Sanskrit, Sakai, Kachin and Tibetan. Work on the description and
preparation for publication of a number of interesting documents
unfortunately remained unfinished. With his death also stopped his
passionate research into hybrid Sanskrit, notable for its abnormal
inflectional forms. V.S.Vorobyov-Desyatovsky's work on the description
and study of Central Asian manuscripts is today continued by
M.I.Vorobyova-Desyatovskaya.
Together with M.I.Vorobyova-Desyatovskaya, the work on Buddhist
Sanskrit manuscripts was conducted by E.N.Temkin and V.G.Erman.
Today at the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts the work continues on
the academic translation and study of the major source of the Indian
culture, Mahabharata. S.L.Neveleva and J.V.Vassilkov have published
the Russian translation of the nine books of Mahabharata (books 3, 8,
10, 14, 17 and 18). The work on the book 12 till 2007 was led by
M.I.Petrova.
V.P.Ivanov, Indologist and linguist, works on the Indian philosophical
and linguistic tradition, studying Bhartrihari’s treatise Vakyapadiya.
He is preparing the translation of the second book of this treatise.
In 2007 he started his research on the Hindu Yoga and Tantra
tradition.
Buddhist Studies are carried on now by a group of scholars such as
V.I.Rudoy, E.P.Ostrovskaya, T.V.Ermakova and S.H.Shomakhmadov.
Composed by Dr S.H.Shomakhmadov
In drafting the article some materials were kindly provided by S.L.
Neveleva, and also the book The Asiatic Museum — the Leningrad Branch
of the Institute of Oriental Studies of the USSR Academy of Sciences
(Moscow 1972) was widely used.
(Translated by Dr V.P.Ivanov; proofread by S. Wickham-Smith)
Last Updated ( 26/08/2008 )
bademiyansubhanallah
December 06, 2005 15:58 IST
Last Updated: December 14, 2005 21:27 IST
India will provide an annual grant of $ 10,000 to Russia for the
promotion of Indology for the next three years.
The announcement was made by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at a
meeting in Moscow Monday evening with select Russian academics
involved in Indian studies.
"The grant will be made available to the Russian scholars for the next
three years," Indian ambassador Kanwal Sibal said.
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Grigory Maksimovich Bongard-Levin (Russian: Григорий Максимович
Бонгард-Левин) (1933-2008) was a Russian Jewish historian specializing
on Ancient India and the history of Central Asia. He also published on
the history of Russian emigration. He was a member of the Russian
Academy of Sciences and was awarded the USSR State Prize in 1988.
1981, The Origin of the Aryans, Prometheus Books, ISBN
978-0-391-02193-8
1985, Ancient Indian Civilization Древнеиндийская цивилизация,
Humanities Press, ISBN 978-0-391-03358-0
1986, Complex Study of Ancient India: A Multi Disciplinary Approach,
South Asia Books ISBN 978-81-202-0141-5
1986, Mauryan India, Stosius Inc/Advent Books Division, ISBN
978-0-86590-826-0
2001, Древняя Индия, История и культура (Ancient India, history and
culture), Aletejya, ISBN 978-5-89329-365-4
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tatyana Elizarenkova (September 17th, 1929, Saint Petersburg -
September 5th, 2007, Moscow) was a distinguished Russian Indologist
and linguist, known for her study of the Vedas.
She was described as "the greatest living scholar of the RigVeda, and
certainly the greatest linguist of the RigVeda".[1]. In 1972 she
published a translation of selected Rigvedic hymns into Russian, which
eventually evolved into a complete translation of Rigveda in the
following decades, published by Nauka 1989-1999. In 1976, together
with her husband Vladimir Nikolayevich Toporov, she published in
English a linguistic analysis of Pali: The Pali Language. She was also
an expert on Hindi, and published numerous works on its grammar.
Elizarenkova and Toporov were also the chief driving forces of Moscow-
Tartu school of semiotics.
India had honored her with the Padma Shri in 2004 for her
contributions in the study of Vedas.
^ Wendy Doniger's preface in Elizarenkova (1995, p. VII)
References
Elizarenkova, Tatyana J. (1995), Language And Style Of The Vedic Rsis,
Albany: State University of New York Press
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gerasim Stepanovich Lebedev, also spelled Herasim Steppanovich
Lebedeff (Russian: Герасим Степанович Лебедев; 1749 – 1817), was a
Russian adventurer, linguist, pioneer of Bengali drama, translator,
musician and writer.[1] He was a pioneer of Indology.[2][3]
Early life
Lebedev was born in Yaroslavl, Russia, to a family of a church
choirmaster.[4] According to other sources, his father was a priest[3]
[5] or a farmer from Ukraine.[1] Gerasim was the oldest son in the
family. He had two brothers: Afanasy and Trefil and sister Antonida.
[4] The family later moved to Saint Petersburg where Lebedev's father
worked in a church. Lebedev learned English, French and German by his
own effort.[1] In Saint Petersburg Lebedev became acquainted with
Fyodor Volkov, the founder of the first permanent Russian theater.
Lebedev was a singer in the court choir and participated in the
performances of Volkov's theater as well.[4]
He was a self-taught violinist and accompanied Andreas Razumovsky, the
ambassador designate from Russia to Vienna, as a member of a musical
group.[5] He fled the entourage and travelled across Europe, earning
his livelihood as a violinist. He soon joined an English military band
that was being sent to India. Lebedev arrived at Madras (now Chennai),
a port in southern India in August 1785.[4][5] He was felicitated by
the mayor of Madras and earned some money from musical programmes.
However, the conservative society stifled him and so after living in
Madras for a couple of years he left for Bengal.[6]
In Calcutta
The Young Bengal generation would act Shakespeare at David Hare
Academy and the Oriental Seminary. Inevitably, the New Bengalis came
to conceive the idea of a new Bengali theatre. Interestingly though,
the first Bengali plays had been staged well before this, not by a
Bengali but by a remarkable Russian scholar-adventurer, Gerasim
Lebedeff (1749-1818). With the help of his Bengali tutor Goloknath
Das, he made free adaptations of The Disguise by an ‘M.Jodrelle’ and
Molière’s L’Amour Médecin. This double bill was presented on 27
November 1795 and 21 March 1796 at a ‘New Theatre in the Domtulla (now
Ezra Street) Decorated in the Bengallee style.’ The 200-seat house was
‘overfull’ on both nights; but Lebedeff left India soon after, and his
pioneer efforts bore no fruit.
—Raha, Kironmoy [7]
Lebedev lived in Calcutta (now Kolkata), then the capital of British
India, for about ten years. During his stay, he started to learn
Hindi, Sanskrit and Bengali from a local schoolteacher named
Golokhnath Das. In exchange, Lebedev had to teach Das violin and
European music.[3] With the support of a Russian doctor, then
practicing in Calcutta, he was soon established as a musician. Tickets
for his musical programmes were priced at Rs. 12. Lebedev was the
first person to use Indian tunes on Western musical instruments.[8]
With assistance from local intellectuals, Lebedev founded the first
European-style proscenium drama theatre in India.[3][5] This theatre
opened in Calcutta in 1795. Lebedev translated two plays, The Disguise
and Love is the Best Doctor, into Bengali. These two were the first
performances in the theatre, with music composed by Lebedev himself
and lyrics borrowed from the Bengali poet Bharatchandra Ray.[1][9]
The theatre Lebedev established at Domtala (Ezra Street) used for the
first time Bengali actors and actresses. The show held on 27 November
1795 is considered the first performance of the modern Indian theatre.
At that time there were two theatre halls for the English in Calcutta.
Lebedev was so successful that it aroused envy in Englishmen and two
of them burnt down his theatre.[10] Lebedev’s attempt was somewhat
premature, but it proved that a nucleus of clients ready to pay for
public performances had already been formed in the city.[11]
Apart from his work in the theatre, Lebedev established a press,
financed by the Czar, for printing Bengali books.[1] He also compiled
a short Bangla dictionary, wrote a book in Bengali on arithmetic and
translated a portion of Bharatchandra's Annadamangal into Russian.[1]
His dictionary was published in 1801. He wrote to the Russian
ambassador in London about publishing Bharatchandra Ray’s works in
Russia.[10]
However, the British administration was not supportive of Lebedev‘s
activities and was annoyed by his sympathetic stance towards the
Indians.[3] He also lost a court case against an employee, theatre
decorator Joseph Batsh and was broken financially.[4] Finally, the
British authorities expelled him from India in 1797. He was virtually
bankrupt, possessing only a small bag of belongings valued at Rs. 295.
He was forced to stay a few months in Cape Town to earn money for the
ticket to Europe.[4]
Return to Russia
Cover of the grammar of Indian dialects by LebedevLebedev stopped in
London on his way back to Russia. In London he published Grammar of
the Pure and Mixed East Indian Languages[3] which was based on his
studies of the character of some of the Indian languages, their
sources of origin and affinity with Asian and European languages.[12]
Tablet on Gerasimov's graveOn his return to Russia, he was employed by
the Foreign Ministry. He established in St. Petersburg a printing
house equipped with Devanāgarī and Bengali scripts,[3] the first of
its kind in Europe.[5] He published his second book Unbiased
observations on Brahmin customs (“Беспристрастное созерцание
брагменских обычаев...”), and prepared two other books but could not
finish those due to illness. Lebedev died in his printing house on 15
July 1817 [1][4] and was interred in the Gergiev Cemetery of Bolshaya
Okhta in Saint Petersburg.[4]
Works
A Grammar of the Pure and Mixed East Indian Dialects (London, 1801)
[1], or, A grammar of the pure and mixed East Indian dialects,: With
dialogues affixed ... arranged ... according to the Brahmenian system,
of the Shamscrit language ... Jones, respecting the Shamscrit
alphabet
An Impartial Contemplation of the East Indian Systems of Brahmins (St
Petersburg, 1805)[1] or An Impartial Review of the East Indian
Brahminical System of Sacred Rites and Customs[3]
A Collection of Hindustani and Bengali Arias
Notes
^ a b c d e f g h i Ghosh, Prodyot. "Lebedeff, Herasim (Gerasim)
Steppanovich". Banglapedia. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh.
http://banglapedia.search.com.bd/HT/L_0086.htm. Retrieved on
2006-12-08.
^ Kadakin, Alexander M. (February 26, 2002). "Text of the Message of
the Russian Ambassadore, Alexander M. Kadakin, on the Occasion of the
Stone Laying Ceremony of the Russian Culture Pavilion in the
International Town of Auroville (Tamilnadu, India)". Ambassadore's
Interviews, Speeches and Articles. The Embassy of the Russian
Federation in the Republic of India. http://www.india.mid.ru/sp_06.html.
Retrieved on 2006-12-08.
^ a b c d e f g h "G.S. Lebedev - Founder of the Russian Indology
(1749-1817)". Russian Indology: Personalities. Russian Cultural
Centre, Mumbai. http://www.russian-centre-mumbai.org/russianindology/personalities.htm.
Retrieved on 2006-12-08.
^ a b c d e f g h Sons of Yaroslavl Melpomene: Volkov. Dmitrievsky.
Lebedev. Chapter III. Gerasim Lebedev by Margarita Vanyashova.
(Russian)
^ a b c d e Sahni, Kalpana (June 17, 2006). "Fiddler on the loose".
Foreign Exchange. Daily Times.
http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=2006%5C06%5C17%5Cstory_17-6-2006_pg3_5.
Retrieved on 2006-12-08.
^ Sengupta, Subodh Chandra and Bose, Anjali (editors), (1976/1998),
Sansad Bangali Charitabhidhan (Biographical dictionary) Vol I,
(Bengali), p503, ISBN 8185626650
^ Raha, Kironmoy, Calcutta Theatre 1835-1944, in Calcutta, the Living
City, Vol I, edited by Sukanta Chaudhuri, p187, Oxford University
Press, ISBN 0195636961
^ Sengupta, Subodh Chandra and Bose, Anjali, p503
^ Ghosh, Swarnab (September 3, 2006). "Staging a recovery". The Real
Page 3. Indian Express Newspapers (Mumbai) Ltd.
http://cities.expressindia.com/fullstory.php?newsid=199580. Retrieved
on 2006-12-09.
^ a b Sengupta, Subodh Chandra and Bose, Anjali (editors), p503
^ Majumdar, Swapan, Literature and Literary Life in Old Calcutta, in
Calcutta, the Living City, Vol I, edited by Sukanta Chaudhuri, p187,
Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195636961
^ Madhu, M.L. (November 4, 2001). "Vajpayee’s visit will boost Indo-
Russian ties". Perspective (The Tribune). http://www.tribuneindia.com/2001/20011104/edit.htm#1.
Retrieved on 2006-12-08.
Further reading
"Gerasim Stepanovich Lebedev", by Hayat Mamud. Bangla Academy (1985)
(Russian) Biography on the website of the Yaroslavl Volkov Theatre
Exhibition to commemorate Russia's first Indologist «Malaysia Sun»,
Saturday 19 January, 2008 (IANS).
(Russian) Celebrating Lebedev's jubilee in Yaroslavl
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sergey Fyodorovich Oldenburg (Russian: Серге́й Фёдорович Ольденбу́рг;
26 September 1863 near Nerchinsk - 28 February 1934, Leningrad) was a
Russian orientalist who specialized in Buddhist studies. He is
remembered as the founder of Russian Indology and the teacher of
Fyodor Shcherbatskoy. He was elected into the Russian Academy of
Sciences in 1900 and served as its permanent Secretary in 1904-29.
Oldenburg's father was of lesser noble background; his grandfather was
Full General in the Imperial Russian Army. In 1909-10 and 1914-15,
Oldenburg travelled in Central Asia, where he discovered a number of
hitherto unpublished Sanskrit texts. He instigated several scientific
expeditions to Tibet and Dzungaria, which brought to light a
collection of unique Buddhist manuscripts. In order to publish the
newly-found manuscripts, Oldenburg launched in 1897 an authoritative
edition of Buddhist texts, Bibliotheca buddhica, which continues to
this day. Among his other projects was the Commission for the Study of
the Tribal Composition of the Population of the Borderlands of Russia.
Oldenburg was a member of the State Council of Imperial Russia
(1912-17) and served in the Russian Provisional Government as Minister
of Education but, unlike his colleagues from the Constitutional
Democratic Party, chose to spent the rest of his life in Russia. This
was based on his acquaintance with Vladimir Lenin, which went back in
history. As a student, Oldenburg joined the Scientific-Literary
Association of Students (a brotherhood sharing liberal and radical
ideals), where he met Lenin's brother Aleksandr Ulyanov. Ulyanov
dropped out of the inner circle when he started to plan an
assassination attempt on the life of Tsar Alexander III. The attempt
failed, and following the execution of Ulyanov in 1887, his brother
Lenin visited Oldenburg in St Petersburg in 1891 after his return from
a two year trip to London, Paris and Cambridge.
Although he was briefly apprehended by the Cheka in 1919, Oldenburg
was allowed to run the Academy of Sciences until 1929, when, in
connection with the ongoing Bolshevization of the Academy, he was
ousted from his posts. Oldenburg devoted the remainder of his life to
administrating the Soviet Institute of Oriental Studies, whose
antecedent (the Asian Museum) he had been a director of since 1916.
References
Empire of Nations: Ethnographic Knowledge and the Making of the Soviet
Union by Francine Hirsch, Cornell University Press, 2005
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Fyodor StcherbatskoyFyodor Ippolitovich Shcherbatskoy or Stcherbatsky
(Фёдор Ипполи́тович Щербатско́й) (1866–1942) was a Russian Indologist
who, in large part, was responsible for laying the foundations in the
Western world for the scholarly study of Buddhist philosophy.
Stcherbatsky studied in the famous Imperial Lyceum and later in the
University of Saint Petersburg, where Ivan Minayev and Sergey
Oldenburg were his teachers. In 1897, he and Oldenburg inaugurated
Bibliotheca Buddhica, a library of rare Buddhist texts.
In 1903, returning from a trip to India and Mongolia, Shcherbatskoy
started writing his Theory of Knowledge and Logic According to the
Later Buddhists. In 1928 he established the Institute of Buddhist
Culture in Leningrad. His Conception of Buddhist Nirvana (1927),
written in English, caused sensation in the West. He followed suit
with his main work in English, with two volumes of the Buddhist Logic
(1930–32), which have exerted immense influence on Buddhology.
Shcherbatskoy remained but little known in his country, but his
extraordinary fluency in Sanskrit and Tibetan languages won him the
admiration of Jawaharlal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore. According to
Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya, "Stcherbatsky did help us – the Indians –
to discover our own past and to restore the right perspective of our
own philosophical heritage." The 2004 Encyclopædia Britannica
acclaimed him as "the foremost Western authority on Buddhist
philosophy".
Links
Indian Buddhism
Buddhist atomism
External links
The Scholarly Activity of Fyodor Stcherbatsky - an Epoch in World
Buddhology (in English)
Bibliotheca Buddhica (in English)
Stcherbatsky's biography (in Russian)
bademiyansubhanallah
by Parveen Chopra
An unwritten edict for journalists warns them against getting
personally involved with their subjects. One man the world would laud
for having violated this edict is author-philanthropist-Indophile
Dominique Lapierre. The Frenchman's love affair with India that
started during his research for Freedom at Midnight (co-authored with
Larry Collins) has progressively deepened. In India, too, he has
chosen Calcutta, more precisely a particular slum he christened 'City
of Joy', for his affections. In the last 18 years he has ploughed in
$6 million into his humanitarian projects in and around Calcutta. All
the royalties from his book, A Thousand Suns, also fund these
projects. On a trip to India to promote A Thousand Suns, Lapierre
spoke to Parveen Chopra in New Delhi on what the country means to him
What inspired you to write A Thousand Suns?
It was important for me to share the most exceptional and
extraordinary encounters that I have had. The 57,000 letters I have
received so far from my readers in Italy, Spain and France, where the
book has been published already, show that I was right. I wanted to
say thank you through these accounts to all those who have fed my
beliefs and my ambitions throughout my life, such as Mahatma Gandhi,
the Nazi general who was ordered to destroy Paris in 1944 and did not,
the young man who gave up his life to protect the elephants of Africa,
Lord Mountbatten who gave freedom to one-fifth of humanity. I wanted
to write about them because I believe today we all need role models,
to give us a motive to achieve some ideal.
Aren't these role models scarce these days, except may be an
occasional Mother Teresa?
No, we can all be ourselves, and yet in our everyday lives play
Mother Teresa. We can all share and act in such a way that we respect
the ideals of these great people. You can't be a Mother Teresa all the
time. It is too difficult. But you can be a small Mother Teresa. We
can all bring a little bit of justice, love and compassion to make
this world a little bit better. For example, by helping an old lady
cross the street, you are acting like a small Mother Teresa and you
have in your own way given something. In the slums of Calcutta I have
learnt a beautiful proverb: all that is not given is lost.
Have you met any great people, besides Mother Teresa, in recent years?
My pride has been, and this I owe to India, to meet many anonymous
people who are as big as Mother Teresa or Mahatma Gandhi. My pride was
to spend two years in a place I called the City of Joy, in Calcutta,
where I met more heroes, more apostles, more saints than you would
normally meet in an entire life.
Are there more such people in India than in the rest of the world?
The extreme conditions in India lend themselves well for developing
heroes. I have discovered such heroes in little townships of South
Africa also. Everyday I receive letters from people, especially from
India, who do extraordinary things for their neighbors and ask for my
help. There are many small organizations in a city like Calcutta—
clubs, social organizations, fraternities—which try to help people.
Have you ever explored spirituality?
I am an action person. I am more concerned with trying to do something
everyday than with meditation. I should do both but maybe a little
later. When physical strength leaves me, I will do with meditation and
prayers what I can no more do with my muscles. Many people ask me:
"You who love India and its poor people so much, why don't you go and
take care of lepers in Calcutta?" My reply is I will not know how to
do it. But I can do more important things for them than nursing their
wounds. I can lecture, write and collect money to give them
rehabilitation centers.
Yes, you can only use your ability, your talents…
Exactly. I don't feel forced to do things I am not geared for.
Do you feel satisfied with what you are doing?
You never feel satisfied. Once a journalist asked Mother Teresa: "What
would you like to do now?" She replied: "More." I used that line in
the film script I wrote on her. I'll give one example. Recently I was
in Calcutta, in Udayan, a home for rescued leper children. For the
last 18 years, my wife and I have financially supported it and have
rescued 9,000 children, cured them, educated them, taught them a
trade. The other day one of them came to me and said: "Dada (brother),
look!" It was his diploma in mechanical engineering. I said to myself,
if I had done only that one thing in my life—turn him into a
mechanical engineer—it would already have been great.
You have children?
Yes. I have a daughter (Alexandra, also a writer), a biological one,
and 2,000 Indian children.
Do you get accused of having a bleeding heart?
Your heart bleeds for India, for Calcutta… On the contrary, India has
given me the great privilege to meet extraordinary heroes, whose
dignity and courage was a message for me, and the world. To be given
the opportunity to help these people who help themselves is more a
gift to me. But India should try to reduce the increasing gap between
the richest and the poorest.
But now there is also a large middle class…
True, but it has not been used to reduce the extreme poverty of a
large portion of the population of India. In this context, I must say
that India should fight corruption. Mind you, corruption is not unique
to India-it is in France, in the whole world. But because of India's
extreme circumstances, it is important to tackle corruption, which has
become a sort of culture here.
How do you see India's future?
A great future, because it's a great nation, with extraordinarily
imaginative, inventive and hardworking people. It's a rich country
spiritually as well as economically and that is what is so beautiful.
It can create satellites, and at the same time produce great saints,
thinkers, philosophers, artists and writers.
So, where do you belong: India or France?
I was probably an Indian rickshaw-puller in my previous incarnation
because I always carry a rickshaw bell from Calcutta in my pocket. But
India is such a big country that you need several incarnations to know
it completely.
Western culture is seen to be depraved, more so today with pornography
on the Internet and all. Do you see it going more in the same
direction?
I don't think you can talk about culture. Every epoch has its
depravations, of the local culture and situation. I think the western
world has as many apostles, saints and great men today as it had
earlier. The trouble is that today the media is more interested in
describing depravations, pornography and giving the world hundreds of
hours of Monica Lewinsky, than the message and life of truly authentic
apostles and saints who do exist. The media does not reflect the
situation on the ground. Thank God!
It is said that there already exist resources and technology to
improve the plight of the entire mankind, but they are not utilized
well.
They are diverted. You spend $ 40 million to prove that the US
President had oral sex with one of his junior assistants—this is total
misappropriation. The same money could have been utilized in the
research for cancer, in sponsoring some great spiritual institution. I
wait for the time when the western world shares its abundance with the
poor—and it would. The problem is corruption. Of generosity getting
diverted from reaching its real destination by middlemen. I've been
fighting the same problem in my philanthropic work.
Are you familiar with the New Age scene in the West?
All these movements are positive. They address people who are
searching. There are a lot of people dissatisfied with what is being
offered to them by today's civilization. I don't always agree and I
myself don't always need such literature. I may find answers to my
quest within myself, but for those who do not, it is useful.
Will the New Consciousness grow and change the world?
I think it will grow. The only danger is that this kind of movement
should not sink into fundamentalism and extremism.
You seem to be a very happy kind of person…
Yes, when I'm in India. When I land here, I find my vitamins.
We can always beat adversity—this is your refrain. But there is so
much suffering, misery, and turmoil in the world…
You can always bring one drop of positive water and another and make
an ocean. The boy with the mechanical engineering diploma is a
microscopic result. But you can take another child who can become a
mechanical engineer, plus another one. And you can change the world.
Always a thousand suns beyond the clouds.
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Abraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil Du Perron
Born 7 December 1731
Paris, France
Died 17 January 1805
Occupation Orientalist
Abraham-Hyacinthe Anquetil Du Perron (7 December 1731 – 17 January
1805), French orientalist, brother of Louis-Pierre Anquetil, the
historian, was born in Paris. He stayed in India for seven years
(1755-1761), where Parsi priests taught him Persian, and translated
the Avesta for him (it is probably not true that he mastered the
Avestan language). He edited a French translation of that Persian
translation in 1771, the first printed publication of Zoroastrian
texts. He also published a Latin translation of the Upanishads in
1804.
He was educated for the priesthood in Paris and Utrecht, but his taste
for Hebrew, Arabic, Persian, and other languages of the East caused
him to change course to devote himself entirely to them. His diligent
attendance at the Royal Library attracted the attention of the keeper
of the manuscripts, the Abbé Sallier, whose influence procured for him
a small salary as a student of the Oriental languages.
He first lighted on some fragments of the Vendidad, a portion of the
collection of texts that make up the Avesta, and formed the project of
a voyage to India to discover the works of Zoroaster. With this end in
view he enlisted as a private soldier, on 2 November 1754, on the
Indian expedition which was about to depart from the port of L'Orient.
His friends procured his discharge, and he was granted a free passage,
a seat at the captain's table, and a salary, the amount of which was
to be fixed by the governor of the French settlement in India.
After a passage of ten months, Anquetil landed, on 10 August 1755 at
Pondicherry. Here he remained a short time to master modern Persian,
and then hastened to Chandernagore to acquire Sanskrit. Just then war
was declared between France and England; Chandernagore was taken, and
Anquetil returned to Pondicherry overland. He found one of his
brothers at Pondicherry, and embarked with him for Surat; but, with a
view of exploring the country, he landed at Mah and proceeded on foot.
At Surat he acquired, by perseverance and address in his discussions
with Parsi theologians, a sufficient knowledge of ancient Persian
(Avestan, which Anquetil-Duperron mistakenly called Zend) and middle
Persian languages to translate the portion of the Zoroastrian texts
called the Vendidad (or Vendidad Vide) and some other works.
Thence he proposed going to Benares, to study the language,
antiquities, and sacred laws of the Hindus; but the capture of
Pondicherry obliged him to quit India. Returning to Europe in an
English vessel, he spent some time in London and Oxford, and then set
out for France. He arrived in Paris on 14 March 1762 in possession of
one hundred and eighty oriental manuscripts, besides other
curiosities.
The Abbé Jean-Jacques Barthélemy procured for him a pension, with the
appointment of interpreter of oriental languages at the Royal Library.
In 1763 he was elected an associate of the Academy of Inscriptions,
and began to arrange for the publication of the materials he had
collected during his eastern travels. In 1771 he published his Zend
Avesta (3 vols.), containing collections from the sacred writings of
the Zoroastrians, a life of Zarathustra (Zoroaster), and fragments of
works ascribed to Zoroaster. In 1778 he published at Amsterdam his
Legislation orientale, in which he endeavoured to prove that the
nature of oriental despotism had been greatly misrepresented. His
Recherches historiques et geographiques sur L'Inde appeared in 1786,
and formed part of Thieffenthaler's Geography of India.
The Revolution seems to have greatly affected him. During that period
he abandoned society, and lived in voluntary poverty on a few pence a
day. In 1798 he published L'Inde en rapport avec l'Europe (Hamburg, 2
vols.). From 1802 to 1804 he published a Latin translation (2 vols.)
from the Persian of the Oupnek'hat or Upanishada. It is a curious
mixture of Latin, Greek, Persian, Arabic, and Sanskrit.
Arthur Schopenhauer declared that his knowledge of Hindu philosophy,
which greatly coincided with Schopenhauer's own work, was the result
of reading Anquetil-Duperron's translations.
See Biographie universelle; Sir William Jones, Works (vol. x, 1807);
and the Miscellanies of the Philobiblon Society (vol. iii, 1856-1857).
For a list of his scattered writings see Quérard, La France
littéraire.
References
This article incorporates text from the Encyclopædia Britannica,
Eleventh Edition, a publication now in the public domain.
External links
Works by or about Abraham Hyacinthe Anquetil-Duperron in libraries
(WorldCat catalog)
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Émile-Louis Burnouf (1821-1907) was a leading nineteenth-century
Orientalist and racialist whose ideas influenced the development of
theosophy and Aryanism. He was a professor at the faculté de lettres
at Nancy university, then principal of the French School at Athens
from 1867 to 1875. He was also the author of a Sanskrit-French
dictionary.
Biography
Émile was the nephew of Eugène Burnouf, the founder of Buddhist
studies in the West. Following in his footsteps, Émile sought to
connect Buddhist and Hindu thought to Western European classical
culture. In so doing, he claimed to have rediscovered the early Aryan
belief-system.
Burnouf believed that only Aryan and Semitic peoples were truly
religious in temperament.
Science has proved that the original tendency of the Aryan peoples is
pantheism, while monotheism proper is the constant doctrine of Semitic
populations. These are surely the two great beds in which flow the
sacred stream of humanity. But the facts show is, in the West, peoples
of Aryan origin in some sort Semiticised in Christianity. The whole of
Europe is at once Aryan and Christian; that is to say pantheistic by
its origin and natural dispositions, but accustomed to admit the dogma
of creation from a Semitic influence.[1]
Burnouf's work takes for granted a racial hierarchy that places Aryans
at the top as a master race. His writings are also full of prejudicial
and often deeply antisemitic statements. He believed that "real
Semites" have smaller brains than Aryans:
A real Semite has smooth hair with curly ends, a strongly hooked nose,
fleshy, projecting lips, massive extremities, thin calves and flat
feet…His growth is very rapid, and at fifteen or sixteen it is over.
At that age the divisions of the skull which contain the organs of
intelligence are already joined, and that in some cases even perfectly
welded together. From that period the growth of the brain is arrested.
In the Aryan races this phenomenon, or anything like it, never occurs,
at any time of life, certainly not with people of normal development.
The internal organ is permitted to continue its evolution and
transformations up until the very last day of life by means of the
never-changing flexibility of the skull bone.[2]
This explains why when "we Aryans" read the Koran we reject it "as of
an inferior race". The Bible is "surprising", but the Rigveda "we
recognise as our own".
Burnouf believed that the Hebrew peoples were divided into two races,
worshippers of Elohim and worshippers of Yahweh. The former were
Semites, but the latter were "probably" Aryans - "their headquarters
were taken up north of Jerusalem, in Galilee. The people of that
country again form a striking contrast to those of the south; they
resemble Poles"[3]. The Galileans were in conflict with the more
powerful Semitic priestly faction based in Jerusalem. This explains
why Jesus was rejected by the Judeans but accepted by Greek speakers.
Burnouf's ideas developed into the Nazi claim that Jesus was really an
Aryan.
Burnouf was consulted by Heinrich Schliemann over his discovery of
swastika motifs in the ruins of Troy. Burnouf claimed that swastika
originated as a stylised depiction of a fire-altar seen from above,
and was thus the essential symbol of the Aryan race. The
popularisation of this idea by Schliemann and Burnouf was mainly
responsible for the adoption of the swastika in the West as an Aryan
symbol. He died aged 86.
Works
De Neptuno ejusque cultu, praesertim in Peloponneso, 1850, impr. de J.
Delalain, 80 pp. (Il s’agit du texte de la Thèse complémentaire, en
Latin, pour le doctorat ès-lettres auprès de la Faculté des lettres de
Paris)
Méthode pour étudier la langue sanskrite (1859)
La Bhagavad-Gîtâ, ou le Chant du Bienheureux, poème indien, Paris,
1861.
Essai Sur Le Veda, 1863, Paris: Dezobry, Fd Tandou et Cie
Dictionnaire classique sanscrit-français (...) contenant le
dêvanâgari, sa transcription européenne, l'interprétation, les
racines, Nancy, 1863.
Histoire de la littérature grecque, 2 volumes, Ch. Delagrave, Paris,
1869.
La Légende athénienne (1872)
La Mythologie japonaise, 1875
La Ville et l'Acropole d'Athènes aux diverses époques (1877),
Maisonneuve
Le Catholicisme contemporain (1879)
Mémoires sur l'Antiquité, Maisonneuve et Cie, Paris, 1879.
La science des religions, 1876, Maisonneuve.
La Vie et la pensée (1886)
Notes
^ The Science of Religions p.49
^ The Science of Religions, p. 190
^ The Science of Religions, p. 193
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Eugène Burnouf
Born April 8, 1801(1801-04-08)
Paris, France
Died May 28, 1852 (aged 51)
Occupation Orientalist
Eugène Burnouf (April 8, 1801–May 28, 1852) was an eminent French
scholar and orientalist who made significant contributions to the
deciphering of Old Persian cuneiform.
He was born in Paris. His father, Professor Jean Louis Burnouf
(1775-1844), was a classical scholar of high reputation, and the
author, among other works, of an excellent translation of Tacitus (6
vols., 1827-1833). Eugène Burnouf published in 1826 an Essai sur le
Pali ..., written in collaboration with Christian Lassen; and in the
following year Observations grammaticales sur quelques passages de
l'essai sur le Pali.
The next great work he undertook was the deciphering of the Avesta
manuscripts brought to France by Anquetil-Duperron. By his research a
knowledge of the Avestan language was first brought into the
scientific world of Europe. He caused the Vendidad Sade, to be
lithographed with the utmost care from the manuscript in the
Bibliothèque Nationale, and published it in folio parts, 1829-1843.
From 1833 to 1835 he published his Commentaire sur le Yaçna, l'un des
livres liturgiques des Parses.
At about the same time in his life, Eugène Burnouf made significant
contributions to the decyphering of Old Persian cuneiform. Copies of
cuneiform inscriptions from Persepolis had been published by Carsten
Niebuhr many years earlier in 1778 and some preliminary inferences had
already been made by other scholars about these Persian inscriptions.
In 1836, Eugène Burnouf discovered that the first of the inscriptions
contained a list of the satrapies of Darius. With this clue in his
hand, he was able to identify and publish an alphabet of thirty
letters, most of which he had correctly deciphered.[1] [2] [3]
A month earlier, Burnouf's friend Professor Christian Lassen of Bonn,
had also published a work on "The Old Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions
of Persepolis".[4] [3] He and Burnouf had been in frequent
correspondence, and his claim to have independently detected the names
of the satrapies, and thereby to have fixed the values of the Persian
characters, was in consequence fiercely attacked. However, whatever
his obligations to Burnouf may have been, according to Sayce, Lassen's
"contributions to the decipherment of the inscriptions were numerous
and important."[2]
A year later in 1837, Henry Rawlinson had made a copy of the much
longer Behistun inscriptions in Persia . Carved in the reign of King
Darius of Persia (522 BC–486 BC), the inscriptions consisted of
identical texts in the three official languages of the empire: Old
Persian, Babylonian, and Elamite. Rawlinson sent a translation of the
opening paragraphs to the Royal Asiatic Society. Before, however, his
Paper could be published, the works of Lassen and Burnouf reached him,
necessitating a revision of his Paper and the postponement of its
publication. Then came other causes of delay. In 1847 the first part
of the Rawlinson's Memoir was published, the second part did not
appear till 1849.[5] The task of deciphering the Persian cuneiform
texts was virtually accomplished.[2]
Eugène Burnouf published the Sanskrit text and French translation of
the Bhagavata Purana ou histoire poétique de Krichna in three folio
volumes (1840-1847). His last works were Introduction à l'histoire du
Bouddhisme indien (1844), and a translation of Le lotus de la bonne
loi (The Lotus Sutra, 1852). He had been for twenty years a member of
the Academie des Inscriptions and professor of Sanskrit in the Collège
de France.
See a notice of Burnouf's works by Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, prefixed
to the second edition (1876) of the Introd. à l'histoire du Bouddhisme
indien; also Naudet, Notice historique sur MM. Burnouf, père et fils,
in Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, xx. A list of his valuable
contributions to the Journal asiatique and of his manuscript writings,
is given in the appendix to the Choix de lettres d'Eugène Burnouf
(1891).
Notes
^ Burnouf, E. "Memoire sur deux Inscriptions Cuneiformes trouvees pres
d'Hamadan et qui font partie des papiers du Dr Schulz", 1836, Impr.
Roy, Paris.
^ a b c Sayce, Rev. A. H., Professor of Assyriology, Oxford, "The
Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions", Second Edition-revised,
1908, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London, Brighton, New
York; at pp 9-16 Not in copyright
^ a b Prichard, James Cowles, "Researches Into the Physical History of
Mankind", 3rd Ed., Vol IV, 1844, Sherwood, Gilbert and Piper, London,
at pages 30-31
^ Lassen, Christian, "Die Altpersischen Keil-Inschriften von
Persepolis"
^ Rawlinson Henry 1847 "The Persian Cuneiform Inscription at Behistun,
decyphered and translated; with a Memoir on Persian Cuneiform
Inscriptions in general, and on that of Behistun in Particular", The
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol X. It seems that various
parts of this paper formed Vol X of this journal. The final part III
comprised chapters IV (Analysis of the Persian Inscriptions of
Behistunand) and V (Copies and Translations of the Persian Cuneiform
Inscriptions of Persepolis, Hamadan, and Van), pp. 187-349.
References
This article incorporates text from the Encyclopædia Britannica,
Eleventh Edition, a publication now in the public domain.
...and I am Sid Harth
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Please help improve this article by adding reliable references.
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(January 2008)
Alain Daniélou (Neuilly-sur-Seine, Paris, 4 October 1907–Lonay
Switzerland, 27 January 1994) was a French historian, intellectual,
musicologist, Indologist, and a noted western convert to and expert of
Shaivite Hinduism.
His mother, Madeleine Clamorgan, was from an old family of the Norman
nobility; a fervent Catholic, she founded a religious order for women
teachers in civilian costume under the patronage of St. François-
Xavier. His father, Charles Daniélou, was an anticlerical Breton
politician who held numerous national ministerial posts. One of his
brothers was Roman Catholic prelate and Académie française member,
Jean Daniélou.
The young Daniélou studied singing under the famous Charles Panzéra,
as well as classical dancing with Nicholas Legat (teacher of Vaslav
Nijinsky), and composition with Max d'Olonne.
He and his partner, Swiss photographer fr:Raymond Burnier, first went
to India as part of an adventure trip, and they were fascinated with
the art and culture of the nation. Daniélou was one of the first
Westerners to visit India's famed erotic temples in the village of
Khajuraho. His stunning photographs of the ancient temple complex
launched the site internationally. The first-ever photo exhibition at
New York's Metropolitan Museum were those of Khajuraho taken by
Daniélou.
But his more important contribution to Indology is his writings on the
ancient wisdom of the Veda, Hindu philosophy, and Shaivism.
In 1949, Daniélou was appointed professor at the Hindu University of
Benares and director of the College of Indian Music.
He is the author of over thirty books on Indian music and culture. He
received several awards for his work on music. He was also a
photographer and painter. He studied Indian classical music in
Varanasi with Shivendranath Basu and played the veena. He also
translated some of the works of Swami Karpatri by whom he was
initiated into Shaivism under the name Shiva Sharan (Protected by
Shiva). He is perhaps best remembered for his important work on
classical Indian music.
He was an Officer of the Légion d'Honneur, an Officer of the Ordre
National du Mérite, and Commander of Arts and Letters. He was the
director of the UNESCO Collection series, a series of recordings of
traditional world music. In 1981, he received the UNESCO/CIM prize for
music, and, in 1987 the Kathmandu Medal from UNESCO.
Works
While the Gods play, Shaiva Oracles & Predictions on the Cycles of
History & Destiny of Mankind
Gods of Love & Ecstasy, The Tradition of Shiva & Dionysus, Omnipresent
Gods of Transcendence
The Hindu Temple; Deification of Eroticism
Music and the Power of Sound
A Brief History of India (Inner Traditions, 2003)
The first unabridged translation of the Kama Sutra
Virtue, Success, Pleasure and Liberation (The Four Aims of Life)
Ragas of North Indian Classical Music
The Way to the Labyrinth: An Autobiography published by New
Directions. Currently available
The Myths and Gods of India, Hindu Polytheism
Yoga, The Method of Re-Integration
Yoga, Mastering the Secrets of Matter and the Universe
Fools of God
Song-poems - Rabindranath Tagore, Texts in English, French and Bengali
& Melodies
The Congress of the World With miniatures of tantric cosmology
Sacred Music, its Origins, Powers and Future, Traditional Music in
Today's World
The situation of Music and Musicians in the countries of the Orient
Introduction to The Study of Musical Scales
Northern Indian Music: Vol. One, Theory, History and Technique
Northern Indian Music: Vol. Two, The Main Ragas
The Phallus, Sacred Symbol of Male Creative Power
Discography
Unesco Collection: A Musical Anthology of the Orient
Anthology of Indian Classical Music - A Tribute to Alain Daniélou
Musiciens et Danseurs de la caste des Ahirs (1951)
Religious Music of India (1952)
Musical Sources (Philips, Holland)
Anthology of North Indian Classical Music - (Bärenreiter-Musicaphon,
Kassel)
See also
Francois Gautier
Michel Danino
Jean Filliozat
Louis Renou
Notes
References
The Way to the Labyrinth (autobiography)
External links
alaindanielou.org (English version of the website)
A Biography
Article on Daniélou
bademiyansubhanallah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jean Filliozat (November 4, 1906 in Paris – 1982 in Paris) was a
French author. He studied medicine and was a physician between 1930
and 1947. He learned Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan and Tamil. He wrote some
important works on the history of Indian medicine. He taught at
Collège de France from 1952 to 1978.
Works
Magie et médecine, Paris, P.U.F., 1943, vil-147 p. (Collection mythes
et Religions).
Fragments de textes koutchéens de médecine et de magie, Paris, Adrien
Maisonneuve, 1948, 157 p., 8 pl.h.t.
La Doctrine classique de la médecine indienne. Ses origines et ses
parallèles grecs, Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1949 (2e édition,
Paris, Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, 1975). English translation:
The classical Doctrine of Indian medicine. Its origins and its Greek
parallels. Translated from the original in French by Dev Raj Chanana,
New Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, 1964.
Yogasataka. Texte médical attribué à Nagarjuna. Textes sanskrit et
tibétain, traduction française, notes, indices, Pondichéry, Institut
Français d'Indologis, 1979, XL-207 p.
(en coll. avec L. Renou et al.), L'Inde classique. Manuel des études
indiennes, t. 1, Paris, Payot, 1949 ; t. 2, Paris, EFEO, 1953,
[réimpr. régulièrement].
Studies in Asokan Inscriptions, translated by R. K. Menon, Calcutta,
Indian Studies Past and Present. 1967
Un texte de la religion kaumâra. Le Tirumurukârrupatai, Pondichéry,
Institut français d'indologie (PIFI, 49).1973
(en coll. avec J. André), L'Inde vue de Rome. Textes latins de
l'antiquité relatifs à l'Inde, textes, trad. et comm., Paris, Les
Belles Lettres. 1986
External links
Biography in french
Another biography in french
Sid Harth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Louis Jacolliot (31 October, 1837 – 30 October, 1890) was a French
barrister, colonial judge, author and lecturer.
Born in Charolles, Saône-et-Loire, he lived several years in Tahiti,
India (1865-1869) and other parts of Asia. He wrote extensively on
Indian culture, including the legend of the Nine Unknown Men (an
alleged two millennia-old secret society).
He has been described as a "prolific but unreliable" writer.[1] During
his time in India he collected sanskrit myths, which he popularized
later starting in his Histoire des Vierges. Les Peuples et les
continents disparus (1874). Among other things, he claimed that hindu-
writings (or unspecified "Sanskrit tablets") would tell the story of a
sunken land called Rutas in the Indian Ocean. However, he relocated
this lost continent to the Pacific Ocean and linked it to the Atlantis-
myth. Furthermore his 'discovery' of Rutas is somehow similar to the
origin of the Mu-Story.
His works were not only quoted in Helena Blavatsky's book Isis
Unveiled, he also influenced her speculations on Lemuria.
Among his works is a translation of the Manu Smriti, which has since
been deemed unreliable by numerous scholars including Ann-Marie Etter.
This flawed work influenced Friedrich Nietzsche: see Tschandala.
He died at in Saint-Thibault-des-Vignes, Seine-et-Marne.
Works
La Devadassi (1868)
La Bible dans l'Inde, ou la Vie de Iezeus Christna (The Bible in India
or The life of Iezeus Christna) (1869)
Les Fils de Dieu (God's Sons) (1873)
Christna et le Christ (Christna and Christ) (1874)
Histoire des Vierges. Les Peuples et les continents disparus (History
of the Virgins. Vanished People and Continents) (1874)
La Genèse de l'Humanité. Fétichisme, polythéisme, monothéisme (Genesis
of Mankind. Fetichism, polytheism, monotheism) (1875)[or (1879)?]
Le Spiritisme dans le monde (Spiritualism across the World) (1875)
Les Traditions Indo-asiatiques (Indo-Asian Traditions) (1876)
Les Traditions Indo-européennes et Africaines (Indo-European and
African Traditions) (1876)
Le Pariah dans l'Humanité (The Outcasts in the History of Mankind)
(1876)
Les Législateurs religieux : Manou, Moïse, Mahomet (Religious
Lawmakers : Manu, Moses, Muhammad) (1876)
La Femme dans l'Inde (Women in India) (1877)
Rois, prêtres et castes (Kings, Clergy and Castes) (1877)
L'Olympe brahmanique. La mythologie de Manou (The Brahmanic Pantheon.
Manu's Mythology) (1881)
Fakirs et bayadères (Fakirs and Devadasi)(1904)
Voyage au pays des Bayadères (Journey to the Land of the Devadasi)
(1873)
Voyage au pays des perles (Journey to the Land of the Pearls) I
(1874)
Voyage au pays des éléphants (Journey to the Land of the Elephants)II
(1876)
Second voyage au pays des éléphants III (Second Journey to the Land of
the Elephants) (1877)
Voyage aux ruines de Golconde et à la cité des morts - Indoustan I
(Journey to the ruins of Golkonda and the City of the Dead)(1875)
Voyage au pays des brahmes II (Journey to the Land of Brahmans)(1878)
Voyage au pays du Hatschisch III (Journey to the Land of Hachisch)
(1883)
Voyage au pays de la Liberté : la vie communale aux Etats-Unis
(Journey to the Land of Freedom: Community Life in the United-States
of America)(1876)
Voyage aux rives du Niger, au Bénin et dans le Borgou I (Journey to
the Banks of the Niger River, Benin and Borgu)(1879)
Voyage aux pays mystérieux. Du Bénin au pays des Yébous ; chez les
Yébous - Tchadé II (1880)
Voyage au pays des singes III (1883)
Voyage au pays des fakirs charmeurs (1881)
Voyage au pays des palmiers (1884)
Voyage humoristique au pays des kangourous I (1884)
Voyage dans le buisson australien II (1884)
Voyage au pays des Jungles. Les Femmes dans l'Inde (1889)
Trois mois sur le Gange et le Brahmapoutre. Ecrit par Madame Louis
Jacolliot née Marguerite Faye (1875)
Taïti, le crime de Pitcairn, souvenirs de voyages en Océanie (1878)
La Côte d'Ebène. Le dernier des négriers I (1876)
La Côte d'Ivoire. L'homme des déserts II (1877)
La Cité des sables. El Temin III (1877)
Les Pêcheurs de nacre IV (1883)
L'Afrique mystérieuse I, II, III (1877) ; I,II, III, IV (1884)
Les Mangeurs de feu (The Fire Eaters) (1887)
Vengeance de forçats (The Convict's Revenge) (1888)
Les Chasseurs d'esclaves (Slave Hunter) (1888)
Le Coureur des jungles (1888)
Les Ravageurs de la mer (1890)
Perdus sur l'océan (Lost upon the Ocean) (1893)
Les Mouches du coche (1880)
Le Crime du moulin d'Usor (1888)
L'Affaire de la rue de la Banque. Un mystérieux assassin (1890)
Scènes de la vie de mer. Le capitaine de vaisseau (1890)
Un Policier de génie. Le mariage de Galuchon (1890)
Scènes de la vie de mer. Mémoires d'un lieutenant de vaisseau (1891)
L'Affaire de la rue de la Banque. Le Père Lafouine (1892)
La vérité sur Taïti. Affaire de la Roncière (1869)
Ceylan et les Cinghalais (1883)
La Genèse de la terre et de l'humanité I (1884)
Le Monde primitif, les lois naturelles, les lois sociales II (1884)
Les Animaux sauvages (1884)
References
Daniel Caracostea, Louis-François Jacolliot (1837 – 1890) : A
biographical essay (1997)
Christian Gaillard, L'orientalisme anticlérical de Louis Jacolliot
(1837 – 1890) (2001)
^ L. Sprague de Camp, Lost Continents, 1954 (First Edition), p. 58
External links
French site on Jacolliot
Another French site on Jacolliot
American site with Jacolliot's biography
Jacolliot's genealogy
Sid Harth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jean François Pons (1688-1752) was a French Jesuit who pioneered the
study of Sanskrit in the West.
He published a survey of Sanskrit literature in 1743, where he
described the language as "admirable for its harmony, copiousness, and
energy", reporting on the parsimonity of the native grammatical
tradition, informing the works of de Brosses, Dow, Sinner, Voltaire,
Monboddo, Halhed, Beauzée, and Hervás, and was plagiarized by John
Cleland (1778).
References
Rosane Rocher, "Discovery of Sanskrit by Europeans" in Concise history
of the language sciences from the Sumerians to the cognitivists, E. F.
K. Koerner & R. E. Asher (eds.), 1995, p. 188.
Rosane Rocher, Lord Monboddo, Sanskrit and Comparative Linguistics,
Journal of the American Oriental Society (1980).
H.W. Bodewitz, De late ‘ontdekking’ van het Sanskrit en de Oudindische
cultuur in Europa, Leiden University thesis (2002
Sid Harth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Louis Renou (1896 – 1966) was the pre-eminent French indologist of the
20th century. In particular, he studied Indian culture and Sanskrit.
Only a part of his work has been translated to English.
Bibliography
Religions of Ancient India, (1968), Schocken Books ISBN 0-8052-0179-3
History of Vedic India. New Delhi, Sanjay Prakashan, 2004, xi, 216 p.,
ISBN 81-7453-102-5
Hinduism, (1961), George Braziller, ISBN 0-8076-0164-0
A History of Sanskrit Language, (translated by Balbir, Jagbans
Kishore) (2003) ISBN 81-202-0529-4
In French
L’Inde classique : manuel des études indiennes, with Jean Filliozat,
Paris : Payot, 1947
L’Inde classique : manuel des études indiennes, with Jean Filliozat,
vol. II (with Paul Demiéville, Olivier Lacombe and Pierre Meile),
Paris : Imprimerie Nationale, 1953
Aṣṭādhyāyī La grammaire de Pāṇini Paris : École française d’Extrême-
Orient, 1966
L'Inde fondamentale Hermann, Collection Savoir, c1978. ISBN
2-7056-5885-8.
Louis Renou : choix d'études indiennes Paris : École française
d'Extrême-Orient, 1997. (2 vol.)
Notes sur la version « Paippalada » de l'atharva-veda, Paris :
imprimerie nationale 1964
Sur le genre du Sutra dans la littérature sanskrite, Paris :
imprimerie nationale 1963
Littérature sanskrite, A.Maissonneuve 1946
Grammaire et Vedanta, Paris imprimerie nationale 1957
Fragments du Vinaya Sanskrit, Paris : imprimerie nationale 1911
Etudes védiques, Paris : imprimerie nationale 1952
Etudes védiques et paninéennes (2 volumes), Paris: imprimerie
nationale 1980-1986
Anthologie sanskrite, Paris : Payot ,1961
Sid Harth
Ghurye’s rigor and discipline is legendary in Indian sociological
circles. In the application of theories to empirical exercises or in
the use of methodologies for data collection he was not dogmatic. He
seems to have believed in practicing and encouraging disciplined
eclecticism in theory and methodology. It would be appropriate to
characterize Ghurye as a practitioner of theoretical pluralism.
Basically interested in inductive empirical exercises and depicting
Indian social reality using any source material –primarily Indological
– his theoretical position bordered on laissez-faire.Ghurye’s flexible
approach to theory and methodology in sociology and social
anthropology in sociology and social anthropology was born of his
faith in intellectual freedom which is reflected in the diverse
theoretical and methodological approaches.
Ghurye was initially influenced by the reality of diffusionist
approach of British social anthropology but subsequently he switched
on to the studies of Indian society from indological and
anthropological perspectives. He emphasized on Indological approach in
the study of social and cultural life in India and the
elsewhere.Ghurye utilized literature in sociological studies with his
profound knowledge of Sanskrit literature, extensively quoted from
Vedas, Shastras, epics and poetry of Kalidasa or Bhavabhuti to shed
light on the social and cultural life in India. He made use of the
literature of modern writers like Bankimchandra Chatterjee as well.
bademiyansubhanallah
Welcome to Koenraad Elst's Indology Site
Dr. Koenraad Elst was born in Leuven, Belgium, on 7 August 1959, into
a Flemish (i.e. Dutch-speaking Belgian) Catholic family. He graduated
in Philosophy, Chinese Studies and Indo-Iranian Studies at the
Catholic University of Leuven. During a stay at the Benares Hindu
University, he discovered India's communal problem and wrote his first
book about the budding Ayodhya conflict. While establishing himself as
a columnist for a number of Belgian and Indian papers, he frequently
returned to India to study various aspects of its ethno-religio-
political configuration and interview Hindu and other leaders and
thinkers. His research on the ideological development of Hindu
revivalism earned him his Ph.D. in Leuven in 1998. He has also
published about multiculturalism, language policy issues, ancient
Chinese history and philosophy, comparative religion, and the Aryan
invasion debate.
BOOKS
●
Ayodhya and After: Issues Before Hindu Society
● Negationaism in India - Concealing the Record of Islam
● Psychology of Prophetism - A Secular Look at the Bible
● Update on the Aryan Invasion Debate
● Ayodhya: The Case Against the Temple
● BJP vis-�-vis Hindu Resurgence
● The Demographic Siege
● Who is a Hindu?
● Ayodhya, The Finale - Science versus Secularism the Excavations
Debate
BOOK REVEIWS
● An Atlantis in the Indian Ocean - a Review of Stephen Oppenheimer's
"Eden in the East"
● Review of Thomas Blom Hansen's "Saffron Wave"
● The Official Pro-Invasionist Argument at Last - a Review of
Invasionist Arguments in J. Bronkhorst and M. M. Deshpande's (eds.)
"Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia"
● The Genesis of India according to Bernard Sergent - A Review
● The Rigveda in Afghanistan? A Review of Rajesh Kochhar's "The Vedic
People"
● In Love with a Pagan -- A review of Lata Pimplaskar's Light of
Lights
INTERVIEWS
● An Interview with Koenraad Elst by Ramesh Rao on Sulekha.com, 19
August, 2002
● A brief interview of Elst in The Pioneer
● Interview that appeared in the online version of The Outlook on 13
October 2001
DUTCH ARTICLES
● Vijand binnen de poorten
● In memoriam Aleksandr Zinovjev
● De domheid van de Vlaamse rechterzijde
● Heidense mythen, mythen over het heidendom
● Het VB en de islam
● Wat is racisme?
● Beeldenstorm in Afghanistan
● De fatwa tegen Urbain Vermeulen
● De islam, hoelang nog?
● De Islam voor Ongelovigen
● De grootste demokratie ter wereld
● De verkiezingen in India
● De vermaledijde goeroes
● Dialoog tussen Kruis en Wessende Maan
● Het geval Savitri Devi
● Nieuws uit kasjmir
● Rechtzetting bij jet Boek der Veranderingen
● Sati en andere zelfdoding
● Sekten in Belgie
● Vlanderen, Kasjmir, Tsjetsjenie, Kosovo *Het ene separatisme is het
andere niet
● Ahinsaa
● De eeuwige ordening in het Morgenland
● Links ontdekt het conservatisme
ARTICLES
ARYAN INVASION
● Aryan Invasion Theory and Politics: The Case of David Duke
● The Vedic Evidence - The Vedic Corpus Provides no Evidence for the
so-called Aryan Invasion of India
● Linguistic Aspects of the Aryan Non-Invasion Theory
1. Part I
2. Part II
● Astronomical Data and the Aryan Question
● Linguistic Aspects of the Indo-European Urheimat Question
● The Vedic Harappans in Writing
● Zydenbos vs. Rajaram: A Case Study in the Aryan Invasion Polemic
● The Politics of the Aryan Invasion Debate
● Savarkar, Hinduness and the Aryan Homeland
AYODHYA DEBATE
● The Ayodhya Evidence Debate
1. Part I
2. Part II
● Found and Lost: The Ayodhya Evidence
● The Ayodhya Debate: Focus on the 'No Temple' Evidence
● BJP Retreat from Ayodhya (Part 1)
● BJP Retreat from Ayodhya and Two Campaign Themes for Future (Part
2)
● Why did Aurangzeb Demolish the Kashi Vishvanath ?
● Harsha of Kashmir, a Hindu Iconoclast?
● From Ayodhya to Nazareth
● Why Pushyamitra was more 'Secular' than Ashoka
● What if Rajiv Gandhi hadn't unlocked the Babri Masjid in 1986?
● The Details about "Hindu Iconoclasm"
CHRISTIANITY
● The Use of Dalits and Racism in Anti-Hindu Propaganda
● The Problem of Christian Missionaries
● Father Rasschaert's Martyrdom
● Sarna: A Case Study in Natural Religion
● Salvation: Hindu influence on Christianity
ISLAM
● Wahi: the Supernatural Basis of Islam
●
Was There an Islamic Genocide of Hindus?
● Afterword: The Rushdie Affair's Legacy
● Paki Come Home !
● A Lasting Solution for Kabul and Srinagar
HINDUISM AND OTHER RELIGIONS
● Hindus and Neo-Paganism
● India's Only Communalist - a Short Biography of Sita Ram Goel
● Ram Swarup (1920-1998) - Outline of a Biography
● The merits of Lord Macaulay
"HINDU FASCISM"
● Petty Professorial Politicking in The Indo-Aryan Controversy
● The Strange Case of Savitri Devi
● Was Guru Golwalkar a Nazi?
● Was Veer Savarkar a Nazi?
● The eternal return of Nazi nonsense: Savitri Devi's last writings
● "Hindu fascism" and the BJP Government
● The Struggle for India's Soul - A reply to Mira Kamdar
● Mahatma Gandhi's letters to Hitler
● New Age Fascism: Review of an Exercise in Marxist Defamation
● Hinduism, Environmentalism and the Nazi Bogey -- A preliminary reply
to Ms. Meera Nanda
● The religion of the Nazis
● Disowning Golwalkar's We
SECULARISM,COMMUNALISM AND NATIONALISM
● India, a Superpower in the Third Millennium B.C. - and A.D.
● A Reply to Robert Hathaway (In Rediff.com, August 30- September 3,
2002)
● A Tale of Two Murders: Yitzhak Rabin and Mahatma Gandhi
● Learning from Mahatma Gandhi's mistakes
● Let's combat communalism
● Gujarat After Godhra : Real Violence, Selective Outrage
MISCELLANEOUS TOPICS
● Why Twelve
● Why 108
● KarmaMorales
bademiyansubhanallah
Koenraad Elst
There are, broadly speaking, three political movements which have
taken an interest in the Aryan invasion debate. The first consists of
European colonialists and racists, very active before 1945, as in the
Nazi schoolbooks where the Aryan Invasion Theory (AIT) was used as the
perfect illustration of white dynamism and military superiority
(whites entered the dark-skinned people's country, not the reverse),
white racism (Aryan invaders devised and imposed the caste system to
prevent miscegenation), the perennial threat of racial mixing (the
upper castes are visibly non-white, proving that their ancestors
succumbed to the seduction of dark-skinned beauties), and the
destructive results of such racial mixing (Indians have not
contributed to scientific progress for centuries, unlike their whiter
ancestors, and they were no match for a small number of white British
invaders). Likewise, in 1935 Winston Churchill declared that the
British had as much right to be in India as anyone else there, except
perhaps "the Depressed Classes, who are the native stock", meaning
that most Indians were the progeny of invaders equally foreign in
origin as the British.
The second group is the anti-Hindu front in India, including Christian
missionaries, so-called Ambedkarites, Dravidian separatists, Marxists
and, just now joining the AIT bandwagon, militant Muslims. All of
these proclaim to be concerned with -- or just to be -- the natives of
India, dispossessed by the Aryan invaders who brought Hinduism from
outside. While the political animus of this group entirely stems from
Indian conditions, viz. the anti-Hindu struggle, their intellectual
source of inspiration, mainly through Christianity and Marxism, is
largely Western.
The third group is lined up against the first two, in that it opposes
the AIT: the Hindu nationalists. Seeing the disruptive and separatist
uses to which the AIT has been and is being put, they feel they need
to support the refutation of the AIT.
In Western academic accounts of the political aspects of the AIT,
attention is mostly directed at the third group, and this in a
uniformly negative and demonizing sense. The second group is
practically ignored (though the academics concerned function willy-
nilly as its intellectual support base), and the first group is
relegated to the past. Contemporary AIT theorists are convinced that
they themselves are entirely free from Aryanist fantasies and from
colonial or missionary ulterior motives; and that no such pressure is
exerted upon them by politicians or public opinion in the West, which
after 1945 has completely lost interest in the "Aryan" question. They
are indignated that Indian critics dare to even mention racism among
the ideological motives behind the defence of the AIT.
This perception and self-perception among Western AIT scholars is
worth a closer analysis, but in the present article I want to focus in
particular on the assumption that for Western public opinion, the
Aryan question is a dead issue. I will draw the readers' attention to
a revival of the racist use of the AIT as the prime illustration of
the racist worldview.
Revival of racism
David Duke holds a minor elected office in the Republican Party in
Louisiana, where he served a term as state representative and narrowly
missed being elected as governor. On the latter occasion he got 60% of
the White vote in spite of being financially dwarfed by his opponent,
so he clearly resonates with a sizable section of public opinion. As
founder of the National Association for the Advancement of White
People, he is now the undisputed leader of a reviving White racialism,
keeping to a middle course between those who have only an occasional
relation with race issues, like Pat Buchanan or Joseph Sobran, and
those who have completely reduced their political action to race
issues, often also overstepping legal boundaries, such as the Ku Klux
Klan (of which Duke used to be a member until he got frustrated with
its counterproductive extremism and bad image) and the Aryan Nation.
David Duke's recent book, My Awakening (Free Speech Press, Mandeville
LA 1999) is undoubtedly a testimony to his competence as a political
activist and influencer of public opinion. It is much better written
than Hitler's Mein Kampf, with which it shares a semi-autobiographical
format and a number of ideas, esp. on the alleged Jewish world
conspiracy. One cannot deny Duke a certain erudition, quoting as he
does from a wide range of prestigious publications somehow useful to
his message, such as Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray's The Bell
Curve (1994). He appeals to the fear of American Whites for the
prospect of being numerically overwhelmed by Third World immigration,
and seems himself to be the perfect illustration of a tendency to shed
existing inhibitions about racism in proportion with the gradual
sliding of the White majority into minority status. Indeed, the very
name of his organization NAAWP, a pun on the NAACP (C for Colored),
sends the message that Whites can claim the same identity-based rights
which Blacks have recent claimed, from separate holidays (Kwanzaa,
Martin Luther King day) to separate dormitories in college.
Though I am not closely familiar with the American situation, I think
it is safe to predict that this book will soon be the Bible of the
growing circles of Whites who, uncomfortable with actual or looming
minority status, will seek stronger assertion of their racial
identity. Consequently, I expect political scientists to analyze this
book inside out, and I will presently confine myself to Duke's
remarkable chapter on India.
Encounter with India
Like many Western tourists, the 21-year-old David Duke who spent a few
weeks in India in 1971 was overwhelmed by the conspicuous poverty of
the people:
"Millions in India live out their lives on the public streets in the
dried mud. There they are born, and there they bathe, eat, sleep,
excrete and copulate. As attested by the teeming population, the one
thing they seem to do best is breed." (p.515)
This teeming population worries him, and he mentions with approval
that a lady he knows always gives condoms and only condoms when
someone comes by to collect money for some Third World project. What
makes matters worse for Duke is that it is precisely the lower and
"inferior" castes which have sex and procreation as their only
pastime, so that the average genetic quality of the Indian population
diminishes with every generation.
His explanation for the squalor he witnessed and for its contrast with
occasional impressive monuments of ancient civilization is simple: it
is � what else? � the Aryan Invasion Theory. After all:
"Aryans, or Indo-Europeans (Caucasians) created the great Indian, or
Hindu civilization. Aryans swept over the Himalayas to the Indian
subcontinent and conquered the aboriginal people. (...) The word Aryan
has an etymological origin in the word Arya from Sanskrit, meaning
noble. The word also has been associated with gold, the noble metal,
and denoted the golden-skinned invaders (as compared to the brown-
skinned aboriginals) from the West. (...) The conquering race
initiated a caste system to preserve their status and their racial
identity. The Hindu word for caste is Varna, which directly translated
into English means color." (p.517-518)
So there you have it: Hindus have the longest-lasting racial Apartheid
system in the world. Unfortunately they squandered the genetic
treasure they brought with them from the far north by mixing with the
darker natives: Hindu art testifies to the ancient Hindus' unabashed
fondness for sex, and "it was not preoccupation with sex that brought
down the high culture as much as it was the racial impact of that
obsession. In spite of strict religious and civil taboos, the ancient
Aryans crossed the color line. (...) Only a small percentage of each
generation had sexual liaisons with the lower castes, but over dozens
of generations a gradual change in the racial composition
occurred." (p.518) So that is why the Indians haven't invented the
automobile, why they were no match for the British or even the
Chinese, why their streets are dirty, why their bureaucrats are
corrupt: they lost their racial purity.
All this and the facts
David Duke's brief analysis of Indian society is a shorthand version
of the most widespread theory of the Aryan invasion and the caste
system. He has not distorted it to suit his own purposes; you can find
it like that in many history books (e.g. the late Alain Dani�lou's
Histoire de l'Inde, and publications by leading scholars like Jan
Gonda, SK Chatterjee, Gordon Childe, FBJ Kuiper, the early Asko
Parpola, H Kulke & D Rothermund). You also find it in the missionary-
supported pseudo-Ambedkarite movement which, unlike Dr. Ambedkar
himself, fervently believes in and propagates this racial version of
the AIT, the only difference being the respective evaluations of the
contending races: pseudo-Ambedkarites and Dravidian separatists
consider the dark-skinned natives the good guys. Yet, the world of
scholarship is beginning to take its distance from this "Aryan
apartheid" theory.
At this point I might quote some Hindu nationalist historians who
question the AIT and especially its racial version, but such brown-
skinned people would not carry conviction with the Duke school; so let
me quote some German-originated White professors instead. In a very
recent book, Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia (edited by Johannes
Bronkhorst and Madhav M. Deshpande, Harvard 1999) Hans Heinrich Hock
and Thomas Trautmann have, so to speak, replicated the Hindu
nationalist questioning of the racial interpretation of certain Vedic
allusions to ethnic conflict. Both conclude, after surveying all the
passages formerly quoted in support of the racial interpretation, that
there is little reason to interpret terms like varna, "color", in
terms of skin color, and that reference to blackness in enemies has
the well-known metaphorical meaning of secrecy or evil. Prof. Hock
also points out that many leading Aryans are explicitly described as
dark-skinned: Krishna, Draupadi, Arjuna (in spite of his name,
"pale"), Nakula and Damayanti (p.154), and he might have added Rama
and some of the Vedic seers.
The struggle between Rama and Ravana was not one between a white Aryan
and a black Dravidian, as Tamil separatists claim: Ravana was dark-
skinned, alright, but also a descendent of the Vedic Pulastya clan and
competent to perform Vedic ritual, while the Aryan Rama was equally
dark-skinned. Other scholars including Asko Parpola had earlier shown
that the traditional enemies of the Vedic Aryans, viz. the Dasas,
Dasyus and Panis, were principally the Iranian cousins of the Vedic
Aryans (all three ethnonyms exist in Iranian, not in the supposedly
aboriginal Indian languages like Dravidian and Munda), who on average
were at least as white as the latter. While one can never exclude that
in such a racially diverse country like India, opposing armies were
sometimes markedly different in skin colour, there is simply no
testimony in the copious native literature to the kind of grand racial
apartheid design imagined by David Duke and like-minded people.
As for the present, not too much should be made of the appreciation of
fair skin color in marriage advertisements: the aura which blondes or
otherwise whitish women carry is pretty universal and doesn't require
an Aryan Invasion scenario as explanation. If an explanation is
needed, it is more likely the influence of white foreign rulers:
Aghans and Turks in the past, British more recently. In religion, a
North-Indian Jat or Yadav (intermediate castes) will respect a Tamil
Brahmin for his Vedic learning eventhough the latter is usually darker
than the former.
Finally, what are the facts concerning the "inferiority" of dark-
skinned Hindus as compared with their supposedly white ancestors of
the Vedic age and the latter's white nephews, the Europeans? It is
true that in the past thousand years, India has suffered stagnation
and decline, but this was largely due to political circumstances: the
Muslim conquest and occupation (cfr. the decline of Chinese science
under the Mongol occupation in the 13th century). Note that the Muslim
invaders were much whiter than most Hindu natives, yet they destroyed
all native universities without building a single new one. While the
much‑touted science of the medieval Muslim empire was mostly borrowed,
Indian science was mostly creative and innovative, witness the Arab
name for the "Arab" number system: Rakmu'l Hindi, "Indian numerals".
Coming to the present, it cannot have escaped Mr. Duke's notice that
most Indian immigrants in the US, already over a million, are mostly
of the brainy type. In mathematics, the natural sciences, medicine and
computer science, Indians are greatly "over‑represented" in the
leading institutes in the West. In India itself, the recovery of
India's greatness in scientific achievement has been slowed down for
fifty years by Nehru's imposition of models he borrowed from White
ideologues in Cambridge and Moscow, but lately India's breakthrough in
these fields has undeniably been spectacular. If this is what a
genetically degenerate people can achieve, perhaps the Duke clan
should emulate their example.
How India woke David Duke up
So, David Duke, like many old-school Western scholars and like Hitler
before him, sees in the Aryan invasion scenario a perfect illustration
of his racialist world view. But it gets even better. Duke did not
merely add the AIT to an arsenal of arguments which he was already
building up in support of his racial politics, as just one more
illustration. The AIT, in its racial version, played a completely
pivotal role in his decision to devote his life to the cause of the
White race.
In the countryside around Delhi, Duke visited a temple, and next to
it,
"I saw something that will forever remain in my memory. In the shade
sat a little, brown, half-caste Indian girl. She was thoroughly
emaciated and resembled some sort of hideous doll except that she
moved slightly, and her animated bones and skin had a terrifying
effect. (...) On one cheek was an open sore the size of a quarter.
More sores covered her arms, chest and legs. Dozens of flies covered
each sore, jockeying with each other to feast on her flesh. (...) The
child held her hand out to me, begging for a few rupees. I dug my hand
deep into my pocket, pulled out all the Indian coins I had, and
carefully tipped them into her dark, skeletal hand. I turned and
stumbled back out into the hot Indian sun, my eyes blinded by
tears." (p.523)
Yes, tears for so much human misery, i.e. for a victim of Nehru's
counterproductive Soviet-oriented economic policies, just human fellow-
feeling for a suffering child? That is what you would expect in this
situation, and it may have been there in young David's mind, of
course. But his belief in the AIT put a most peculiar spin on this
experience:
"On the way back to my room I wondered if, in a few hundred years,
some half-black descendant of mine would be sitting among the ruins of
our civilization, brushing away the flies, waiting to die. Every day
our nation grows a little darker from the torrential immigration of
non-Whites, high non-White birthrates and increasing racial
miscegenation (...) To the plaudits of the media, the Pariahs -- the
Untouchables -- are slowly replacing the Brahmin of America and the
entire Western world. The hideous skeletal girl in the prophetic
setting of that Indian temple was my glimpse of the future of the
Western world. (...) The huge populace of modern India cannot sustain
the level of culture and economic well-being that its high-caste
forebears created. (...) Our race's struggle for survival and
evolutionary advancement became the meaning of my life when I looked
into that little Indian girl's forlorn face (...) I determined that my
life would be about awakening the Aryan within every person of
European descent. When I grow weary in this battle and I find my
character smeared or my personal life attacked, that girl's gaunt face
is there to haunt me, to drive me onward. (...) that girl's
countenance is there to remind me, in the most graphic terms, what
failure would mean for our progeny." (p.523-524)
On seeing this pitiable girl outside a Hindu temple, Duke might have
resolved to do something about poverty, unjust international trade
relations, foolish economic policies, the starving of Hindu temple
personnel and their families by Nehruvian secularism, or any other
worthy cause somehow related to this poor girl. But because he
believed in the invasion of white Aryans in India and their subsequent
degeneration due to their biological Indianization, he resolved to do
something entirely different: to blow new life into White racism. Who
says that the racist understanding of the Aryan invasion scenario has
become irrelevant in the West? It is the Aryan Invasion Theory that
gave America the racialist politician David Duke:
"Before my journey to India, the racial ideals that I believed in were
abstract concepts and principles. In the moment I saw that emaciated
child in the ruins, all my ideas were dramatically transformed into
the reality of flesh and blood. (...) Seeing the child in the temple
changed an intellectual commitment into a holy obligation. (...) I
realized that day, in the scorching Indian sun outside that temple,
that I had to adopt the spirit of an Aryan warrior who understood that
the current struggle of our race transcends the centuries. (...) The
flame that ignited in me on that hot August day in India in 1971 is
still white hot and imperishable." (p.525)
If the Aryan Invasion Theory is refuted, or alternatively, if its
holds out against the present wave of criticism and gets confirmed and
stronger than before, it will have consequences not only in the Indian
power equation between Hindus and their enemies, but also in American
politics.
� Dr. Koenraad Elst, 2002.
bademiyansubhanallah
The Vedic Corpus provides no evidence for the so called "Aryan
Invasion" of India
Koenraad Elst
The dominant paradigm concerning the presence of the Indo-Aryan branch
of the Indo‑European language family is the so-called Aryan invasion
theory, which claims that Indo-Aryan was brought into India by "Aryan"
invaders from Central Asia at the end of the Harappan period (early
2nd millennium BC). Though the question of Aryan origins was much
disputed in the 19th century, the Aryan invasion theory has been so
solidly dominant in the past century that attempts to prove it have
been extremely rare in recent decades, until the debate flared up
again in India after 1990. The main attempt to prove the Aryan
invasion (presented in Bernard Sergent : Gen�se de l'Inde, Paris 1997)
uses the archaeological record, which, paradoxically, is invoked with
equal confidence by the non‑invasionist school (e.g. B.B. Lal : New
Light on the Indus Civilization, Delhi 1997). Here we will consider
the sparse attempts to discover references to the Aryan invasion in
Vedic literature, and argue that these have not yielded any such
finding.
A first category consists of old but still commonly repeated cases of
circular reasoning, e.g. the assumption that the enemies encountered
by the tribe with which the Vedic poet identifies, are
"aboriginals" (e.g. in Ralph Griffith's translation The Hymns of the
Ŗgveda, 1889, still commonly used). In fact, there is not one passage
where the Vedic authors describe such encounters in terms of "us
invaders" vs. "them natives", even implicitly.
Among more recent attempts, motivated explicitly by the desire to
counter the increasing skepticism regarding the Aryan invasion theory,
the most precise endeavour to show up an explicit mention of the
invasion turns out to be based on mistranslation. Michael Witzel
("Ŗgvedic History", in G. Erdosy, ed.: The Indo-Aryans of Ancient
South Asia, Berlin 1995, p.321) tries to read a line from the
"admittedly much later" Baudh�yana Shrauta S�tra as attesting the
Aryan invasion: "Pr�n ayuh pravavr�ja, tasyaite kuru-panch�l�h
k�sh�videh� ity, etad �yavam, pratyan am�vasus tasyaite g�ndh�rayas
parshavo'ratt� ity, etad �m�vasyam" (BSS 18.44:397.9). This is
rendered by Witzel as: "Ayu went eastwards. His (people) are the Kuru-
Panch�la and the K�sh�-Videha. This is the Ayava (migration). (His
other people) stayed at home in the West. His people are the G�ndh�r�,
Parshu and Aratta. This is the Am�vasava (group)."
This passage consists of two halves in parallel, and it is unlikely
that in such a construction, the subject of the second half would
remain unexpressed, and that terms containing contrastive information
(like "migration" as opposed to the alleged non-migration of the other
group) would remain unexpressed, all left for future scholars to fill
in. It is more likely that a non-contrastive term representing a
subject indicated in both statements, is left unexpressed in the
second: that exactly is the case with the verb pravavr�ja "he went",
meaning "Ayu went" and "Amavasu went". Amavasu is the subject of the
second statement, but Witzel spirits the subject away, leaving the
statement subjectless, and turns it into a verb, "am� vasu", "stayed
at home". In fact, the meaning of the sentence is really quite
straightforward, and doesn't require supposing a lot of unexpressed
subjects: "Ayu went east, his is the Yamuna-Ganga region", while
"Amavasu went west, his is Afghanistan, Parshu and West Panjab".
Though the then location of "Parshu" (Persia?) is hard to decide, it
is definitely a western country, along with the two others named,
western from the viewpoint of a people settled near the Saraswati
river in what is now Haryana. Far from attesting an eastward movement
into India, this text actually speaks of a westward movement towards
Central Asia, coupled with a symmetrical eastward movement from
India's demographic centre around the Saraswati basin towards the
Ganga basin.
The fact that a world-class specialist has to content himself with a
late text like the BSS, and that he has to twist its meaning this much
in order to get an invasionist story out of it, suggests that
harvesting invasionist information in the oldest literature is very
difficult indeed. Witzel claims (op.cit., p.320) that: "Taking a look
at the data relating to the immigration of Indo-Aryans into South
Asia, one is struck by a number of vague reminiscences of foreign
localities and tribes in the Ŗgveda, in spite [of] repeated assertions
to the contrary in the secondary literature." But after this promising
start, he fails to quote even a single one of those "vague
reminiscences".
On the next page, however, Witzel does mention the ethnonyms of the
enemies of the Vedic Aryans, the Dasas (Iranian Daha, known to Greco-
Roman authors as Daai, Dahae), Dasyus (Iranian Dahyu, "tribe", esp.
hostile nomadic tribe) and Panis (Greek Parnoi), as unmistakably the
names of Iranian tribes. The identification of these tribes as Iranian
has been elaborated by Asko Parpola ("The problem of the Aryans and
the Soma", in Erdosy: op.cit., p.367), and is now well- established, a
development which should at least put an end to the talk of the Dasas
being "the dark-skinned aboriginals enslaved by the Aryan invaders".
Unfortunately, Witzel and Parpola project their invasionist notions
onto their discovery: they assume that the mentioning of Iranian
tribes constitutes a "reminiscence" of the Indo‑Aryan sojourn in
Central Asia. This is in disregard of the explicit evidence of the
geographical data given in the same Vedic texts, which locates the
interaction with the Dasas and Dasyus in Panjab. From the
identification of the Dasas and Dasyus as Iranians, it could be
deduced that these Iranian tribes have lived in India for a while. Of
course, this inference might be explained away with the plea that a
narrative transfer of geographical setting may have taken place, but
that would be a purely external conjecture not supported by the Vedic
text itself.
Witzel (op.cit., p.321) makes much of the transfer of geographical
names: Sarasvat�, Gomat�, Sarayu, Ras� are the names of rivers in
India as well as in Afghanistan. This is well- known, but what does it
prove? The Vedic references to these rivers definitely concern the
Indian rivers, not the Afghan ones, e.g. the Vedic description of the
Saraswati as "sea- going" does not apply to the Afghan Harahvait�,
which, quite remarkably for a river, does not send its waters to the
sea but to a small lake on the Iranian plateau. It is perfectly
possible that the names were taken from the Indian metropolis to the
Afghan country of emigrant settlement, rather than the other way
around.
Another philological argument which keeps on being repeated is the
migration-related interpretation of the polysemy of ordinary terms of
direction, e.g. dakshina: "south" and "right- hand side", p�rva :
"east" and "frontside", pashchima: "west" and "backside". Since the
equivalence of "south" with "right- hand side" presupposes an eastward
orientation, it is assumed that this linguistic fact (along with its
ritual application of carrying the fire eastward during the Vedic
Agnichayana ceremony) "is connected with the eastward expansion of the
Vedic Indians through the plains north of the Ganges" (Frits Staal:
Ritual and Mantras, Delhi 1996, p.154, and to the same effect, Frits
Staal: Zin en Onzin, Amsterdam 1986, p.310).
This inference assumes that the Vedic Aryans had impressed on such
elementary items in their language an association with an eastward
movement which must have taken only a small part of their daily
routine (even migrants are sedentary much of the time, producing or
finding food and other necessities) and a relatively short span in
their history. Moreover, it is contradicted by a study of similar
polysemic terms in other languages. It is in fact very common to
identify the "positive", solar directions (east, south) with the front
side, the "negative" directions (west, north) with the back side.
Sometimes, the emphasis is on the north-south axis, e.g. in Chinese,
where the character bei, "north", is derived from the character for
"backside". Likewise, in Sanskrit, uttara, "north", also means "last,
final", while in Avestan, paurva, "frontside", also means "south".
Otherwise, the emphasis in on the east-west axis, as in Sanskrit
p�rva, "east" and "frontside". Thus, the old Hebrew word yamin means
both "right-hand side" and "south" (hence the country name Yemen, the
"south" of the Arabian peninsula), this eventhough Abraham had made a
westward journey from Ur of the Chaldees in Mesopotamia to the
Promised Land. The same polysemy exists in some of the Celtic
languages, which had also migrated westward from the central part to
the western coasts of Europe. The very word orientation, from Latin,
testifies to the natural tendency of taking the orient as the
direction of reference.
As for the orientation of the Vedic Agnichayana ritual, if this proves
an eastward movement of the Vedic ancestors, what shall we say about
the rule that Christian Churches are oriented towards the east, even
though Christianity is not particularly associated with any eastward
migration? The explanation of the ritual of carrying the fire to the
east may be much simpler and of universal application: it symbolizes
the underground night journey of the sun from the sunset west to the
sunrise east.
Sometimes, invasionist scholars miss the non-invasionist information
which is staring them in the face. It is easy to establish on the
basis of internal evidence (the genealogy of the composers and of the
kings they mention) that the 8th mandala of the Ŗgveda is one of the
younger parts of the book. It is there (RV 8:5, 8:46, 8:56) that we
find clear reference to the material culture and fauna of Afghanistan,
including camels. Michael Witzel duly notes all this (op.cit., p.322),
but fails to realize that the invasionist scenario requires that such
references appear in the oldest part of the Rg-Veda. What we now have
is an indication that the movement went from inside India to the
northwest.
Witzel (op.cit., p.324 ff.) makes a beginning with a long-overdue
project: establishing the internal chronology of the Ŗgveda on the
basis of internal cross-references between kings and poets of
different generations. Unfortunately, his first results are rather
confused because he does not confine himself to the information
actually given in the Ŗgveda, frequently bringing in the
"information" (actually conjecture) provided by modern theorists with
their invasionist model. By contrast, Shrikant Talageri's survey of
the relative chronology of all Ŗgvedic kings and poets, recently made
public in several lectures, has been based exclusively on the internal
textual evidence (see Talageri: The Ŗgveda, a Historical Analysis,
Delhi, forthcoming), and yields a completely consistent chronology.
Its main finding is that the geographical gradient of Vedic Aryan
culture in its Ŗgvedic stage is from east to west, with the eastern
river Ganga appearing a few times in the older passages (written by
the oldest poets mentioning the oldest kings), and the western river
Indus appearing in later parts of the book (written by descendents of
the oldest poets mentioning descendents of the oldest kings).
The status question is still, more than ever, that the Vedic corpus
provides no reference to an immigration of the so-called Vedic Aryans
from Central Asia. This need not be taken as sufficient proof that
such an invasion never took place, that Indo-Aryan was native to
India, and that India is the homeland of the Indo-European language
family. Perhaps such an invasion from a non-Indian homeland into India
took place at a much earlier date, so that it was forgotten by the
time of the composition of the Ŗgveda. But at least, such an "Aryan
invasion" cannot be proven from the information provided by the Vedic
narrative itself.
bademiyansubhanallah
Dr Koenraad Elst
1. The Hindu monologue
Hindus have a problem with reality. As independent Hindu writer Siva
Prasad Ray (Turning of the Wheel, A. Ghosh, Houston/Calcutta 1985) has
observed, Hindu polemicists, especially Gandhians, are expert at
interacting with a partner without the latter knowing about it. They
merely impute feelings and opinions to the partner without checking
what these are in reality. With that self-deception, it is easy to
maintain fictions like the Gandhian mantra of "Hindu-Muslim unity", or
likewise, the RSS characterization of Indian Muslims as "Mohammedi
Hindus".
This tendency extends beyond the field of Hindu-Muslim conflict and
beyond the Gandhian movement, affecting seemingly hard-nosed Left-
secularists and Hindutvawadis as well. Thus, in the early days of
debate on the Aryan invasion theory (AIT), and even now though to a
lesser extent, many Hindu AIT critics claim that "Western scholarship
has discarded the fantasy of an Aryan invasion long ago",-- a case of
pure wishful thinking, for most Western scholars still stand by the
AIT and many haven't even heard yet that it is being challenged. Or
likewise in the demography debate, Hindus who could easily have made
their point about Muslim demographic aggression using the true figures
and trends, nonetheless resort to imaginative false claims involving
third parties, e.g. "the WHO has predicted that Muslims will be a
majority in India by 2010" or so.
This tendency is equally in evidence in secularist discourse. The
secularists may be lacking in the virtues of Hinduism, but they
certainly share in its vices. In their case, true to type, this
tendency to deal with merely imagined attitudes of the Other is mostly
in an adversarial mode: falsely attributing positions to the Hindus
all the better to demolish them. However, contrary to the ordinary
"straw man" technique of debate distortion, the point here is that
most secularists really believe their own misconstruction of the Hindu
position. The main reason for this is that from their comfortable
power position they disdain to take the trouble of actually
acquainting themselves with their opponents' views. They merely start
from a very general summary of "the" Hindutva viewpoint, mostly
already a caricature, and then "deduce" all the supposed Hindutva
positions on specific topics.
A case in point is the secularist understanding of Veer Savarkar's
views of Hinduism and of the AIT. According to Parsha Venkateshvara
Rao jr. (April 6, 2003, "Lord Parekh, Savarkar and the idea of India",
http://www.newindpress.com/sunday/sundayitems): "[Lord Bhikhu] Parekh
has identified three clusters of people and their idea of India. In
the first, which he has called the 'Hindu' or 'Hindutva' school, he
has included Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Sri Aurobindo and Veer Savarkar. He
admits that there are many differences among the individual thinkers,
but he groups them together under a general rubric because of the
dominant idea of each cluster. The 'Hindutva' cluster emphasises the
pre-eminence of Hindu culture as a defining feature of India. (*) But
there are problems with Parekh's thesis because of the 'clusters' he
has established. (*) For example, his inclusion of Savarkar along with
Tilak and Sri Aurobindo poses acute problems. The idea of Hinduness
as expounded by Tilak and Sri Aurobindo is philosophical and
spiritual. Secondly, Tilak is one of the distinguished proponents of
the original home of the Aryans being outside India, which is to be
found in his two books, Orion and The Arctic Home of the Vedas. The
Hindutva school, as we know it today, argues that the Aryans were the
natives of the country."
We shall see that this version of the facts stems from an
eagerly cultivated secularist caricature of Hindutva, not of a genuine
acquaintance with Hindutva doctrine as propounded by Savarkar and his
successors. We will first take up the second point, viz. about the
Aryan invasion theory (AIT), and then consider the general point about
the "spiritual" definition of "Hinduness".
2. A Hindu nation, regardless of its origins
PV Rao jr. (and possibly Bhikhu Parekh, that depends on
how accurately his position was rendered here) clearly knows neither
Savarkar nor the developments in the Hindutva position regarding the
AIT. There is in fact nothing intrinsically anti-AIT about Hindutva,
as will be clear from Shrikant Talageri's survey (the only one extant,
in his book The Rigveda, a Historical Analysis, Aditya Prakashan,
Delhi 2000) of various Hindu positions regarding the AIT: some of the
wilder Hindutva proponents have actually elaborated upon the AIT and
based far-flung territorial claims on it, while even some apparent AIT
critics with Hindutva leanings turn out to have interiorized many of
the implications of the AIT. In particular, V.D. Savarkar, the very
propagator of the term Hindutva and author of the influential booklet
of that title, has in that very booklet explicitly accepted the AIT.
Exactly like Nehru, Savarkar could live with the idea that
his nation had a fragmented past but that out of divergent ethnic
material a coherent nation could be made. Whereas Nehru placed the
fusion of the different components into a single nation largely in the
immediate future, with the Congressite programme of "nation-building",
Savarkar placed it largely in the past. To him, the welding of the
various components into a Hindu nation was an old accomplished fact.
This fusion had reached down even to the biological level: "Not even
the tribes of the Andamans are without a sprinkling of the so-called
Aryan blood." (Notice hisshyness in embracing the then-prevalent
notion of "Aryan blood", incidentally giving the lie to secularist
claims about Savarkar being a racist ideologue, a claim very
explicitly refuted in the booklet Hindutva itself, where Savarkar
accepts racial intermarriage as normal and inevitable.) But more
importantly, the linguistic aryanization of all Indian languages, with
Malayalam or Telugu having up to 70% Sanskrit loans in their
vocabularies, and especially the various levels of Hindu religion
adopted by even remote and isolated communities, had fused the
disparate continuum of ethnic groups into a self-conscious single
nation. At least, that was Savarkar's view.
M.S. Golwalkar, the second RSS chief, though an
accomplished biologist, was much less familiar than Savarkar (who had
studied law in England) with modern ideas outside the narrow hard-
sciences field, and was more rooted in traditional Sanskritic lore.
Therefore, like many old-school pandits, he couldn't deal with the
notion of an Aryan invasion, totally unattested in Vedic literature.
Hence, he tried to save the indigenous origin of the Vedic Aryans all
while accepting B.G. Tilak's seemingly scientific and modern theory of
an Arctic origin by postulating that the pole had shifted and that in
PIE times, the North Pole had been in the lower Ganga basin. Often
held up for ridicule, this passage was without relation to the main
thrust of his (still immature) booklet We, Our Nationhood Defined, in
which it appeared. It was not taken up again in Golwalkar's later
writings, and to my knowledge remained without influence on later RSS
thought, partly because after the Gandhi murder the booklet was never
reprinted and was no longer a part of the RSS workers' education.
Hindutva could do without an Indigenous Homeland Theory
for the same reasons that other nations can have their patriotic
ideologies without having been the hoary inhabitants of their present
countries. Note also that at Benares Hindu University, founded by
Hindu Mahasabha leader Madan Mohan Malaviya, famous professors like VS
Agarwal also taught the AIT even though their textbooks could for the
most part be included in any propaganda campaign for the greatness of
Hindu civilization. There is no necessary contradiction between
nationalism and a history of settlement from abroad. Indeed, many
nations cherish myths of invasion and settlement as founding moments
of their nationhood, vide of course the USA, or vide e.g. Rumania's
recent installation of a massive statue commemorating Emperor
Traianus's incorporation of "Dacia"/Rumania into the Roman empire,
thus creating the Romance-Dacian identity which was to become the
Rumanian nation.
3. Why Hindutva turned against the AIT
Therefore, the Hindutva movement could function for
decades without showing any concern for the Aryan question, and with
some of its spokesmen explicitly accepting the invasion theory. If
the Hindutva movement has come around to welcoming and highlighting
any findings and writings that militate against the AIT, it is mainly
for the following reasons:
(1) the vast and ever-increasing political use made of the
AIT by anti-Hindu militants in tribal-separatist, Christian
missionary, neo-Ambedkarite, Marxist and Islamist circles. Indeed,
all those who show such concern for the politicization of history are
severely lacking in credibility if they discovered their heartburn for
the abused damsel History only when Hindutva authors started
questioning the AIT, and not earlier, when all the others were already
exploiting the AIT no end. The political interest which Hindutva
circles started taking in the Aryan origins debate was a reaction
against a long-standing politicization of that debate by their
declared enemies.
(2) the publications since the early 1980s by non-
political scholars, particularly archaeologists both Indian and
Western, of findings which failed to support (or which actually threw
doubt upon) the invasion theory. One important Indian contributor at
this stage was K.D. Sethna, formerly the secretary of Sri Aurobindo,
the sage accepted as a good spiritual Hindu by PV Rao jr. Aurobindo
has been an AIT skeptic but only made a feeble attempt to argue
against it, and actually made it more difficult to muster textual
arguments against it by reducing (though less radically than the Arya
Samaj had done) the Vedas to a vast metaphor, a purely spiritual text
free of mundane historical data. Sethna, by contrast, drew attention
to material information in the Vedas contradicting the predominant
theory, e.g. the unfamiliarity of the oldest Vedic authors with
cotton, a tissue familiar to the mature-Harappans as well as the
(supposedly early-Vedic) post-Harappans. Such findings and insights
also set some non-Hindutva authors rethinking the common assumptions,
e.g. the Marxist Bhagwan Singh; but somehow only the Hindutva input is
being noticed.
A final point here concerns BG Tilak, sometimes depicted
as a Hindu nationalist Hindutvawadi avant la lettre but better
described as a Hindu traditionalist (e.g. pro child marriage, pro
caste), this in contrast with the Hindu reformists of the Arya Samaj,
and of the Hindu nationalist movement since then. PV Rao jr. calls
him "one of the distinguished proponents of the original home of the
Aryans being outside India". He is clearly unaware of the facts of
the matter.
Tilak's arguments in favour of an Aryan homeland outside
India are anything but "distinguished"; they are highly contrived and
sometimes downright ridiculous. For a full treatment, I refer to
Talageri's The Rigveda, a Historical Analysis. Even without going
into the details, the idea of locating in the Arctic a people destined
to colonize the European and Indian subcontinents is a priori very
unlikely given that region's inability to support a sizable
population. Tilak was under the spell of European superiority, a
presupposition to which he adapted his knowledge of Vedic history; and
he even accepted the then-common European view of the Aryans as a band
of spectacularly unstoppable conquerors from the North.
The only part of Tilak's argumentation that seems to stand up to
scrutiny, and that has been confirmed by more recent researchers, is
the part which contradicts the AIT at least in its most common
version: his astronomy-based chronology dating the Rig-Veda to the 4th
millennium BC. This may be reconciled with an invasionist scenario
but it would be a very different one from the now-dominant version:
either you believe along with Tilak that the invasion took place ca.
1500 BC but that the Vedas describe an Arctic setting, against all the
textual evidence; or you accept that the Vedas testify to an Indian
setting so that the Vedic Aryans lived in India before and during the
Harappan period, regardless of whether they immigrated at an earlier
date.
4. Savarkar's definition of Hinduness
Now to the second point, PV Rao jr.'s objection to the
inclusion of Savarkar among the votaries of Hindu spirituality: "But
there are problems with Parekh's thesis (*) For example, his inclusion
of Savarkar along with Tilak and Sri Aurobindo poses acute problems.
The idea of Hinduness as expounded by Tilak and Sri Aurobindo is
philosophical and spiritual. (*) Secondly, Tilak's politics was never
sectarian, even during his 'nationalist' phase, which ended with the
split of Congress in Surat in 1907. And it was Tilak and Mohammed Ali
Jinnah who crafted the Congress-Muslim League Pact in Lucknow in
1916. It is in contrast to the narrow-based, exclusivist national
politics of Savarkar and the Hindutva brigade. And the major
difference between Savarkar and the other two is that Savarkar
rejected Hinduism as a religion. His Hindutva is a desiccated
nationalism, devoid of spiritual, religious and cultural values. (*)
Savarkar and the Hindutva brigade have nothing to say about the idea
of India because they reject Hindu spirituality and religiosity. As a
matter of fact, Savarkar represents a perverted secularism, an evil
spawned by the French Revolution of 1789. (*) It is not difficult to
see that Savarkar's Hindutva is an alien concept."
First of all my compliments to Rao for his critical view
of the French Revolution, which most Indian social science authors
idealize after the Western-Leftist fashion. It is certainly true that
a desiccated secular-nationalism was one of the planks in the French
Revolutionary platform. But does this also apply to Savarkar's
Hindutva? Most Indian secularists would be uncomfortable with the
classification of Hindutva as secular and non-religious, given their
own habit of denouncing it for "mixing religion with politics".
Part of the problem is the difference between
Christianity, against which genuine secularism was a reaction, and
Hinduism. Most Indian secularists including Rao have no clear
understanding of Hinduism and project onto it the notions of religion
which they picked up from Western textbooks whose authors had
Christianity in mind when discussing religion. "Hinduism" is not
coterminous with a community of believers in a specific belief system,
as most scholars of the subject would agree. Therefore, Savarkar very
sensibly avoided the trap of trying to catch Hinduism in a doctrinal
definition, and offered the pragmatic alternative of defining the
Hindu as one to whom "India is both Fatherland and Holyland", i.e. any
Indian who accepts any native Indian religion (hence one with its holy
places inside India) as his own.
Far from being an idiosyncratic innovation, Savarkar's definition is
in fact coterminous with the original understanding of the term
"Hindu" by those who introduced it into India, viz. the Muslim
invaders: "any Indian who is not a Parsi, Jew, Christian or Muslim".
Moreover, this concept has been retained as the definition of "legal
Hindu" (i.e. Indian citizen to whom the "Hindu law" concerning
marriage and inheritance applies) in the Hindu Code of 1955 and
approximately also in Art. 25 of the Constitution, which applies the
term "Hindu" for its purposes to Sikhs, Jainas and Buddhists. So,
Savarkar's definition is very sensible both historically and legally.
5. Hinduism and nationhood
At the same time, his definition does not seem to be lacking in
respect for Hindu philosophy and spirituality. His criterion for
including someone in the "Hindu" category is not biological (racial)
nor purely territorial (native to India) but at least partly
religious, viz. an attachment to at least one Indian religious
tradition. It may be true that Savarkar personally was an atheist and
that he refused religious rituals for his departed soul, but that
doesn't put him outside the tradition of Hindu spirituality, which has
room for many different philosophies. Nor was his secular outlook
necessarily "desiccated", for India has generated a variety of
atheistic or agnostic yet intensely spiritual traditions, best known
among them Jainism and Buddhism. If anyone in this debate can be
diagnosed as "desiccated" in their Weltanschauung, it is more likely
the secularists of Rao's own variety.
Meanwhile, it can be argued that Savarkar's position was
not too different from Tilak's nor even from that of the most
spiritual of the three Hindu leaders mentioned, Sri Aurobindo. If
Hindutva ideologues from Savarkar on down have "mixed religion with
politics", that is certainly one element they have in common with
Tilak and Aurobindo. A negative instance is the one applauded by Rao,
viz. Tilak's role in legitimizing Muslim separatism through his 1916
Lucknow Pact with Jinnah. I suppose one shouldn't hold it against a
political leader that he sometimes feels compelled to make a
compromise, but with hindsight we must admit that the Lucknow Pact was
a tremendous boost to communalism, setting the stage for the communal
conflagration which was to follow in the early 1920s, and ultimately
for the Partition. A more widely acknowledged instance of Tilak's
policy of mixing religion with politics was his incorporation of the
Ganesh Chaturthi festival into his nationalistic propaganda.
But the strongest instance of "mixing religion with
politics" and of identifying India with Hinduness was most certainly
Sri Aurobindo's famous Uttarpara speech: "Other religions are
preponderantly religions of faith and profession, but the Sanatana
Dharma is life itself; it is a thing that has not so much to be
believed as lived. This is the Dharma that for the salvation of
humanity was cherished in the seclusion of this peninsula from of
old. It is to give this religion that India is rising. (*) When
therefore it is said that India shall rise, it is the Sanatana Dharma
that shall rise. (*) It is for the Dharma and by the Dharma that India
exists. To magnify the religion means to magnify the country. (*)
When the Sanatana Dharma declines, then the nation declines (*) The
Sanatana Dharma, that is nationalism."
In the desiccated and unsympathetic discourse of Indian
secularism, anyone repeating Aurobindo's words as his own would be
denounced as a "communal fascist". Yet, that fusion of Hindu
spirituality and nationalist politics was the central message of the
man whom Rao recognizes as a genuine Hindu sage. And sure enough,
Aurobindo's Uttarpara speech is frequently invoked by the hated
"Hindutva brigade". If Hindu nationalism is to exclude Savarkar from
the spiritual aura of Hinduism, then Tilak and Aurobindo should be
excluded as well. But if, more realistically, it is to include them,
then it should also include Savarkar.
Dr. Koenraad ELST
bademiyansubhanallah
Dr Koenraad Elst.
The following paper is a short version of chapter 2 of my forthcoming
book The Saffron Swastika, Voice of India, Delhi, September 1999.
1. Guruji's first book
It is routinely alleged in press articles and even in scholarly
publications that Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, second sarsanghchalak
("chief guide of the association") of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
("national volunteer association") from 1940 till his death in 1973,
and colloquially known as Guruji, was an open admirer and emulator of
Adolf Hitler. Thus, according to Sudip Mazumdar (Newsweek, 27-5-1996),
Golwalkar was "a supremacist who openly admired some of Hitler's ideas
on racial purity".
However, from his fairly copious writings, public statements and
interview transcripts during his term at the head of the RSS
(1940-73), no indication of such Hitlerian sympathies has ever been
quoted. The case is based entirely on a few lines in Golwalkar's first
book: We. Our Nationhood Defined, published by Bharat Publications,
Nagpur 1939, self-described as "this maiden attempt of mine" (We 1939,
p.3), and completed "as early as the first week of November 1938" (We,
p.4/p.3; where two page numbers are given for the same quotation, the
first refers to the original 1939 edition, the second to the 1947
reprint of the second edition).
1.1. Story of the book
In his foreword to We, Golwalkar explains that this 77-page book is
largely an adaptation from Rashtra Mimansa ("reflection on the
nation"), a Marathi book by Ganesh Damodar Savarkar, brother of the
then president of the Hindu Mahasabha, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, which
in turn acknowledges the influence of 19th-century European liberal
nationalists like Giuseppe Mazzini (1805-72) and Johann Kaspar
Bluntschli (1808-81). We should not explain Golwalkar's reference to
Savarkar as a kind of disclaimer, as some defensive RSS sympathizers
do: like most ideas which people have, the nationalist vision
expounded in We was largely borrowed from others but interiorized by
the author. It was very much Golwalkar's own conviction eventhough it
was not invented by him.
The book had all the marks of an immature first publication. Apart
from being largely second-hand in contents, it was often confused in
its reasoning and intemperate in its language. This criticism is even
made in the preface of the book itself, completed on 4 March 1939 by
M.S. Aney, a Hindutva-oriented Congress activist and member of the
Central Assembly: "I also desire to add that the strong and
impassioned language used by the author towards those who do not
subscribe to his theory of nationalism is also not in keeping with the
dignity with which the scientific study of a complex problem like the
Nationalism deserves to be pursued." (We 1939, p.xviii) In the revised
edition, some of the strong language has been toned down -- and Aney's
foreword left out.
The revised edition of We went through several reprints, the last of
them brought out in 1947. Not long after that, Golwalkar and his
closest lieutenants in the RSS decided to withdraw the book from
circulation. References in the present paper are to both the first
edition, published in 1939, and to the final 1947 reprint of the
revised edition.
1.2. Two popular quotations
Most critics who devote half a page to Golwalkar (e.g. Frontline
editor N. Ram: "The fascist basis of Hindutva", Observer of Business
and Politics, 19-1-1993; and CPM politburo member Sitaram Yechurey:
Pseudo-Hinduism Exposed, CPI(M), Delhi 1993, p.2-3, and "What is this
Hindu Rashtra?", Frontline, 12-3-1993, or p.14 of its republication as
a separate booklet: What Is this Hindu Rashtra?, Frontline, Madras
1993) never miss the opportunity to quote the following two passages
from Golwalkar's book We. Our Nationhood Defined:
� "From this standpoint, sanctioned by the experience of shrewd
old nations, the foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the
Hindu culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in
reverence Hindu religion, must entertain no idea but those of the
glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e. of the Hindu nation,
and must lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race; or
may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation,
claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential
treatment -- not even citizen's rights." (We, p.47-48/p.55-56)
� "To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture, Germany
shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic races --
the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany
has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures,
having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one
united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit
by." (We, p.35/p.43)
In the present paper, we will discuss these quotations in their proper
context, and the typical and trend-setting use made of them by N. Ram
and by Sitaram Yechurey. But to give an idea of just how routinely
these two quotations are employed to build the Hindutva movement's
image, let us first mention their presentation in a BBC documentary on
the Bharatiya Janata Party ("Indian People's Party"), broadcast on 17
June 1993.
Typically, the speaker announcing the documentary, who spent no more
than two sentences on its contents, already said that it would "reveal
the connections of the organization behind the BJP with Nazi Germany",
this organization being the RSS. In the documentary, an actor dressed
and made up to look like Golwalkar in his younger days, read out the
two paragraphs. However, no actual connection between the RSS and Nazi
Germany was revealed. In fact, the entire 45 minutes did not contain
any other information about or quotations from the RSS's ideological
classics: not from Golwalkar's later publications, nor from any other
Hindutva ideologue. Till today, and even in academic publications, it
is very common to see the anti-BJP rhetoric built entirely on these
few sentences in Golwalkar's pamphlet of more than sixty years ago.
When this "information" trickles down to journalistic publications, we
get something like this statement from the leading Flemish daily De
Standaard (5-3-1998): "In the 1930s, one of the RSS leaders, Gowalkar
(sic), made a plea for 'racial purity' and called Hitler's campaign
against the Jews 'a source of inspiration'." Note that Golwalkar's
text mentions "racial purity" as Germany's concern but does not "make
a plea" for it, and that he never described Hitler as "a source of
inspiration". The latter are Christophe Jaffrelot's words of
interpretation, for this passage is obviously based on Christophe
Jaffrelot: The Hindu Nationalist Movement (Viking, Delhi 1996, now by
far the most-consulted source among Western India watchers), p.54:
"Here Golwalkar claims inspiration from Hitler's ideology: 'To keep up
the purity of the race..'".
That alleged Golwalkar quotations turn out to be excerpted from the
invective of his critics, is symptomatic of Hindutva-watching in
general: first-hand information is spurned in favour of hostile second-
hand claims made by unscrupled commentators. In most journalistic and
academic publications on Hindutva, the number of direct quotations is
tiny in comparison with quotations from secondary, hostile sources.
2. The RSS and ethnic cleansing
2.1. No privileges for the minorities
The single oftest-quoted Hindutva statement in the whole Hindutva-
watching literature is definitely the first one quoted above from
Golwalkar's We, about non-Hindus being requested to "glorify" the
Hindu culture, and otherwise "stay in the country" though "without
privileges, not even citizen's rights". While certainly open to
criticism, the meaning of this passage is by no means as terrifying
and inhuman as the critics insinuate. It has nothing to do with
genocide or ethnic cleansing, for it says explicitly that the non-
Hindus "may stay in the country".
Further, it says that the religious minorities must "not claim any
privileges", something with which any democrat and secularist would
wholeheartedly agree: privileges on the basis of creed are against the
equality principle which is fundamental to the law system of a modern
state. It is one of the absurdities of Indian "secularism" that it
contains a number of communal inequalities in law:
� Separate family law codes for Muslims, Christians and Parsis,
epitomized by the Muslim right to polygamy; this constitutes the
denial of the very first defining principle of the secular state, viz.
legal equality of all citizens regardless of religion;
� exemption of mosques and churches (as opposed to Hindu temples)
from intervention in their management and appropriation of their funds
by the secular authorities;
� special safeguards of the communal character (in recruitment of
teachers and students, in the contents of the curriculum) of Christian
and Muslims schools all while retaining their subsidies, which are
denied to Hindu denominational schools (Art. 30 of the Constitution);
� a large number of occasional advantages for the minorities in
everyday political practice, e.g. subsidies for the Muslims who
perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, as contrasted with pilgrimage taxes
to be paid by Hindus going to Amarnath and other Hindu places of
pilgrimage.
Before independence, the situation was even worse, with separate
electorates and highly disproportionate privileges conceded to Anglo-
Indians and other Christians and to the Muslim community. It was
perfectly legitimate for Golwalkar in 1938 to champion the cause of
genuine secularism by denouncing the system of privileges on the basis
of religion. Indeed, the remarkable phenomenon is not that Hindus
stand up for legal equality and against the Muslim privileges, but
that supposedly scholarly and objective India-watchers, almost to a
man, decry equality before the law (esp. a Common Civil Code, that
long-standing Hindu demand) as "communal" and support minority
privileges on the basis of religion as "secular", in blatant disregard
for the dictionary meaning of "secularism" and "communalism".
2.2. The Muslims as non-citizens
The only disputable part in Golwalkar's oftest-quoted line is that the
minority people must "not claim even citizen's rights". This would
mean that Muslims would get the same status in India which Christians
and Jews (and sometimes Pagans) "enjoy" under the Zimma (charter of
toleration) dispensation in an Islamic state: they may "stay in the
country" (the native country of the hospitable Hindus c.q. the native
country of the dispossessed Zimmis, who are suffered to stay in their
own country which Islam took from them), but far from claiming any
privileges, they do not even enjoy citizen's rights.
Indeed, the Shari'a prescribes, as a matter of consensus between all
the Islamic schools of jurisprudence, that Jews and Christians can be
tolerated by the Islamic state, on condition of the payment of a high
toleration tax, the jizya, plus the observance of more than twenty
humiliating restrictions. It is an intrinsic part of this status that
they are excluded from the political decision-making process. To a
greater or lesser degree, this inequality has been reinstated in most
Muslim countries after decolonization.
So, at worst, one could interpret the controversial paragraph in
Guruji's book as amounting to a proposal for reciprocity with the
treatment which non-Muslims get in Islamic states. Any indignation
about the paragraph should therefore imply the same indignation about
the treatment which Islam prescribes to the non-Muslims. Conversely,
protest against Golwalkar's line without protest against the Islamic
provisions, which are not an individual writer's little idea but
actual law enforced in Islamic states for thirteen centuries as well
as in several dozen "modern" states, would demonstrate hypocrisy and
double standards.
But Golwalkar doesn't even say that he wants to go as far as to
inflict on Muslims the same treatment which the Shari'a prescribes for
non-Muslims. The expression "not even citizen's rights" strictly means
that he would give Muslims the same status which residents with a
foreign passport have: protection under the law, but no participation
in political decision-making. But he would not prohibit them from
riding a horse, or from bearing arms, or from keeping communal
meetings where non-members are excluded, to name some of the
restrictions which the Khilafat imposed on Zimmis.
The denial of citizen's rights to Muslims who claim separate nation
status is criticzed by M.S. Aney in his foreword to Golwalkar's book:
"No modern jurist or political philosopher or student of
constitutional law can subscribe to the proposition which the author
has laid down in Chapter V. (...) No person born in the country, of
parents whose ancestors enjoyed rights of citizenship for centuries
together, can be treated as a foreigner in a modern state on the
ground that it follows a religion different from that of the majority
population which naturally dominates and controls it." (We, p.xiv-xv)
Embarrassing as Aney's remark may have been for Golwalkar, he does
confirm our thesis that Golwalkar was basically applying to the
Muslims an arrangement developed by Islam itself: "Except perhaps in
States following Islam which has as one of its articles of faith the
supremacy of the true believer over the infidel, and which precludes
the possibility of any true national fellowship between the convert to
Mohammedanism and an infidel follower of another religion, one can not
expect recognition of such a fanatic position in the constitution of
any civilised state." (We, p.xv-xvi) Aney reprimands Golwalkar for
stooping to the uncivilized level of the intrinsically "fanatic"
position of the Islamic states.
Of course, Golwalkar's scheme does not live up to modern standards of
secularism. That is why it was never reiterated in later RSS or BJP
documents. Maybe it is also why Golwalkar's booklet was withdrawn from
circulation. But those who say that it amounts to "fascism", will only
sound convincing if they add that by these standards, the Shari'a is
far more consistently "fascist".
2.3. The context: the Two-Nation theory
In judging Golwalkar's position, one should keep in mind the political
atmosphere in 1938, when the book under discussion was written. Though
the Muslim League had not yet officially adopted the Pakistan
resolution (which it would in March 1940), the talk of a separate
state for the Indian Muslims was already very much in the air. The
basis for this Muslim demand was the so-called Two-Nation Theory,
which held that Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations, to whom
the principle of the "self-determination of nations" should apply.
This principle was internationally accepted since it was applied in
the dismemberment of the Austro-Hungarian, Czarist and Ottoman
empires; it was also verbally supported by Lenin and theoretically
applied in the establishment of the Soviet Union. Therefore, these two
nations, Hindu and Muslim, would each have a right to its own "nation-
state".
To the British rulers, this view seemed eminently reasonable: as
Jinnah had pointed out, the Muslims were distinct from the Hindus by
religion, language, dress, food habits, marriage customs, inheritance
laws, holy days, arts, and they often lived in separate
neighbourhoods, so that they lived an entirely separate life and were
fit to be considered a separate nation. And while it was reasonable to
the modern British rulers, it was equally self-evident to the
guardians of Islamic orthodoxy (from Abul Kalam Azad to Abul Ala
Maudoodi): the Quran and Hadis unambiguously describe and define the
Muslim community as a separate nation (ummah). It is a different
matter that in the orthodox view, the Muslim nation should lord it
over other nations the way they had done in the Middle Ages, so that,
rather than fleeing the Hindus by creating a separate state, they
should try to capture power in the whole of united India. Fact remains
that the orthodox agreed with the modernist Jinnah and with the
latter's British allies on the theoretical principle that the Muslims
constituted a separate nation.
The "fascist" aberration which Golwalkar made in the paragraph under
discussion actually consists in accepting the Muslim-cum-British view
of the Muslims' separate nationhood, and thinking through its
implications for the status of Muslims in a Hindu state. To him (at
least at the time of writing), the Muslims were indeed, in accordance
with their own self-definition, a nation separate from the Hindu
nation, and it logically followed that they could not be full citizens
of a state constituted by and for the Hindu nation. Most Muslims
supported the two-nation theory (the overwhelming majority of the
Muslim electorate voted for the Muslim League in 1946, while no
sizable section of the non-enfranchised lower-class Muslims expressed
its opposition, on the contrary), so it was on their own premise that
they could not be full citizens of a non-Islamic Indian state,--
unless they changed their attitude and chose to identify with India
rather than with the Ummah.
Golwalkar explicitly gave them that option: the Muslims may glorify
Hindu culture, and only "otherwise", in case they refuse to identify
themselves as Indians rather than as Muslims, does he explicitate the
alternative option of staying within the country without citizen's
rights. If giving the Muslims a choice between their country and their
religion seems unjustified, it may be noted that the same choice was
given to President Kennedy, the first Roman Catholic president of the
USA, and for this reason suspected by Protestants of being an agent of
the Popish Plot for world domination. He was asked whether his loyalty
was primarily with his country or with his Roman Catholic religion,
and he replied without hesitation that in case of conflict between the
two, "I would choose my country". This is exactly what Golwalkar
expected of the Indian Muslims, in which case he would treat them as
full citizens. It is only in case they refused this first loyalty to
India that he provided for a second-best option of staying within the
country in a kind of Zimmi status, without citizen's rights.
3. Did Golwalkar applaud Hitler?
At first sight, Guruji's seemingly laudatory reference to Nazi Germany
is embarrassing. We will first look into the matter using only that
information about his book We which those who are fond of quoting it,
are willing to put at the reader's disposal. For now, let us accept
the CPI(M)-BBC reading that he held the Nazi Germany of October 1938
up as an example to be emulated by the Hindus.
3.1. Outside perspectives on Nazi Germany
In 1938 Hitler was immensely popular worldwide as an economic miracle-
worker and as a challenger to the supremacy of the colonial powers.
The bad press he received, including the stories of his oppression of
the Jews, was ascribed to the propaganda of the colonial powers,
themselves veterans of many a massacre.
Those who remembered the British "information" about the Germans in
World War 1 had reason enough to be skeptical. The world had been told
about how German soldiers bayoneted Belgian babies and cut off the
breasts of Belgian women, and how German factories had made soap out
of the bodies of prisoners. In November 1918, when the Germans left
Belgium, humanitarians came to the country to help the suffering
population, but found to their surprise that after the initial
brutalities of the conquest, the German occupation there had been
fairly benign. The British depiction of the Teutonic furor turned out
to be crass war propaganda. Consequently, for Indians struggling
against Britain and out of touch with European politics, it was
perfectly normal to ignore the British version of the facts concerning
Nazi Germany.
In 1938, the mortal victims of Nazism were a thousand times fewer than
those of Communism, yet numerous Western and westernized intellectuals
could applaud Communism and call for its implementation in their
homelands. Some of them knew they were lying, e.g. New York Times
correspondent Walter Duranty privately estimated the death toll of the
Ukrainian famine genocide of 1932-33 at ten million, but in his
journalistic despatches he denied the genocide completely. Others,
well, were they really that stupid? Jawaharlal Nehru could come home
from a propaganda trip around Moscow as a zealous convert, blind to
the omnipresent repression. The same wilful blindness afflicted
numerous Western intellectuals. Against this background of widespread
collaboration with the most monstrous political system in human
memory, Golwalkar's alleged blindness to the horrible potential of pre-
war and pre-Holocaust Nazism, even if verified, should warrant only
limited censure.
It would have been different if he had defended Nazism while the
Holocaust was taking place, which he didn't; or afterwards, which he
didn't either -- unlike numerous Leftists with posh position from
Harvard to JNU, who denied the crimes of Communism while they were
taking place, thus thwarting effective protests and thereby helping
the crimes to continue, and who often go on denying or minimizing them
till today. Moreover, it can be shown that even in 1938, Golwalkar was
by no means defending Nazism.
3.2. Hitler's popularity
Hitler was very popular in India. Elderly Indians have told me that in
1938, it was common among Indian boys to describe something brave and
impressive as Hitlerwala. Both Hindus and Muslims were enthusiastic
about his aura of effectiveness, and both also had their own special
reason for sympathizing with him.
Hindus, who already had a soft corner for the German pioneers of
Sanskrit studies, heard that Hitler was a vegetarian and a celibate
(not wasting his precious fluid but transforming it into spiritual
energy), and that he had given a pride of place to the Indian term
Arya and to the Hindu symbol, the Swastika. Certain sections of the
freedom movement also saw Germany as a potential ally, regardless of
its regime. Before 1918, the revolutionary terrorists often dreamed
aloud of taking German help in their struggle against Britain, and it
is no coincidence that the Congress leader who ended up collaborating
with Germany in World War 2 was one who had been close to this
movement: the Leftist Subhash Chandra Bose.
Muslims had been aroused into solidarity with their Palestinian co-
religionists, who were increasingly in open conflict with the Jewish
settlers, and supported Hitler's anti-Jewish line. There was also the
Khaksar Muslim militia, founded on the model of the Nazi
Sturmabteilung (SA, "storming department") by Allama Inayatullah
Mashreqi, who had returned from Germany full of enthusiasm for the
national resurgence he had witnessed there.
The Muslim League, while in alliance with the British, also had a soft
corner for Hitler: "When Nehru returned after a brief visit to Europe
in 1938, he was struck by the similarity between the propaganda
methods of the Muslim League in India and the Nazis in Germany: 'The
League leaders had begun to echo the Fascist tirade against
democracy... Nazis were wedded to a negative policy. So also was the
League. The League was anti-Hindu, anti-Congress, anti-national... The
Nazis raised the cry of hatred against the Jews, the League [had]
raised [its] cry against the Hindus.'" (B.R. Nanda: Gandhi and His
Critics, OUP, Delhi 1993 (1985), p.88)
In spite of this Hitler craze, Golwalkar chose not to tap into this
facile enthusiasm for a foreign model. In the circumstances, the
remarkable thing is not that he mentioned Germany, but that he did not
utter even one sentence of praise for Hitler, or the Nazi Party, or
any specific Nazi policy. If he had been a Hitler fan, he could easily
have said so in public: England was not yet at war with Germany (these
were the days of "peace in our time" euphoria), and Indian public
opinion would not have been scandalized. Yet, all he said was that
developments in Germany proved that two nations living in one state
are bound to come in conflict sooner or later, or "how well-nigh
impossible it is" for two nations to co-exist within one state. The
statement may be wrong (though the general tendency to conflict
between peoples forced to coexist in one state is regularly verified
by events, as lately in ex-Yugoslavia), but cannot honestly be read as
an endorsement of the crimes of Nazism.
3.3. Golwalkar and the democratic ethnostate
And it is not just that Nazism was a foreign doctrine, which Golwalkar
refused to entertain simply because of its foreignness. For, to the
satisfaction of all those Hindutva-watchers who allege that Hindu
nationalism is but a calk on Western ideologies, Golwalkar explicitly
writes that Hindus should learn from the West. When introducing his
discussion of the definition of "nation", Guruji explains that the
Indian political class is confused about it, that their "notions today
about the nation concept are erroneous" and "not in conformity with
those of the Western Political Scientists", whom he implicitly accepts
as normative. (We, p.16/p.21)
He summons the Indian nationalist leadership to ponder the question:
"What is the notion of Democratic states about 'Nation'? Is it the
same haphazard bundle of friend and foe, master and thief, as we in
Hindusthan understand it to mean? Or do the political thinkers of the
democratic West think otherwise?" (We, p.16/p.21) The "haphazard
bundle of friend and foe" is a reference to the Congress position of
denying the Hindu-Muslim conflict except as a British "divide and
rule" ploy. Against this, Golwalkar's position is that the Hindu-
Muslim disunity is very serious and a threat to India, which will
either become homogeneous or get entangled in a civil war or some
other sad fate awaiting multi-communal states. In practice: to avoid
civil war and partition, the Muslims must be assimilated or somehow
politically neutralized ("not even citizen's rights").
What Golwalkar is looking for, is the opinion of the democratic
Westerners, and in particular those who have articulated the
connection between democracy and the need for a homogeneous
population, e.g. John Stuart Mill (Considerations on Representative
Government, 1861, p.292-294): "Free institutions are next to
impossible in a country made up of different nationalities. (...) it
is in general a necessary condition of free institutions that the
boundaries of governments should coincide in the main with those of
nationalities." (Mill is mentioned as a source of inspiration for
Hindu nationalists by M.S. Aney in his foreword to Golwalkar: We,
p.ii.) That Golwalkar was so particular about looking to democratic
authorities for advice is of course never mentioned in the secondary
literature seeking to portray him as a Nazi.
To Golwalkar, the guidelines for steering India away from the looming
abyss of Partition and civil war are not to be found in Nazi sources
(of which he doesn't quote or mention any), nor in more traditional
Rightist authors, nor of course in the confused and pseudo-democratic
Congress leadership, but in the theorists of successful Western
democracies. Underlying successful democracies is either a relatively
homogeneous nation, as in the 19th-century unification of Italy (which
was a democracy before the rise of Mussolini), or a strong mechanism
of homogeneization, as in the American "melting-pot". Indeed, M.S.
Aney (We, p.ii), who also mentions a long list of inspiring thinkers
on nationhood in his foreword (and again none of them a Nazi),
includes Israel Zangwill, the Anglo-Jewish playwringht who was both a
Jewish nationalist and the author of The Melting-Pot (1908), a parable
on assimilation.
As M.S. Aney writes (We, p.ii), the most important Western influence
on the Hindu nationalist movement was the Italian nationalist Giuseppe
Mazzini, "by common consent still regarded as the greatest interpreter
of Nationality". Indeed, Lala Lajpat Rai wrote a brief biography of
Mazzini, Surendranath Banerjee also wrote about him, and V.D. Savarkar
himself translated Mazzini's autobiography into Marathi in 1907. Aney
(We, p.iii) quotes Mazzini to give the flavour of his integrationist
and harmonious vision: "Humanity is the association of peoples; it is
the alliance of peoples in order to work out their missions in peace
and love. To forget humanity is to suppress the aim of our labours, to
cancel the nation is to suppress the instrument by which to achieve
the aim."
This was hardly a fascist vision, on the contrary: "Fascism no longer
believed as Mazzini did in the harmony of various national interests.
It dedicated itself to the preparation for the 'inevitable' struggle
that forms the life of nations." (Hans Kohn: Nationalism: Its Meaning
and History, Krieger Publ., Malabar CA 1982 (1965), p.79) While the
Hindu nationalists rejected Mahatma Gandhi's passive pacifism and
envisaged the necessity of preparing for confrontation, they never
entertained the nihilistic or vitalistic belief in war for war's sake
which is so typical of Fascism.
Nor did they nurture grand schemes of empire, to name a related trait
of Fascism, which had been born from Italy's demand for a larger share
in the spoils of the Austro-Hungarian empire after World War 1, and
which had embarked upon a policy of conquest in the Balkans and
Africa. Nazi Germany, of course, pursued a Lebensraum policy; though
at the time of Golwalkar's writing, it had only been limited to
bringing German-speaking territories (Austria and Sudetenland) heim
ins Reich, Hitler's sabre-rattling in preparation of larger conquests
was widely audible. Fascism and Nazism believed in a permanent
struggle between nations, bringing out the strongest on top; by
contrast, RSS literature frequently mentions as one of Hindu India's
glories the fact that no Indian ruler ever set out to conquer
territories outside India. The Hindu nationalists had a vision of
India taking its place in the comity of nations, not some high-strung
dream of world conquest or other negative excesses of nationalism.
That is why Golwalkar (We, Ch.3-4) repeatedly invokes the authority of
the League of Nations in explaining his vision of nationhood and
international relations. This would be rather odd for a "fascist" in
1938, considering that Fascist Italy had left the League of Nations in
1937, defiantly turning its back on the very principles which
Golwalkar was extolling.
3.4. Golwalkar and the Holocaust
Hitler became a symbol of absolute evil by the Shoah or Holocaust, the
attempted extermination of the Jews and, in additional order, the
Gypsies and other groups. Without that, he would have been just one of
the warlords who take turns in their hundreds at brutalizing sections
of humanity. In fact, he would have been one of the most successful
dictators in history, considering his near-abolition of unemployment
by means of public works, his restoration of national sovereignty and
his unification of most German-speaking people within the borders of
his Reich. At the time of Golwalkar's writing, Hitler's "final
solution" only consisted of legal discriminations and vague plans to
banish the Jews either to Madagascar or to Palestine (there were
secret negotiations between Nazis and Zionists, as pro-Palestinian
authors keep reminding us, vide Lenni Brenner: Zionism in the Age of
the Dictators, Lawrence Hill Books, Chicago 1983), i.e. removing them
from Germany rather than killing them.
Though the oppression of the Jews was already serious, in 1938 it was
"only" of the same order as the oppression and expulsion of non-
Muslims in Islamic states today. The leading opinion among World War 2
historians, the so-called "functionalist" school (as opposed to the
"intentionalists" who believe that the Shoah had been planned since
before Hitler's take-over), is that various policies vis-�-vis the
Jews were tried out by Hitler, and that the decision to exterminate
them was only developed in stages and in reaction to changing
circumstances, in particular the war with the Soviet Union (from 22
June 1941) and with the USA (from 11 December 1941). Had the war
somehow been averted, it is quite conceivable that a master plan for
the resettlement of the Central-European Jews in some colonial domain
would have been agreed upon between the European powers, and
implemented. In 1938, the Shoah was not yet a reality, not even an
articulate project, and by no means an inevitability.
When Golwalkar wrote that Germany was proving (in a way which he
explicitly considered "shocking") the impossibility of culturally
distinct nations to live together, he was not referring to the Shoah,
which was still three years in the future, but to the removal of Jews
from office, their loss of citizenship and their resulting exodus from
Germany, phenomena paralleled by the treatment of non-Muslims in
Muslim countries even today. And even these pre-War Nazi policies vis-
�-vis the Jews were by no means recommended or approved by Golwalkar.
At no point did he say that "pogroms are the answer" or that in India,
on the German model, "expulsion of minority professors from the
universities is the way to avert Partition".
Golwalkar neither applauded the fact that Germans were staging a
struggle against Jews, nor the German perception of why the Jews were
unwelcome to stay, much less the specific methods adopted by the Nazis
vis-�-vis the "Jewish question" in any phase of their term in power.
All he did was point out that the co-existence of two nations within
the German state had led to conflict, and that this was an intrinsic
liability of any such co-existence, proving the need to make nations
homogeneous by assimilating the minorities into the national
mainstream.
3.5. Golwalkar's assimilationism
Nothing indicates that Golwalkar understood the exact nature and
antecedents of the anti-Jewish policies in Germany and other
countries. The intricate story of anti-Judaism in Europe was beyond
his politically uneducated intellect. Though many RSS people consider
Guruji a great thinker, his assessment of contemporary political
phenomena including Nazism was amateurish and poorly conceived when
not downright mistaken. Rather, it seems he simply projected his
Indian concerns on a world situation of which he knew little and
understood less.
In particular, if he assumed that the cultural distinctness of the
Jews in Germany could be equated with that of the Muslims in India, he
was way off the mark (along with all the anti-RSS polemicists who keep
on making that same equation). First of all, historically there was
simply no comparison, for Germany had never been conquered and ravaged
by the Jews the way India had been brutalized and oppressed by Islam.
Coming to particulars, the Jews had become less and less distinct from
the 18th century onwards, more and more assimilated, and therefore
more and more part of German society including its upper layers.
Without benefiting from any institutional privileges (another contrast
with Muslims in India), they had worked their way to the top or at
least to well-to-do positions in society.
Meanwhile, the Muslims in India had, ever since their ancestors'
conversion from Hinduism, been increasingly dissimilating themselves
from their mother society. Under British rule, when they were no
longer in a position of power and prestige, they had been wilfully
ghettoizing their own community, and this assertion of a separate
identity had gained in intensity with the Khilafat (Caliphate
restoration) and Tabligh (Islamic-purist propaganda) movements of the
1920s. In the 1930s, a new political articulation was given, viz.
Muslim separatism crystallizing around the demand for Partition. This
had no parallel at all in the situation of the Jews in Germany.
While Golwalkar wanted the Muslims to identify with India rather than
with their transnational community, Hitler wanted to dis-identify the
assimilated Jews with the German nation and to push them back into
their transnational communal identity. The contrast can be illustrated
with the aspect of physical recognizability. Hitler forced the Jews,
who had long given up their distinctive clothing and hairstyle, to
make themselves visible again by wearing the yellow David star. This
was a practice modelled on the enforced recognizability imposed on the
Jews in the medieval Islamic empire, typically by means of a yellow
strip of cloth. (This is not a thing of the past: in October 1998, the
Taliban government in Afghanistan imposed on the fifty remaining Hindu
families in Kandahar the following dress code: "Under the Taliban
decree, every Hindu in this southern Afghan city has to wear a yellow
piece of cloth", according to Indian Express, 24-10-1998.) But in
India, the vast majority of Muslims were readily recognizable as such,
and every Tabligh sermon led to the sprouting of beards or the donning
of veils on the faces of those Muslims who had not yet sufficiently
dissimilated themselves from the Hindu mainstream.
Golwalkar says in so many words, in the very line which is always
quoted to prove his Hitlerian leanings, that he wants "the foreign
races in Hindusthan" to "adopt the Hindu culture and language" and to
"lose their separate existence to merge in the Hindu race". His words
indicate that he had swallowed the common Indian Muslims' self-
definition as "foreign", which they have traditionally buttressed with
faked genealogies leading up to the Prophet and his companions, and
with Arabic names and dress codes and other wilfully foreign cultural
elements. But the point is that he wants them to abandon these
transnational affectations and to assimilate themselves into the
majority culture, the very opposite of what Hitler wanted from the
Jews.
If at all we need a comparison, Golwalkar's position is closer to that
of the Jacobin rulers in Revolutionary France, who wanted the non-
French (Basque, Breton, Corsican, Flemish, German) minorities in
France's conquered border regions to assimilate. Their methods
included prohibiting minorities' self-organization and the use of
their languages in education; the latter prohibition is still in force
in France. A related Jacobin streak in Golwalkar was his plea against
the administrative division of India into linguistic states
(grudgingly conceded in the 1950s by Jawaharlal Nehru), and in favour
of a strictly unitary state. This is in stark contrast with the
current decentralizing and federalist position of the BJP, e.g. its
carving a new state Uttaranchal out of Uttar Pradesh. Mercifully,
Golwalkar had no stated intention of using the French Revolutionary
methods of oppression and terror.
At any rate, Golwalkar can be fully exonerated of the one thing which
N. Ram, Sitaram Yechurey, the BBC and the whole host of India-watchers
insinuate against him: support for National-Socialism in its
historical meaning of a genocidal authoritarian regime. Whether he
ever praised Hitler before the full facts became known, we shall
examine shortly, but even the professional critics of the RSS have to
admit implicitly that he never praised Hitler after the Nazi crimes
had become known to the larger public: apart from the worn-out 1938
quote under consideration, they have nothing to show.
4. Golwalkar vs. Hitler
But did Golwalkar in 1938 see Nazi Germany as an example to be
followed? If we do not just focus on the selected quotation (as we are
led to do by those who made the selection in the first place), but
read the whole book, we find that Golwalkar is definitely not asking
the Hindus to emulate Nazi Germany.
4.1. Golwalkar's role models
When faced with embarrassing quotations (e.g. from the Quran), people
often allege that these have been "quoted out of context", mostly
without saying what that context is and how it would change the
meaning of the quoted part. In this case however, the context does
change the meaning of Golwalkar's offensive line considerably. It is
not without good reason that those who quote the offending passage,
from the CPI(M) to the BBC, keep the entire context outside the
reader's view. So now, we will go beyond the limits which they have
tried to impose on this debate (and which the RSS has unwittingly
accepted by its refusal to re-examine and discuss the book), and see
what information about Golwalkar's relation with Hitler is offered in
the unquoted paragraphs.
The third chapter of We is devoted to demonstrating that five
attributes are present in all successful nation-states: country, race,
religion, culture, language. It is in this context that Golwalkar
verifies his criteria for a number of countries, including Germany but
also England and the Soviet Union (where "socialism is modern Russia's
religion" and "their prophet is Karl Marx", We, p.37/p.45), with the
Nazi pre-1939 situation being just one variety of nation-building
among others.
What strikes the educated reader is the clumsiness of Golwalkar's
attempt to straitjacket the rather different situations in these
countries into his preconceived scheme, as well as his confused and
defective knowledge about them. For an example of the lack of clarity
in his argument: while being opposed to English imperialism and
specifically complaining about the "notorious" British propensity to
impose the English language, in Ireland and Wales as much as in
Calcutta and Mumbai, he still upholds "the Englishman's pride in his
'national' language" as a model for the Hindus. (We, p.34/p.42)
For an example of his lack of factual knowledge: he claims that "the
Russian nation adheres with religious fervour" to Communism, at a time
when Stalin had just murdered millions of Russians and Ukrainians, and
when popular enthusiasm for Communism fell short of "religious
fervour" by a rather large margin. (We, p.37/p.45) This alleged anti-
Communist did not even know that Russia had been turned Communist by
brute force (the October 1917 coup d'�tat a.k.a. "Revolution") rather
than by the people's will. Not misguided political sympathies but
utter amateurishness in his analysis of world politics is the verdict
which we can deduce from a close reading of his book.
Golwalkar's opinion on Hitler should be read against its own
background, just like that of an American student who travelled around
Europe in the 1930s and who wrote in a letter to his parents that
Communism is the right system for Russia, fascism is right for Italy
and Germany, and democracy is the thing for England and the US; his
name was John F. Kennedy. That "the real is rational", that somehow
the existing order is God-given and right, that somehow all nations
have got the regimes they deserve, is unfortunately a very common
prejudice. At that time, Communism's victims were counted in millions,
Nazism's in hundreds, yet both JFK and Golwalkar didn't even think of
questioning the legitimacy of the Bolshevik regime. The most
reprehensible thing about both JFK's and Guru Golwalkar's utterances,
taking into account the information then available to them, was their
unquestioning acceptance of Stalinism as the legitimate and fitting
political system for Russia.
4.2. Golwalkar on Czechoslovakia
Some parts of the book conclusively refute the thesis that Golwalkar
was a Hitler supporter. First of all, one of the countries in his list
of models of nation-building to be studied by Hindus is
Czechoslovakia, one of Hitler's first victims. And there, his
sympathies, unlike Hitler's, are divided between the Sudeten Germans
and the Czechs.
Here again, selective quoting has done the job of misleading the
readers and creating a different impression. What is sometimes quoted
is the following: "Austria for example was merely a province [in] the
Germanic Empire. Logically Austria should not be an independent
kingdom, but be one with the rest of Germany. So also with those
portions, inhabited by Germans, which had been included, after the
War, in the new state of Czechoslovakia. (...) This natural and
logical aspiration has almost been fulfilled". (We, p.35/p.42-43)
Is this not terrible, Golwalkar openly supporting the Anschluss of
Austria and Sudetenland? Actually, no. If Hitler became a synonym for
horror and evil, it is not because he fulfilled the wish of the
Austrians and Sudeten Germans of joining Germany. After World War 1,
the Austrian parliament had voted with the largest possible majority
in favour of joining Germany. This democratic choice was overruled by
the victorious powers in the unilateral treaty of Versailles. Such are
the complexities of history, that the killer of democracy in Germany
implemented the democratic will of the Austrian people with his
annexation of Austria.
As for Sudetenland, its separation from the Czech region was likewise
applauded by the vast majority of the population concerned. It was
entirely in keeping with the principle of "self-determination of
nations". This principle had been conceded in the case of the Czechs'
separation from Austria, but overruled by the victorious powers in the
case of Sudetenland because they wanted to create large buffer states
around Germany (also in the case of eastern Upper Silesia, annexed by
the new state of Poland in spite of a plebiscite showing 60% support
for accession to Germany).
If Hitler got as far as he had gotten by 1939, it was not purely by
leaning on the forces of evil, but by occasionally and selectively
allying himself with forces of reason, justice and democracy. Anyone
with a sense of fairness could see that the Versailles treaty was
anything but a peace treaty; its premisse that Germany alone was
responsible for World War 1, was factually incorrect, and its
practical conclusions were likewise unjust. This is a decisive reason
why the Western powers felt inhibited from stopping Hitler when he
started undoing a number of Versailles clauses: restoration of German
sovereignty over the Rhineland, annexation of Austria, de-annexation
of Sudetenland from the new state of Czechoslovakia. Conquering
colonial powers like England and France knew well enough that in
similar circumstances, they themselves would have done the same thing.
However, Gowalkar's support to the Sudeten Germans' reunification with
Germany is counterbalanced by his support to the cause of
Czechoslovakia's unity and integrity. Golwalkar argues quite correctly
that established nations victorious in the Great War do not concede to
their ethnic minorities the "minority rights" devised by the League of
Nations as binding on the newly created states. Thus, an American
ambassador to the League is quoted articulating the principle of
"completely natural assimilation" as the great unifier of the American
nation, and asserting that this renders the League principle of
minority rights inapplicable. (We, p.46/p.55; emphasis in the
original)
This provides a background to Golwalkar's oft-quoted stricture against
minority privileges, justified explicitly with reference to the
assimilative approach of the major Western powers: "Naturally, there
are no foreigners in these old Nations, and no one to tax the
generosity of the Nation by demanding privileges as 'Minority
communities' in the State. It is this sentiment which prompted the
United States of America, England, France and other old nations to
refuse to apply the solution of the Minorities problem arrived at by
the League of Nations to their states." (We, p.46/p.54)
Golwalkar quotes with approval the warning against the principle of
minority rights uttered in a speech at the League Council on 9
December 1925 by French delegate Paul Fauchille: "the recognition of
rights belonging to minorities as separate entities, by increasing
their coherence and developing in them a sense of their own strength,
may provoke them to separate themselves from the state of which they
form a part; and in view of the right of peoples to dispose of
themselves, the recognition of the rights of these minorities runs a
risk of leading to the disruption of states." (We, p.48-49/p.57)
To Fauchille's warning, he comments: "Prophetic words! How true they
sound today after the recent developments in Europe, under the very
nose of the League of Nations! The disastrous fate of the unfortunate
Czechoslovakia (to which, as promised, we now refer) proves beyond the
faintest shadow of a doubt, how hollow were the League's hopes and how
justified the fears of Paul Fauchille." (We, p.49/p.57)
The alleged fanatic Golwalkar admits that there are two sides to the
argument: "And yet the decision of the League on the minority rights
was the most equitable and just that could be conceived of. But even
this just and equitable arrangement, instead of fostering the
assimilation of the minorities into the National community, only
served to increase their coherence and create in them such a sense of
their own strength, that it led to a total disruption of the state,
the Sudeten German minority merging in Germany, the Hungarians in
Hungary, in the end leaving the national Czechs to shift for
themselves in the little territory left unto them." (We, p.49/p.57-58)
To Golwalkar, the lesson to be learnt from the "disastrous fate of
unfortunate.
bademiyansubhanallah
Dr Koenraad Elst
In secularist publications, it is often alleged that Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar, also known as (Swatantrya) Veer, "hero (of independence)",
was a Nazi. Let us examine the two main aspects of this allegation:
his view on race, and his actual record in World War 2.
Savarkar on race
It is undeniable that Hindu Maha Sabha ideologue Savarkar spoke of
reviving the "race spirit" of the Hindus. So did Golwalkar. Sri
Aurobindo even used the term "Aryan race", which to him meant exactly
the same thing as "Hindu nation", � and Sri Aurobindo was one of the
most outspoken enemies of Hitler in India, supporting all-out
involvement in the British war effort. But their reading of the term
"race" was radically different from Hitler's. Not that it was in any
way exceptional: Savarkar's interpretation of the term was the
standard usage in the English-speaking world, while Hitler's usage was
innovative.
It is not sufficiently realized today that before Auschwitz gave a bad
name to the term "race", forcing it back into the strictest use as a
biological term, it used to have a broader and hazier meaning, roughly
as a synonym of "nation", but sometimes ranging from "species" to
"family", � exactly like the Sanskrit word jati. In actual usage,
"race" implied an element of identitarian continuity, but not
necessarily biological continuity. As late as 1947, British sources
spoke of Hindus and Muslims not as contending religions but as "the
two races of India", though they knew fully well that these were not
separate biological races, most Indian Muslims being the progeny of
converts from Hinduism.
After 1945, the English language gradually lost the usage of the term
"race" for the concept of "nation"; the Hindu nationalists followed
suit. This was only natural: they had never cared for "race" in the
biological sense so dear to the Nazis. The very concept of race,
having been narrowed down to its biological meaning, has simply
disappeared from their horizon. It is plainly untrue that Hindu
ideologues at any time have shared Hitler's racism.
The point is made in the most straightforward terms by Savarkar
himself: "After all there is throughout this world so far as man is
concerned but a single race � the human race, kept alive by one common
blood, the human blood. All other talk is at best provisional, a
makeshift and only relatively true. Nature is constantly trying to
overthrow the artificial barriers you raise between race and race. To
try to prevent the commingling of blood is to build on sand. Sexual
attraction has proved more powerful than all the commands of all the
prophets put together. Even as it is, not even the aborigines of the
Andamans are without some sprinkling of the so-called Aryan blood in
their veins and vice-versa. Truly speaking all that one can claim is
that one has the blood of all mankind in one's veins. The fundamental
unity of man from pole to pole is true, all else only relatively
so." (Hindutva, p.90) This is the diametrically opposite of any "pure
race" theory.
Most secularists pretend not to know this unambiguous position of
Savarkar's (in many cases, they really don't know, for Hindu-baiting
is usually done without reference to primary sources). Likewise,
Savarkar's plea for caste intermarriage to promote the oneness of
Hindu society is usually ignored in order to keep up the pretence that
he was a reactionary on caste, an "upper-caste racist" (as Gyan Pandey
puts it), and what not. There are no limits to secularist dishonesty,
and so we are glad to find at least one voice in their crowd which
does acknowledge these positions of Savarkar's.
An Indo-Australian philosophy professor, Purushottam Bilimoria ("Hindu
perception of Muslims in India: from Savarkar's ascendancy genealogy
to the Bhavishya Hindujativad", International Conference on New
Perspectives on Vedic & Ancient Indian Civilization, LA 7-9 August
1998), has given a hostile but undeniably original and thoughtful
interpretation of Savarkar's views. He comments on Savarkar's
Hindutva: "Two things stand out oddly in this proclamation:
(i). the difficulty of linking the modern Hindu with the erstwhile
Aryan stock � so a theory of descendance does not hold firm;
(ii). if all people (other than the tribal and indigenous peoples) are
immigrants to the provinces of the subcontinent, then how can they
claim to be the authentic inheritors of the mantle of the civil
nation?"
The first point rightly acknowledges that Savarkar, not being a
historian, accepted the Aryan invasion theory promoted by prestigious
seats of Western learning; and that he saw modern Hindus as a
biological and cultural mixture of Aryan invaders and indigenous non-
Aryans. He shared this view with Indian authors across the political
spectrum, e.g. with Jawaharlal Nehru. Like Nehru, he saw no reason why
people of diverse biological origins would be unable to form a united
nation; the difference being that Nehru saw this unification as a
project just started ("India, a nation in the making"), while Savarkar
believed that this unification had come about in the distant past
already. At any rate, this is an excellent non-racist position,
contrasting sharply with the then-common view that upper castes were
Aryan invaders, a nation separate on biological grounds from the lower
castes who were native. Savarkar's was an eminently reasonable
interpretation of the Aryan invasion theory, viz. that in spite of
divergent biological origins, people who live together end up mixing
both culturally and biologically, and that this was not a problematic
phenomenon as the Nazi race-purifiers thought, but a natural process
and one which had happened to generate the Hindu nation.
In the second point, Bilimoria loses sight of the first, and lapses
into the racist and non-Savarkarite view of distinct biological
identities of the "tribal and indigenous peoples" and the rest,
presumably the upper castes. Savarkar did not think that Hindus or
anyone for that matter would lose their entitledness to membership of
the nation just because some (or even all) of their ancestors had
immigrated four thousand years ago. Only the anti-Brahmin Dravidian
racists and tribal-hunting Christian missionaries could have come up
with such a ludicrous idea. Like so many Hindutva spokesmen, Savarkar
often gave the example of the assimilation of the Shaka and Huna
invaders into the Hindu nation; foreign geographical provenance was
not his problem. The view which Bilimoria ascribes to Savarkar here is
just a straw man, unrelated to Savarkar's actual position.
Bilimoria claims to have found a "tacit commitment to a racialization
doctrine which underpins the further moves Savarkar and the religious-
political movements that grow out of this ideology (which have come to
power in recent days in India)". The term "tacit" gives the game away:
plenty of Hindutva-watching "analysis" consists in nothing but
divining hidden motives and "tacit commitments" unrelated to the
actual programmes and manifestoes which exist in cold print but remain
unread by the supposed experts.
Nevertheless, let us read on: to Bilimoria, the Hindu nationalism
ideology focused not on the inherited race, which is a mixed affair,
but on "a future race-to-be, the spiritual blood once purified, rather
than the racial lineage we can trace our blood directly to, which has
all but been sullied and become impure through intermixing and
mingling of disparate cultures. Now a race carved out along these
lines can mean that others who do not fall within these descriptors
have to be left out, and we can only speak of them as bearers of their
own downward conditions, their victimhood, their otherness. This has
been one reason why communalism has reached perilous dimensions in
India, why the Hindu Right campaign for Uniform Civil Codes, and why
there is global expression of fear and rivalry between the two groups
across the 'garami hawa' borderzone."
It is rank nonsense that the BJP position on a Common Civil Code
(which is simply the implementation of the principle of equality
before the law deemed essential to the very idea of a secular state)
is based on a "racialization" doctrine: no BJP or related document
even thinks of the Hindu-Muslim problem in terms of race, and if it
did, its choice for a legal unification of Hindu and Muslim
communities would obviously go against their "racial" separateness.
And no Hindu wants to keep the Muslims out, the way racists want to
keep members of other races out, on the contrary: every Hindu
activists hopes that the Indian Muslims will return to the Hindu fold.
However, Bilimoria has a point when he implies that Savarkar's policy
of caste intermarriage would further the process of biological
homogenization of the Hindu nation. But so what? Should he have
opposed caste mixing instead? Then he would have been decried as a
reactionary "upper-caste racist" and what not. But now that he takes
the opposite position, it is still not good: now he is a "future-Hindu-
racist", a kind of mad scientist brewing a new race in his lab, the
caste-mixed Hindu-race-to-be. This is just another case of secularist
justice: Hindu are damned if they do, damned if they don't.
Savarkar and Nazi collaboration
Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke has written a book on the strange case of a
French-Greek lady who converted to Hinduism and later went on to work
for the neo-Nazi cause, Maximiani Portas a.k.a. Savitri Devi. The book
is generally of high scholarly quality and full of interesting detail,
but when it comes to Indian politics, the author is woefully
misinformed by his less than impartisan sources. He squarely places
himself outside the scholarly community and inside the Indian Marxist
propaganda machine by asserting the following howler: "After the
German invasion of Prague in March 1939, Indian opinion on Germany
polarized sharply into two camps: those who would be loyal to Britain
in the event of a war between Britain and Germany and those who would
not. The Hindu Mahasabha adopted a particularly strong pro-German
position, assuming a close congruence between the Aryan cult of Nazism
and Hindu nationalism." (Hitler's Priestess, New York University Press
1998, p.66)
To say that, faced with the choice of being loyal to Britain in her
war with Germany, the Hindu Mahasabha took "a particularly strong pro-
German position", is the diametrical opposite of the truth. It is
quite simply a lie. I am not saying that it is Goodrick-Clarke's lie,
he may naively have copied it from partisan sources, of which there is
no dearth in Indian academe nor in the Indian Studies departments in
the West. But if he had done his research well, he could not have
failed to come across one of the central facts of World War 2 in
India: that the Hindu Mahasabha actively campaigned to recruit Hindu
young men into the British war effort. Congress activists used to
scold HMS president V.D. Savarkar as a "recruiting officer", for it
was Congress which refused to stand by the British, at least until
1944.
If one is inclined towards fascism, and one has the good fortune to
live at the very moment of fascism's apogee, it seems logical that one
would seize the opportunity and join hands with fascism while the time
is right. Conversely, if one has the opportunity to join hands with
fascism but refrains from doing so, this is a strong indication that
one is not that "fascist" after all. Many Hindu leaders and thinkers
were sufficiently aware of the world situation in the second quarter
of the twentieth century; what was their position vis-a-vis the Axis
powers?
For their own reasons, Hindu and Muslim masses were very enthusiastic
about Hitler. The Muslim League frequently compared its own plan of
Partition with the Partition which Germany imposed on Czechoslovakia
(the ethnic reunification of the Sudeten Germans with the Reich
Germans was in fact deemed logical and fair by most observers,
including Savarkar, though in contrast with the League he did not
support the imperialistic methods used by Germany). Congress leftist
Subhash Chandra Bose formed Indian battalions in the German and later
in the Japanese army. The Congress leadership was utterly confused and
took just about every possible position in succession or even at the
same time.
In these conditions, the foremost Hindu leader of the time,
Swatantryaveer Savarkar, refused to support the Axis and advocated a
massive enlistment of Hindus in the British army. The point is proven
even by the very nadir of the Hindu Mahasabha's history, viz. the
murder of Mahatma Gandhi by its activist Nathuram Godse: of the seven
conspirators, three had served in the British-Indian Army during the
war. Savarkar calculated that massive Hindu enlistment in the war
effort would provide a winning combination in the war. And indeed, in
the successful retreat from Dunkirk and in the British victories in
North Africa and Iraq, Indian troops played a decisive role. It would
earn the Hindus the gratitude of the British, or at least their
respect. And if not that, it would instill the beginnings of fear in
the minds of the British rulers: it would offer military training and
experience to the Hindus, on a scale where the British could not hope
to contain an eventual rebellion in the ranks. After the war, even
without having to organize an army of their own, they would find
themselves in a position where the British could not refuse them their
independence.
It is in this context that in 1940, Savarkar launched his slogan:
"Hinduize all politics, militarize Hindudom." This slogan is nowadays
often quoted out of context to impute to Savarkar a fascist-like
fascination with "war for war's sake". But it meant nothing of the
kind. He wanted Hindus to get military experience for a specific
purpose, viz. that after the war, England would find a vast number of
combat-ready Indian troops before her. More than a preparation for
war, this combat-readiness was the right preparation for a peaceful
showdown, in which the British would be made to understand that
fighting was useless, that the Indian march to independence had become
unstoppable.
This much has to be said in favour of Savarkar's strategy: it worked.
It is a matter of solid history that the new military equation of 1945
was one of the decisive considerations in Britain's decision to
decolonize India. With the military experience and capability now
possessed by vast numbers of Indians, a British reassertion of
colonial authority would have required an immeasurable investment of
troops and money of which a war-weary Britain was no longer capable.
It is not unreasonable to suggest that Savarkar's collaboration with
the British against the Axis was opportunistic. He was not in favour
of any foreign power, be it Britain, the US, the Soviet Union, Japan
or Germany. He simply chose the course of action that seemed the most
useful for the Hindu nation. But the point is: he could have opted for
collaboration with the Axis, he could have calculated that a Hindu-
Japanese combine would be unbeatable, he could even have given his
ideological support to the Axis, but he did not. The foremost Hindutva
ideologue, president of what was then the foremost political Hindu
organization, supported the Allied war effort against the Axis.
It must also be noted that Savarkar never went as far in his
cooperation with the British as the Communists who supported the
British (after they became a Soviet ally in 1941) by betraying
Congress "Quit India" activists to them. While the Communists were
Soviet loyalists who saw Indian opponents to the war effort as simply
their enemies, Savarkar was an Indian patriot who differed with the
Gandhian patriots (as with Bose) regarding the means but agreed with
them on the goal, viz. India's independence, and therefore left them
to their own designs without interfering.
Savarkar's deputy on fascism
That HMS support to the anti-Nazi war effort was not merely tactical
but to quite an extent also ideological, is shown by a series of
statements by Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee, president of the Bengal Hindu
Mahasabha and vice-president of the All-India Hindu Mahasabha. He
declared in February 1941: "Our passionate adherence to democracy and
freedom is based on the spiritual recognition of the Divinity of man.
We are not only not communal but we are nationalists and democrats.
The Anti-Fascist Front must extend from the English Channel to the Bay
of Bengal." (Hindu Politics, Calcutta 1945, p.13)
He too had taken the habit of loosely labelling hostile forces as
"fascist", e.g. in his opposition to a 1939 Muslim League proposal to
communalize the municipal elections in Calcutta: "We must resist these
reactionary measures which are founded on the principle of communal
Fascism." (Hindu Politics, p.21; note how back then words hadn't lost
their meaning yet, so that "communalism" was identified with Muslim
League politics, not with its opponents). He also compared them to the
Norwegian Nazi collaborator Quisling: "Political Misfits are as
dangerous as Quislings." (Hindu Politics, p.25) More substantially, he
called the threat of a Japanese conquest "the direct calamity that can
befall Bengal". (Hindu Politics, p.25)
All this is hardly the language of a collaborator with the Axis
powers. For anyone still in doubt on the Hindu Mahasabha's position,
he declared in March 1942: "In the conflict of ideologies the Hindus
have made their position perfectly clear. We hate Nazism and Fascism.
We are the enemies of Hitler and Mussolini. We are longing and
struggling for our own emancipation and we want to repel any dictator
who would try to reduce sections of humanity to slavery to serve the
whims of his own megalomania." (Hindu Politics, p.26) And in December
1943: "We are wholeheartedly anti-Fascist. Every anti-Imperialist must
be anti-Fascist." (Hindu Politics, p.68)
His problem with the British was not that they were defending
democracy worldwide, but that they were compromising with anti-
democratic tendencies within their own Indian domains, particularly
with the Muslim League's insatiable hunger for communal privileges.
When the Cripps mission was announced (exploring an agreement with
Congress to get India more actively into the war effort in exchange
for promises of more autonomy), Chatterjee declared: "We shall suspend
judgment unless we know what exactly he has to offer and we only wish
that artificial minority problems will not be exploited to dilute
democracy and to injure Hindu interests." The Hindu Mahasabha was,
after all, in favour of undiluted democracy: "Our main plank is Veer
Savarkar's message which he preached at the Calcutta session: 'Equal
rights for all citizens and protection of the culture and religion of
every minority'." (Hindu Politics, p.74)
Yet, the British accused the Freedom Movement, including the HMS but
also the Congress, of Nazi sympathies. Already in the 1930s, they had
sometimes equated no less a person than Mahatma Gandhi with Hitler (a
comparison which made Gandhian Congress activists feel proud). That
was the only way they could hope to lessen the sympathy of the
increasingly influential American public opinion for the Indian anti-
colonial struggle. Against this colonial propaganda, Nirmal Chandra
Chatterjee replied in November 1943: "The Hindus in this supreme
crisis of humanity never wanted to shirk the responsibility to fight
the Axis powers. Our leaders took a realistic view of the political
situation. Veer Savarkar's clarion call to the Hindus had met with a
ready response and the Hindu boys had rushed forward and joined up in
thousands. On every front our boys have demonstrated their valour and
discipline, and the African Campaign, if faithfully recorded, will put
the Indian in the forefront of the noble heroes who decimated the
Fascist [hordes]." (Hindu Politics, p.55-56)
And in November 1944: "It is the subtle scheme of political propaganda
to describe the Hindu as pro-Fascist. It is a cruel calumny which has
been spread in America and other countries. The Hindu Mahasabha stood
for Savarkar's policy of militarization and industrialization. We
recognized that Fascism was a supreme menace to what is good and noble
in our civilization. Due to Veer Savarkar's call thousands of young
men joined the Army and Navy and Air Force and shed their blood for
resisting Nazi tyranny and for real friendship with China and Russia.
But as the Hindus had the temerity to ask for National Independence
and took the lead in rejecting the Cripps offer, they were maligned
and the subtle forces of organized British propaganda were let loose
to blackmail the Hindus." (Hindu Politics, p.103) The current tendency
to accuse the Hindu movement for cultural decolonization of India of
"fascism" is nothing but a replay of an old colonial tactic.
� Dr. Koenraad Elst, 2 August, 1999.
Sid Harth
Dr Koenraad Elst
1. Golwalkar's centenary
The year of our Lord 2006 is Golwalkar year. To celebrate the 100th
birth anniversary of "Guruji" Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, the second
sarsanghchalak ("chief guide of the association") of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh ("National Volunteer Association"), his organization
and its network of affiliates have arranged for a great many
commemoration events. Or they insert a Golwalkar element into other
events.
Thus, on 7-10 February 2006 in Jaipur, RSS activist Yashwant Pathak
convened an international conference of elders of all ancient (non-
Abrahamic) traditions. The conference was devoted to the impeccable
theme of "Spirituality beyond Religion", and in itself, this was a
perfectly respectable initiative. I have met Mr. Pathak several times
and I can't think of anything bad to say about him. For the priests
and medicine men of isolated pockets of resistance against
christianization or islamization somewhere in Africa or America, it
must be quite a boost of faith in the future to see this kind of
international gathering under the auspices of the most successful
resister, Hindu Dharma. Precisely because this was such a good
initiative, it is a great pity that the conference brochures
prominently featured Golwalkar's photograph.
First of all, Golwalkar had little to do with the non-Abrahamic
religions outside India. To my knowledge (but I haven't read his newly
published complete works yet), he never wrote about them, never drew
them into his vision of interreligious relations, never took an
initiative to build bridges with them. His focus was purely on India
and Hinduism; nothing wrong with that, but it's not the right r�sum�
for earning a place as the figurehead of an interreligious conference.
In case the idea was to give a face to the role of Hinduism as host to
and champion of the world's religions, it would have been better to
draw attention to one of the many sages from Hindu history, and
specifically to one who was actually involved in interreligious
relations. Maybe Agastya, who took the Vedic tradition to an as yet
non-Vedic South India? Or Vivekananda, who did something similar in
1893 when he spoke at the World Parliament of Religions in Chicago? Or
Ram Swarup (1920-1998), who went out of his way to re-evaluate so-
called Pagan religions and break the spell of Christian and Islamic
superiority claims? If the RSS is serious about its boast of being a
selfless servant to Hindu society, it was wrong to push itself and its
own leader into focus rather than Hindu Dharma and its
representatives.
Secondly, the participants to this conference had not asked to get
associated with this historical character they had never heard of. In
particular, they didn't know that Golwalkar, for reasons to be
discussed below, nowadays mostly figures in the media as exhibit
number one for the allegation that Hindu nationalism is a "fascist"
movement. So either the Elders' event would fail to draw attention, in
which case no harm would be done but not much progress made either; or
it would attract media coverage and condemn the participants to being
depicted henceforth as collaborators of a neo-fascist international.
Upon returning home, they would be asked by their friends: "Hey, what
has gotten into you? I just read on the internet that the conference
you went to was in fact a fascist conference." It's a bad host who
treats his unsuspecting guests to such an outcome.
Most non-Sangh Hindu activists avoid any reference to Golwalkar
because he has become an embarrassment (and because he is unnecessary
in motivating them to serving Hindu society). It could be argued,
though, that this shunning of Golwalkar is unfair to him. As we shall
see, he is denounced as a fascist on the basis of two passages in a
single booklet written at the start of his career. By such criteria,
most famous people who are quoted as authorities on moral and
political matters could be crucified on a handful of less felicitous
lines in their complete works. However, this unfair treatment happens
to be prevalent and is partly the result of the poor defence
Golwalkar's followers have given him in the opinion-making domain.
Public figures and social movements have to live in the real world and
take the sheer facts of the power equation in the public sphere into
account. As long as Golwalkar has not been disentangled from this
identification with the worst handful of lines in his repertoire, it
is most unwise and self-destructive to be seen glorifying him.
2. An embarrassing booklet
The main reason for Golwalkar's tainted reputation is found in two
paragraphs in a booklet he wrote two years before becoming the RSS
leader. He was 32 when he put the finishing touch to We, Our
Nationhood Defined, in the first week of November 1938. If that seems
old enough for him to have made up his mind and write out a matured
formulation of his nationalist vision, he had until then worked as a
biologist and a renunciate so that the book was actually his first
venture into political thought.
It sounded like good news when the papers announced that the RSS has
officially rejected Golwalkar's book We as "neither representing the
views of the grown Guruji nor of the RSS" (thus quoted in "RSS
officially disowns Golwalkar's book", Times of India, 9 March 2006).
Yes, immature it certainly was, being obviously derivative and lapsing
into intemperate language here and there, at least in its original
1939 edition. Personally, I too wouldn't want to be identified forever
with what I wrote at that age. The second edition was somewhat
cleansed of these excesses of language and went through three
printings, the last one published in 1947.
But Golwalkar's individual immaturity was representative of the
immaturity so typical of the colonial condition. Original thinkers
were few and far between in 1930s India, which looked up to the West
and copied its models, often in a half-digested version. Jawaharlal
Nehru was a parrot of Cambridge socialism, while Subhash Bose dreamed
of a synthesis of communism and fascism. Even the independent-minded
Hindu nationalist Sri Aurobindo Ghose was more indebted to Western
ideas than he would admit, vide e.g. his evolutionistic reformulation
of yogic ideals. So, it is no surprise that in thinking through Hindu
nationhood, Golwalkar sought inspiration from the modern "democratic
states" (1939:16, 1947:21) of the West without adding much personal
input nor any input from his native Hindu tradition.
By and large, there is nothing shameful about Golwalkar's first
grappling with political thought. It was actually more sophisticated
than what is usually taken to be the RSS party-line. Thus, while the
RSS is accused of following the "leader principle" (drawn more from
the ancient Hindu veneration for the guru than from the
contemporaneous fascist model), the young Golwalkar expressed no
criticism of the principle of democracy, though he could easily have
gotten away with that. Questioning or plainly rejecting democracy in
favour of the seemingly more successful fascist and Bolshevik models
was very voguish in the 1930s. By contrast, Golwalkar took the
democratic model for granted. The choice of political system was
simply not his concern as long as the polity was an expression of the
Hindu nation. But how to define and cultivate Hindu nationhood? That
was the topic of the book, and it led the author to consider the
experience of established nation-states in the West.
3. Disturbing quotes
For decades and until recently, the single most-quoted Hindutva
statement was the following one from Golwalkar's We: "The non-Hindu
peoples in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu culture and language
(*) they must not only give up their attitude of intolerance and
ungratefulness towards this land and its age-long traditions but must
also cultivate the positive attitude of love and devotion instead - in
one word, must cease to be foreigners, or may stay in the country,
wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving
no privileges, far less any preferential treatment, not even citizen's
rights." (1939:47-48, 1947:55-56)
The Marxists who usually do the quoting, pretend (and given their
permanent state of hysteria when dealing with Hindu nationalism,
possibly also believe) that this is a warrant for genocide, a
"holocaust of the minorities". Yet the text is quite explicit: far
from wanting to kill or expel Muslims and Christians, Golwalkar even
agrees to let them "stay in the country" and live safely in his Hindu
Rashtra, only without citizen's rights. I don't find that acceptable,
and I assume the RSS has now sent the message that it rejects this
option too, but it is at any rate totally different from genocide or
ethnic cleansing.
Instead, what he proposed for the non-Hindus is exactly the condition
of "dhimmitude" that Islamic states in peacetime have always imposed
on the non-Muslims. Even today, Saudi Arabia goes considerably farther
in practising discrimination against the minorities than Golwalkar did
in preaching it, e.g. it doesn't allow any form of non-Muslim worship
on its territory whereas Guruji did not propose to forbid Christian
and Islamic cultic practice. Dhimmitude, an imposed third-class status
for minorities, is bad enough, but those who denounce it in
Golwalkar's model would have more credibility if they also denounced
it in the Islamic states, where it is not somebody's private little
idea on the yellowed pages of a juvenile exercise in political
thought, but actual practice.
In the last decade, another quote from We has become the most popular
Hindutva reference, being presented as somehow encapsulating the
essence and the genesis history of the Sangh Parivar: "German race
pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of
the Race and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the
country of the semitic Races - the Jews. Race pride at its highest has
been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible
it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to
be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in
Hindusthan to learn and profit by." (1939:35, 1947:43) Though the RSS
spokesmen don't specify this, it is obviously this paragraph that
prompted them to dissociate themselves from Golwalkat's We.
4. The meaning of the "race pride" quote
What does the controversial "race pride" quote mean? Let us first of
all look at what is not here. These days, when the word "Nazi" is
uttered (in this case not by Golwalkar but by his detractors), reason
is switched off and hysteria takes over, so that people think they
have seen or heard things which aren't there in reality.
Conspicuous by its absence in Golwalkar's allegedly pro-Nazi
statement, is the term Nazi or the name Adolf Hitler. Before the
outbreak of World War 2 in September 1939, it was perfectly acceptable
in India, both among Hindus and Muslims, to praise Hitler and National-
Socialism. Let us not forget that in the preceding years even the
British leaders Lloyd George and Winston Churchill had spoken
favourably of Hitler and his magic formula for reviving Germany after
the humiliation of Versailles, something which Golwalkar refrained
from doing, if only narrowly. And that even the later leftist icons
Salvador Allende and Fidel Castro were youthful admirers of the F�hrer
and of his Italian colleague Benito Mussolini. As late as Christmas
Eve of 1940, Mahatma Gandhi wrote a letter to Hitler assuring the
latter that he (Hitler) certainly wasn't as bad as his enemies painted
him.
But Golwalkar did not want to draw attention to the existing regime in
Germany as some kind of model to be emulated. On the contrary,
elsewhere in the same book, he contrasts the militaristic barbarity
displayed by the contemporaneous Germans with the Hindu "spiritual
giants" who "stalk the world in serene majesty" and serve as the
homegrown role models for modern India (1939:32, 1947:39-40). He
concludes the booklet with the un-Nazi vision of "one glorious
splendrous Hindu Nation benignly shedding peace and plenty over the
world" (1939:67, 1947:76). He also supports the Czech position against
Germany on the disputed Sudetenland and deplores the Czechs' failure
to assimilate the Sudeten Germans (1939:38, 49; 1947:46, 57), clearly
favouring the typical homogenization policy of nation-states pioneered
by the French Revolutionaries in non-French parts of France. He holds
the Czechs' failure to assimilate their minorities up as a warning to
the Hindus. What he focuses on is the incompatibility of two nations
forced to co-exist within one state, any two nations, and that is the
"lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit by".
Many examples of ethnic conflict within multi-ethnic states could be
given, but the example then in the eye of the world was Germany, where
the Nuremberg laws of 1935 had defined the Jews as a separate nation.
German-Jewish intermarriage got prohibited, a move actually welcomed
by the orthodox in the Jewish community, who frowned upon the ongoing
cultural and biological assimilation of the Jews into German society.
The participation of Jews in a number of prestigious professions was
either ended or reduced to their percentage of the total population (a
leftist move otherwise applauded as "affirmative action" in favour of
an "underrepresented" group, i.c. the Gentile Germans), and Jewish
emigration was encouraged and facilitated.
But surely this meant that Golwalkar supported the German hatred for
"the Semitic races, the Jews"? Not at all. In his survey of nations
whose experience and nationalism are to "serve as a good lesson for us
in Hindusthan to profit by", the very first one is the Jewish nation
(1939:19, 30; 1947:25, 37). This was and is standard fare in Hindutva
writings, starting with Vinayak Damodar Savarkar's trail-blazing book
Hindutva (1923), which speaks out in favour of the Zionist project.
Hindu nationalists have always looked up to the mettle of the Jews,
who managed to maintain their identity for two thousand years under
adverse circumstances, and who even managed to revive Hebrew as their
mother tongue and national first language, where Hindus aren't even
able to promote Sanskrit to the status of national link language or
pan-Indian second language. Hindu nationalist parties have always
advocated diplomatic recognition of Israel when Congress (until 1992)
and the Communist parties opposed it.
This, incidentally, explains the sudden popularity of this Golwalkar
quote in anti-Hindutva writings. The main exploiters of this quote,
the Indian Marxists, have seen their intellectual power centre expand
from India to North America. In the US media and academe, they have
cornered the same power position that they have enjoyed in India for
decades, and they largely control the information flow from India to
the American public including the professional India-watchers in
academe and the government. From there, they exercise a lot of
influence on public political discourse back in India. However, to
secure their position in the US, they have to deal with the powerful
Jewish influence there.
The Jews are not stupid and they know that in the Indian ideological
spectrum, it has always been the Hindu nationalists who supported the
Zionist project while the leftists opposed it. Just as it was always
Hindus who let Jews live in peace in their own country, while
Hinduism's Christian, Muslim and Communist enemies have a rather
darker track record in this regard. Indeed, some US Zionist groups co-
operate with Hindu nationalists, teaching them the ways of modern
communication and lobbying. So, in order to gain the upper hand over
the Hindus in winning over Jewish opinion, the Marxists have to divert
attention from today's Middle East politics to other issues in order
to paint their opponents as somehow even more anti-Jewish than
themselves, or at least tainted by association with an even more anti-
Jewish movement, viz. National-Socialism. Hence their hyperfocus on
this seemingly pro-Nazi quote of Golwalkar's.
Very often, the Marxists even add their own explicitation to this
quote: "Here, Golwalkar is applauding the genocide of six million
Jews." That, of course, is a lie. Those who put forth this claim are
either ignorant of history or shamelessly speculate on their readers'
ignorance. The "purge" to which Golwalkar referred, was the
progressive exclusion of the Jews from public life and the policy of
promoting their emigration. The Holocaust only took place in 1941-44
under specific and largely unforeseen war circumstances. In 1938 and
until 1940, Nazi policy was still one of Jewish emigration. That's not
so nice either, but given their history, the Jews know better than
most people that migration is a preferable alternative to persecution
and death. In 1938, Hitler's mortal victims were still counted in
hundreds, Stalin's in millions (which didn't prevent Jawaharlal Nehru
from visiting the Soviet Union, guzzling down all the propaganda fed
to him on a guided tour, and praising it for the rest of his days). In
that light, if anything is shocking in Golwalkar's book, it is his
innocent and highly uninformed inclusion of the Soviet Union in his
list of examples of nation-building.
Conspicuous by its absence is most of all the entire Nazi policy vis-�-
vis the Jews as a possible model for the Hindu treatment of the
Muslims. Not just extermination but even expulsion doesn't figure in
Golwalkar's plans. On the contrary, whereas Hitler first of all wanted
to dissimilate the largely assimilated Jewish minority, Golwalkar
favoured the assimilation of the Indian Muslims into the "Hindu
nation" from which their ancestors had been estranged by conversion.
5. Withdrawing the book
As we have shown, the alleged Nazi sympathies revealed by the book's
most controversial quote are a matter of eager over-interpretation.
Their true proportions are in fact quite limited. All the same, it
remained an unwise thing to write or say. In that sense, it is good
news that the RSS has at last dared to forswear its ingrained
childlike veneration for its Guruji and to state that he had been
wrong. Unfortunately, even this move is still tainted by the RSS
culture of not facing difficult ideological questions head-on.
According to the Times of India's Akshaya Mukul (9 March 2006), "We is
considered the basic charter of Sangh". Whether this is yet another
Marxist lie or just an instance of the stark ignorance of the present
generations of journalists, I don't know, but the claim is at any rate
untrue. For becoming the founding text of the Sangh, We appeared in
print 14 years too late, as the RSS was founded in 1925. (Likewise,
contrary to recent propaganda, B.S. Moonje's study tour of European
military organisations and his favourable impression of the Italian
paramilitary youth squads came too late to shape the RSS organization,
which had fixed the rules for its uniforms, training schemes etc. in
the preceding years.) And more importantly for us today, the book
hasn't played any such role since at least 1948, when the remaining
stock of its fourth print was confiscated during the crackdown on all
Hindutva forces after the murder of Mahatma Gandhi. The book was never
reprinted after that, so that over 99% of all Sangh activists now
alive have never even seen a copy.
So, in practice, the RSS has already disowned the book more than fifty
years ago. Doing so now is thus not "a major ideological shift", as
the Times of India claims. The only shift is from an implicit
disowning to an explicit disowning, which is a historic event only
because it breaks the long-standing RSS taboo on criticizing the
leadership. But the ideological decision of rejecting We has been
taken long ago. Indeed, it was Golwalkar himself who vetoed any
further reprints of We. The late K.R. Malkani and other RSS elders
told me that Guruji had mused about the book's "immaturity".
However, none of those veterans ever told me that Golwalkar had
"revealed that the book carried not his own views but was an abridged
version of [Hindutva author V.D. Savarkar's brother] G.D. Savarkar's
Rashtra Mimansa", as is now reportedly claimed by pro-RSS Delhi
University lecturer Rakesh Sinha, author of Shri Guruji and Indian
Muslims (Suruchi Prakashan, Delhi 2006). It may be true that Golwalkar
said this, but what exactly would it mean? Some general ideas of Hindu
nationalism were in the air, especially among Maharashtrian Brahmins
like the Savarkar and Golwalkar families, and you find these in both
books. Even so, whatever Golwalkar took from G.D. Savarkar into his
booklet, "this maiden attempt of mine" (1939:3), he had made his own.
He merely thanked Savarkar whose book "has been one of my chief
sources of inspiration and help", and referred the reader to that book
for "a more exhaustive study of the subject" (1939:4). Clearly the
contents of the two books were not identical. It is not like as if
Golwalkar wasn't responsible for those ideas he happened to share with
or even borrow from Savarkar.
It is painful to note the typical RSS clumsiness in this futile
exercise in keeping Golwalkar out of the firing line. While trying to
relieve him from responsibility for his own booklet, they don't
hesitate to accuse him of plagiarism. After all, in the book itself,
neither he nor M.S. Aney in his foreword ever acknowledged that "the
book carried not his own views". Of course the book expressed
Golwalkar's own convictions. All writers owe a part of their ideas to
the influence of others, but they digest those influences and distil
from them the convictions that become their own. No matter where
Golwalkar got his ideas, he took responsibility for them by writing
them down and publishing them under his own name.
The attempt to distance Golwalkar from the contents of We by
attributing the latter to another Hindutva writer are revelatory for
the RSS state of mind regarding this embarrassing heritage. They want
to salvage Guruji as an icon without attaching any implications to his
writings. Rather than confronting the problem posed, the RSS
leadership has always preferred to ignore it. For over fifty years,
they did this by imposing on themselves and esp. on their younger rank
and file an ignorance of the book's very existence. Last year, they
oversaw the publication of Golwalkar's complete works in twelve
volumes (including his private letters, transcripts of conversations
etc.), but excluded from this collection the text of We, his single
most cited work Now they are formally disowning the book without
taking a second look at its contents.
That is just not the right way to deal with a problematic heritage.
The RSS leaders' reaction betrays a helpless fear in front of the
Marxist media campaign hyperfocusing on their icon's embarrassing
juvenile statements. They seem not to trust their own ability to come
to terms with the exact significance of those statements nor with the
mundane fact of their hero's fallibility.
Ironically, the RSS leadership's inability to come to a balanced
evaluation of Golwalkar's thought is largely the result of Golwalkar's
own impact on his movement. The RSS originated in the context of the
communal tension resulting from Mahatma Gandhi's tragicomical
involvement in the pan-Islamist Khilafat movement of 1920-22,
culminating in the anti-Hindu pogrom known as the Moplah rebellion.
Its uniform was originally that of the Indian National Congress
volunteers acting as security guards in Congress conferences. Its
secretive style of functioning, with avoidance of written
communication and emphasis on personal meetings, was taken from the
armed freedom fighters of Bengal, a movement in which founder Dr.
Keshav Baliram Hedgewar had briefly participated. Those aspects of RSS
life were purely pragmatic and provisional, but Golwalkar
institutionalized them more firmly.
In particular, he ideologized the purely circumstantial fact of the
RSS's lack of an intellectual dimension. He distrusted books and
taunted his followers if they were caught reading. He would
rhetorically ask if anyone ever needed a book to love his mother,-- or
his Motherland. So now, he is reaping what he sowed: his successors
are unable to make sense of his own first book. Intimidated by the
secularists' domination of the media and the intellosphere, they shy
away from a debate on his legacy, leaving the moulding of public
opinion about him and his book entirely to their enemies.
To the current RSS leadership, I would suggest that this approach is
also flawed for a reason that won't matter to outsiders but ought to
be painful to themselves as heirs to Guruji's legacy. The RSS is
actually trying to save or restore its own reputation at Golwalkar's
expense. By organizing a debate on We, it could have effected a change
in public opinion and ultimately cleared Golwalkar's name from the
charge of being some kind of Nazi. There is nothing to hide there or
to turn one's eyes away from: while We was immature, it was by far not
as incriminating as the Marxists want us to believe. And to the extent
that it was incriminating, it would only be healthy to face and
analyze this faux pas in Guruji's career.
A fresh wind of glasnost (openness) could have worked wonders in
restoring a sense of proportion and fairness in the evaluation of
Golwalkar and of Hindutva in general. Instead, the RSS has chosen to
leave the current demonizing beliefs about We intact, to "defend"
Golwalkar only by wrongly shifting the booklet's authorship to G.D.
Savarkar, and to wash its own hands off the whole matter by pushing
the booklet out of sight even in the publication of Guruji's
"complete" works. That way, only its own rank and file will remain
ignorant of it, and helpless when attacked about it, while its enemies
have other channels of information.
6. The Indian approach to World War 2
In coming to terms with its past, the RSS could learn a few things
from the former Communist Party of the German "Democratic" Republic,
now functioning as one of the parties within the German Federal
Republic's multi-party democracy. A few years ago, these post-
Communists abandoned their self-righteousness and called a conference
to discuss their organization's and their ideology's historical
errors. I suggest that the RSS should likewise organize a public
debate of Golwalkar's merits and failings, particularly the latter.
Its scholars (but where are they?) should replace the quotes from We
in their book and world context from which the quoters always
carefully detach them.
In this case, it is not even that difficult. First of all, the RSS
need not follow its enemies in acting as if the booklet or indeed its
two most popular quotes somehow encapsulate the essence of the RSS. If
that had been the case, many similar statements would have been made
by post-1948 Sangh leaders, and the Marxists wouldn't have needed to
dig up a yellowed text from 1938 to "prove" their Nazi-RSS allegation.
The quotes are so popular and by now worn out precisely because they
are not representative for RSS thought.
In my interviews and conversations with hundreds of Sangh leaders and
activists, including in confidential settings where they let their
guard down, I have never ever heard anyone cite Golwalkar's "race
pride" quote nor make any statement to the same effect. If it were
representative, then certainly it shouldn't be difficult to find more
recent statements to the same effect. To be sure, attempts have been
made to find or rather to fabricate such more recent RSS statements,
vide the false presentation of a Gujarat textbook issued under
Congress rule as a BJP textbook and then claiming, equally falsely,
that it discussed Nazism without mentioning the Holocaust. Such
attempts do show in passing how the Marxists realize that their single
piece of evidence for "Hindu fascism", even if it had been strong in
itself, is a bit dated and in need of being supplemented with more
recent expressions of the same ideological tendency.
As the Times of India reports (9 March 2006): "Former RSS spokesperson
M.G. Vaidya while approving the removal of We from the Sangh's
pantheon of texts, says the book that is central to 'us is Golwalkar's
Bunch of Thoughts since it consists of his views after he became
sarsanghchalak on June 21, 1940'. Speaking from his village in Wardha,
Vaidya told Times of India: 'We is not the RSS Bible as everyone would
like to believe. If it was the Bible then every Sangh worker would
have read it and it could have been found in every house. But it is
not the case.'" Well said, but this implies that there is no good
reason for the hypersensitive and uptight way the RSS is dealing with
this apparently only minor piece of heritage.
Secondly, India is one place where a level-headed discussion of the
history of the 1930s and 1940s is still possible. In the West, the
typical textbook and media treatment of World War 2 history has
gradually degenerated into unhistorical morality tales pitting pure
black against pure white. Hitler has been placed outside human history
and turned into a demon incarnating unalloyed evil, eventhough
racialist thought and the rejection of democracy were widespread
tendencies in those days. Anyone remotely associated with his camp is
likewise blackened in every aspect of his life activities, even those
long before or after the Nazi period; while Stalin is still
whitewashed by virtue merely of being an enemy (as least after 22 June
1941) of that demon. In India, by contrast, it remains the done thing
to distinguish between the numerous different angles from which people
got involved in this worldwide conflict, and to reserve a separate
evaluation for colonial underlings trying to define their own position
and pursue their own goals in the middle of forces they couldn't
control nor even understand.
Thus, in the West, it is suicidal for any reputation-conscious public
figure to celebrate someone who collaborated with Nazi Germany in what
he considered the service of his own nation's best interests. Finland,
the Baltic states, Rumania and other formerly Communist countries are
currently under pressure to remove statues and terminate other forms
of official recognition for historic national leaders in that
position, who had been squeezed into the tragic dilemma of a choice
between Hitler and Stalin. By contrast, India officially and with good
conscience celebrates the memory of Netaji (i.e. F�hrer) Subhash
Chandra Bose, the socialist freedom fighter who opted, unpressured,
for military collaboration with the Axis powers. The Communist Party
(Marxist) in West Bengal has named an airport after Netaji and has a
long-standing political alliance with his party, the Forward Bloc.
Along with other leftist parties, they proposed the octogenarian Mrs.
Lakshmi Sehgal, the commander of Bose's women's battalion, as their
candidate for India's presidency in 2002. India's entire political
spectrum is united in celebrating Netaji as a sterling freedom
fighter.
In the West, this would now simply be unthinkable. Anyone with even
the remotest and most indirect connection with the losing side of WW2
is deemed totally and irrevocably out of bounds. Like hysterics,
Western academics and pressmen see (or force each other to pretend to
see) Nazism as a contagious disease that can infect people via-via and
spring full-blown from anyone who ever had even the faintest contact
with any carrier of the contagion. In India, by contrast, it remains
the normal thing to exercise the human power of discrimination so as
to distinguish between Netaji's laudable patriotism and the
reprehensible conduct of his tactical allies in distant countries. In
those circumstances it shouldn't be too difficult nor too risky to
subject Golwalkar's alleged sympathy for Nazi Germany to public
scrutiny. Especially since it can be shown that he was definitely not
presenting Nazi Germany as an example for Hindus to follow.
7. The Indian approach to the minorities
As for the other contentious quote, about allowing the minorities "not
even citizen's rights", it too deserves to be dedramatized and
replaced in its context. Those with an obsessive Nazi-centric mind may
be told to consider that context more closely and see for themselves
how very respectable the quote thereby becomes: Golwalkar warned
against the persistence of unassimilated and disloyal minorities with
reference to Czechoslovakia's betrayal by its German minority,
resulting in the annexation of Sudetenland by Nazi Germany.
More importantly, here too the actual history of the RSS and its
affiliated organizations offsets the suspicions attracted by young
Golwalkar's viewpoint. While V.D. Savarkar may have equated
"Hinduness" (Hindutva) with Indian nationality and vice-versa,
excluding the non-Hindus, and while Golwalkar initially did advocate
the exclusion of the "foreign" religionists (or at least those among
them who refused to acknowledge India's Hindu character) from full
citizenship, the fact is that this understanding of Hindutva was
definitely disowned gradually by the Jana Sangh (1952-77) and rejected
by the BJP (1980-) in favour of "genuine secularism". Most Hindu
activists in India and abroad are perfectly satisfied with a secular
state, i.e. one in which laws apply equally to all regardless of
religion, e.g. where all abide by a common civil code (a defining
trait of all secular states, but not of Nehruvian India) and where
Hindu temples are as inviolate and legally free from government
interference as mosques and churches are.
In these circumstances, it shouldn't be too difficult for the RSS to
openly entertain the possibility that Golwalkar's insistence on
homogeneity and the exclusion of the minorities from citizenship was a
mistaken and un-Hindu policy. It should be understood as a loan from
European political thought centred around the nation-state as
conceived during the French Revolution. Indeed, in We, Golwalkar
himself explicitly cited the modern "democratic states" of the West as
his source of inspiration. Of course there is nothing wrong with
Hindus adopting useful innovations from the West, but notions like the
nation-state need to be problematized, not just in terms of Marxist or
globalist anti-nationalism but also from the viewpoint of Hindu
tradition. Whatever its flaws, Hindu society has always managed
diversity rather well, and this good habit should be reformulated in
modern terms as an alternative to the uniformistic understanding of
the nation-state which young Golwalkar seemed to have swallowed hook,
line and sinker.
To correct his own exaggerated reliance on this Western import, he
could have reread his own remark made on another page of the very book
he was writing then, We (1939:60, 1947:69): "Why did not the Hindu
think for himself? Why did he allow himself to be misled by scheming
Englishmen into absurdities and political blunders? The reason is
simple and lies in the common human weakness of associating good
qualities and wisdom with wealth and power." See, not all of his
juvenile observations were misguided.
8. Conclusion
The image of M.S. Golwalkar (1906-73) has posthumously been narrowed
down to just two infelicitous and embarrassing quotations from his
first book, one that he himself had repudiated early in his career as
RSS leader. If read judiciously and within their context, they are by
far not as incriminating as various anti-Hindu polemicists would like
to have us believe. In particular, contrary to the common allegation,
they do not prove that Golwalkar was a Nazi sympathizer, nor that he
had mass murder in mind as the solution for the problems Hindu society
experienced with its Muslim and Christian minorities.
So, clearly the RSS could defuse the negative-publicity bomb which its
enemies claim to have dug up from We, if only it had the intellectual
wherewithal to properly analyze the text and then, if this proves to
be the right course, to clearly disown specifically what must be
disowned. But instead it is satisfied to bury the book, refusing to
discuss its contents or even to make it available to readers of
Golwalkar's "complete works". Like in decades past, it still prefers
to look the other way, intimidated by the total control of the
mediatic and intellectual domain by India's anti-Hindu coalition of
Islamic, Christian and Marxist polemicists. As so often, it is playing
by the rules its enemies have imposed rather than changing the power
equation through a sincere intellectual effort.
It is a welcome development that Golwalkar's followers finally
acknowledge that their Guruji has committed mistakes too. But whatever
his faults, shouldn't they resolve that he deserved better than to be
censored? Wouldn't they render a better service to his memory as well
as to the Hindu cause by subjecting his book to a close and frank
reading rather than to the silent treatment?
� Dr. Koenraad Elst
Sid Harth
Aryan Invasion — History or Politics?
By Dr. N.S. Rajaram
There is a great deal of confusion over the origins of the Aryan
invasion theory and even the word Arya. It explains also the use and
misuse of the word.
Aryans: race or culture?
The evidence of science now points to two basic conclusions: first,
there was no Aryan invasion, and second, the Rigvedic people were
already established in India no later than 4000 BCE. How are we then
to account for the continued presence of the Aryan invasion version of
history in history books and encyclopedias even today?
Some of the results - like Jha's decipherment of the Indus script -
are relatively recent, and it is probably unrealistic to expect
history books to reflect all the latest findings. But unfortunately,
influential Indian historians and educators continue to resist all
revisions and hold on to this racist creation - the Aryan invasion
theory. Though there is now a tendency to treat the Aryan-Dravidian
division as a linguistic phenomenon, its roots are decidedly racial
and political, as we shall soon discover.
Speaking of the Aryan invasion theory, it would probably be an
oversimplification to say: "Germans invented it, British used it," but
not by much. The concept of the Aryans as a race and the associated
idea of the 'Aryan nation' were very much a part of the ideology of
German nationalism. For reasons known only to them, Indian educational
authorities have continued to propagate this obsolete fiction that
degrades and divides her people. They have allowed their political
biases and career interests to take precedence over the education of
children. They continue to propagate a version that has no scientific
basis.
Before getting to the role played by German nationalism, it is useful
first to take a brief look at what the word Arya does mean. After
Hitler and the Nazi atrocities, most people, especially Europeans, are
understandably reluctant to be reminded of the word. But that was a
European crime; Indians had no part in it. The real Aryans have lived
in India for thousands of years without committing anything remotely
resembling the Nazi horrors. So there is no need to be diffident in
examining the origins of the European misuse of the word. In any
event, history demands it.
The first point to note is that the idea of the Aryans as foreigners
who invaded India and destroyed the existing Harappan Civilization is
a modern European invention; it receives no support whatsoever from
Indian records - literary or archaeological. The same is true of the
notion of the Aryans as a race; it finds no support in Indian
literature or tradition. The word 'Arya' in Sanskrit means noble and
never a race. In fact, the authoritative Sanskrit lexicon (c. 450 AD),
the famous Amarakosa gives the following definition:
mahakula kulinarya sabhya sajjana sadhavah
An Arya is one who hails from a noble family, of gentle behavior and
demeanor, good-natured and of righteous conduct
And the great epic Ramayana has a singularly eloquent expression
describing Rama as:
arya sarva samascaiva sadaiva priyadarsanah
Arya, who worked for the equality of all and was dear to everyone.
The Rigveda also uses the word Arya something like thirty six times,
but never to mean a race. The nearest to a definition that one can
find in the Rigveda is probably:
praja arya jyotiragrah ... (Children of Arya are led by light)
RV, VII. 33.17
The word 'light' should be taken in the spiritual sense to mean
enlightenment. The word Arya, according to those who originated the
term, is to be used to describe those people who observed a code of
conduct; people were Aryans or non-Aryans depending on whether or not
they followed this code. This is made entirely clear in the Manudharma
Shastra or the Manusmriti (X.43-45):
But in consequence of the omission of sacred rites, and of their not
heeding the sages, the following people of the noble class [Arya
Kshatriyas] have gradually sunk to the state of servants - the
Paundrakas, Chodas, Dravidas, Kambojas, Yavanas, Shakhas, Paradhas,
Pahlavas, Chinas, Kiratas and Daradas.
Two points about this list are worth noting: first, their fall from
the Aryan fold had nothing to do with race, birth or nationality; it
was due entirely to their failure to follow certain sacred rites.
Second, the list includes people from all parts of India as well as a
few neighboring countries like China and Persia (Pahlavas). Kambojas
are from West Punjab, Yavanas from Afghanistan and beyond (not
necessarily the Greeks) while Dravidas refers probably to people from
the southwest of India and the South.
Thus, the modern notion of an Aryan-Dravidian racial divide is
contradicted by ancient records. We have it on the authority of Manu
that the Dravidians were also part of the Aryan fold. Interestingly,
so were the Chinese. Race never had anything to do with it until the
Europeans adopted the ancient word to give expression to their
nationalistic and other aspirations.
Scientists have known this for quite some time. Julian Huxley, one of
the leading biologists of the century, wrote as far back as 1939:
In 1848 the young German scholar Friedrich Max Muller (1823-1900)
settled in Oxford, where he remained for the rest of his life. ...
About 1853 he introduced into the English language the unlucky term
Aryan as applied to a large group of languages. ...
Moreover, Max Muller threw another apple of discord. He introduced a
proposition that is demonstrably false. He spoke not only of a
definite Aryan language and its descendents, but also of a
corresponding 'Aryan race'. The idea was rapidly taken up both in
Germany and in England. It affected to some extent a certain number of
the nationalistic and romantic writers, none of whom had any
ethnological training. ...
In England and America the phrase 'Aryan race' has quite ceased to be
used by writers with scientific knowledge, though it appears
occasionally in political and propagandist literature. In Germany the
idea of the 'Aryan' race found no more scientific support than in
England. Nonetheless, it found able and very persistent literary
advocates who made it very flattering to local vanity. It therefore
spread, fostered by special conditions.
This should help settle the issue as far as its modern misuse is
concerned. As far as ancient India is concerned, one may safely say
that the word Arya denoted certain spiritual and humanistic values
that defined her civilization. The entire Aryan civilization - the
civilization of Vedic India - was driven and sustained by these
values. The whole of ancient Indian literature: from the Vedas, the
Brahmanas to the Puranas to the epics like the Mahabharata and the
Ramayana can be seen as a record of the struggles of an ancient people
to live up to the ideals defined by these values. Anyone regardless of
birth, race or national origin could become Aryan by following this
code of conduct. It was not something to be imposed upon others by the
sword or by proselytization. Viewed in this light, the whole notion of
any 'Aryan invasion' is an absurdity. It is like talking about an
'invasion of scientific thinking'.
Then there is also the fact that the concept of the Aryan race and the
Aryan-Dravidian divide is a modern European invention that receives no
support from any ancient source. To apply it to people who lived
thousands of years ago is an exercise in anachronism if there ever was
one.
The sum total of all this is that Indians have no reason to be
defensive about the word Arya. It applies to everyone who has tried to
live by the high ideals of an ancient culture regardless of race,
language or nationality. It is a cultural designation of a people who
created a great civilization. Anti-Semitism was an aberration of
Christian European history, with its roots in the New Testament, of
sayings like "He that is not with me is against me." If the Europeans
(and their Indian disciples) fight shy of the word, it is their
problem stemming from their history. Modern India has many things for
which she has reason to be grateful to European knowledge, but this is
definitely not one of them.
European currents: 'Aryan nation'
As Huxley makes clear in the passage cited earlier, the misuse of the
word 'Aryan' was rooted in political propaganda aimed at appealing to
local vanity. In order to understand the European misuse of the word
Arya as a race, and the creation of the Aryan invasion idea, we need
to go back to eighteenth and nineteenth century Europe, especially to
Germany. The idea has its roots in European anti-Semitism. Recent
research by scholars like Poliakov, Shaffer and others has shown that
the idea of the invading Aryan race can be traced to the aspirations
of eighteenth and nineteenth century Europeans to give themselves an
identity that was free from the taint of Judaism.
The Bible, as is well known, consists of two books: the Old Testament
and the New Testament. The Old Testament gives the traditional history
of mankind. It is of course a Jewish creation. The New Testament is
also of Jewish origin; recently discovered manuscripts known as the
Dead Sea Scrolls show that Christianity, in fact, began as an
extremist Jewish sect. But it was turned against the Judaism of its
founding fathers by religious propagandists with political ambitions.
In fact, anti-Semitism first makes its appearance in the New
Testament, including in the Gospels. Nonetheless, without Judaism
there would be no Christianity.
To free themselves from this Jewish heritage, the intellectuals of
Christian Europe looked east, to Asia. And there they saw two ancient
civilizations - India and China. To them the Indian Aryans were
preferable as ancestors to the Chinese. As Shaffer has observed:
Many scholars such as Kant and Herder began to draw analogies between
the myths and philosophies of ancient India and the West. In their
attempt to separate Western European culture from its Judaic heritage,
many scholars were convinced that the origin of Western culture was to
be found in India rather than in the ancient Near East.
So they became Aryans. But it was not the whole human race that was
given this Aryan ancestry, but only a white race that came down from
the mountains of Asia, subsequently became Christian and colonized
Europe. No less an intellectual than Voltaire claimed to be "convinced
that everything has come down to us from the banks of the Ganges -
astronomy, astrology, metempsychosis, etc." (But Voltaire was
emphatically not intolerant; he was in fact a strong critic of the
Church of his day.)
A modern student today can scarcely have an idea of the extraordinary
influence of race theories in eighteenth and nineteenth century
Europe. Many educated people really believed that human qualities
could be predicted on the basis of measurements of physical
characteristics like eye color, length of the nose and such. It went
beyond prejudice, it was an article of faith amounting to an ideology.
Here is an example of what passed for informed opinion on 'race
science' by the well-known French savant Paul Topinard. Much of the
debate centered on the relative merits of racial types called
dolichocephalics and brachycephalics, though no one seemed to have a
clear idea of what was which. Anyway, here is what Topinard wrote in
1893, which should give modern readers an idea of the level of
scientific thinking prevailing in those days:
The Gauls, according to history, were a people formed of two elements:
the leaders or conquerors, blond, tall dolichocephalic, leptroscopes,
etc. But the mass of the people, were small, relatively brachycephalic
chaemeophrosopes. The brachycephalics were always oppressed. They were
the victims of dolicocephalics who carried them off from their
fields. ... The blond people changed from warriors into merchants and
industrial workers. The brachycephalics breathed again. Being
naturally prolific, their numbers [of brachycephalics] increased while
the dolichocephalics naturally diminished. ... Does the future not
belong to them? [Sic: Belong to whom? - dolichocephalic leptroscopes,
or brachycephalic chaemeophrosopes?]
This tongue-twisting passage may sound bizarre to a modern reader, but
was considered an erudite piece of reasoning when it was written. In
its influence and scientific unsoundness and dogmatism, 'race science'
can only be compared in this century to Marxism, especially Marxist
economics. Like Marxist theories, these race theories have also been
fully discredited. The emergence of molecular genetics has shown these
race theories to be completely false.
By creating this pseudo-science based on race, Europeans of the Age of
Enlightenment sought to free themselves from their Jewish heritage. It
is interesting to note that this very same theory - of the Aryan
invasion and colonization of Europe - was later applied to India and
became the Aryan invasion theory of India. In reality it was nothing
more than a projection into the remote past of the contemporary
European experience in colonizing parts of Asia and Africa.
Substituting European for Aryan, and Asian or African for Dravidian
will give us a description of any of the innumerable colonial
campaigns in the eighteenth or nineteenth century. According to this
theory, the Aryans were carbon copies of colonizing Europeans. Seen in
this light the theory is not even especially original.
The greatest effect of these ideas was on the psyche of the German
people. German nationalism was the most powerful political movement of
nineteenth century Europe. The idea of the Aryan race was a
significant aspect of the German nationalistic movement. We are now
used to regarding Germany as a rich and powerful country, but the
German people at the beginning of the nineteenth century were weak and
divided. There was no German nation at the time; the map of Europe
then was dotted with numerous petty German principalities and dukedoms
that had always been at the mercy of the neighboring great powers -
Austria and France. For more than two centuries, from the time of the
Thirty Years War to the Napoleonic conquests, the great powers had
marched their armies through these petty German states treating these
people and their rulers with utter disdain. It was very much in the
interests of the French to keep the German people divided, a tactic
later applied to India by the British. Every German at the time
believed that he and his rulers were no more than pawns in great power
rivalries. This had built up deep resentments in the hearts and minds
of the German people. This was to have serious consequences for
history.
In this climate of alienation and impotence, it is not surprising that
German intellectuals should have sought solace in the culture of an
ancient exotic land like India. Some of us can recall a very similar
sentiment among Americans during the era of Vietnam and the Cold War,
with many of them taking an interest in eastern religions and
philosophy. These German intellectuals also felt a kinship towards
India as a subjugated people, like themselves. Some of the greatest
German intellectuals of the era like Humbolt, Frederick and Wilhem
Schlegel, Schopenhauer and many others were students of Indian
literature and philosophy.
Humboldt Friedrich Von Schlegel Wilhelm Von Schlegel Schopenhauer
Hegel
Hegel, the greatest philosopher of the age and a major influence on
German nationalism was fond of saying that in philosophy and
literature, Germans were the pupils of Indian sages. Humbolt went so
far as to declare in 1827: "The Bhagavadgita is perhaps the loftiest
and the deepest thing that the world has to show." This was the
climate in Germany when it was experiencing the rising tide of
nationalism.
Whereas the German involvement in things Indian was emotional and
romantic, the British interest was entirely practical, even though
there were scholars like Jones and Colebrooke who were admirers of
India and its literature. Well before the 1857 uprising it was
recognized that British rule in India could not be sustained without a
large number of Indian collaborators.
Sir William Jones Colebrooke Thomas Macaulay
Recognizing this reality, influential men like Thomas Babbington
Macaulay, who was Chairman of the Education Board, sought to set up an
educational system modeled along British lines that would also serve
to undermine the Hindu tradition. While not a missionary himself,
Macaulay came from a deeply religious family steeped in the Protestant
Christian faith. His father was a Presbyterian minister and his mother
a Quaker. He believed that the conversion of Hindus to Christianity
held the answer to the problems of administering India. His idea was
to create an English educated elite that would repudiate its tradition
and become British collaborators. In 1836, while serving as chairman
of the Education Board in India, he enthusiastically wrote his father:
"Our English schools are flourishing wonderfully. The effect of this
education on the Hindus is prodigious. ...... It is my belief that if
our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single
idolator among the respectable classes in Bengal thirty years hence.
And this will be effected without any efforts to proselytize, without
the smallest interference with religious liberty, by natural operation
of knowledge and reflection. I heartily rejoice in the project."
So religious conversion and colonialism were to go hand in hand. As
Arun Shourie has pointed out in his recent book Missionaries in India,
European Christian missions were an appendage of the colonial
government, with missionaries working hand in glove with the
government. In a real sense, they cannot be called religious
organizations at all but an unofficial arm of the Imperial
Administration. (The same is true of many Catholic missions in Central
American countries who were, and probably are, in the pay of the
American CIA. This was admitted by a CIA director, testifying before
the Congress.)
The key point here is Macaulay's belief that 'knowledge and
reflection' on the part of the Hindus, especially the Brahmins, would
cause them to give up their age-old belief in favor of Christianity.
In effect, his idea was to turn the strength of Hindu intellectuals
against them, by utilizing their commitment to scholarship in
uprooting their own tradition. His plan was to educate the Hindus to
become Christians and turn them into collaborators. He was being very
naive no doubt, to think that his scheme could really succeed in
converting India to Christianity. At the same time it is a measure of
his seriousness that Macaulay persisted with the idea for fifteen
years until he found the money and the right man for turning his
utopian idea into reality.
In pursuit of this goal he needed someone who would translate and
interpret Indian scriptures, especially the Vedas, in such a way that
the newly educated Indian elite would see the differences between them
and the Bible and choose the latter. Upon his return to England, after
a good deal of effort he found a talented but impoverished young
German Vedic scholar by the name of Friedrich Max Muller who was
willing to undertake this arduous task.
Macaulay used his influence with the East India Company to find funds
for Max Muller's translation of the Rigveda. Though an ardent German
nationalist, Max Muller agreed for the sake of Christianity to work
for the East India Company, which in reality meant the British
Government of India. He also badly needed a major sponsor for his
ambitious plans, which he felt he had at last found.
This was the genesis of his great enterprise, translating the Rigveda
with Sayana's commentary and the editing of the fifty-volume Sacred
Books of the East. There can be no doubt at all regarding Max Muller's
commitment to the conversion of Indians to Christianity. Writing to
his wife in 1866 he observed:
It [the Rigveda] is the root of their religion and to show them what
the root is, I feel sure, is the only way of uprooting all that has
sprung from it during the last three thousand years.
Two years later he also wrote the Duke of Argyle, then acting
Secretary of State for India: "The ancient religion of India is
doomed. And if Christianity does not take its place, whose fault will
it be?" The facts therefore are clear: like Lawrence of Arabia in this
century, Max Muller, though a scholar was an agent of the British
government paid to advance its colonial interests.
But he remained an ardent German nationalist even while working in
England. This helps explain why he used his position as a recognized
Vedic and Sanskrit scholar to promote the idea of the 'Aryan race' and
'nation', both favorite slogans among German nationalists. Though he
was later to repudiate it, it was Max Muller as much as anyone who
popularized the notion of Arya as a race. This of course was to reach
its culmination in the rise of Hitler and the horrors of Nazism in our
own century.
Although it would be unfair to blame Max Muller for the rise of
Nazism, he, as an eminent scholar of the Vedas and Sanskrit, bears a
heavy responsibility for the deliberate misuse of a term in response
to the emotion of the moment. He was guilty of giving scriptural
sanction to the worst prejudice of his or any age. Not everyone
however was guilty of such abuse. Wilhem Schlegel, no less a German
nationalist, or romantic, always used the word 'Arya' to mean
honorable and never in a racial sense. Max Muller's misuse of the term
may be pardonable in an ignoramus, but not in a scholar of his
stature.
At the same time it should be pointed out that there is nothing to
indicate that Max Muller was himself a racist. He was a decent and
honorable man who had many Indian friends. He simply allowed himself
to be carried away by the emotion of the moment, and the heady feeling
of being regarded an Aryan sage by fellow German nationalists. To be
always in the public eye was a lifelong weakness with the man. With
the benefit of hindsight we can say that Max Muller saw the
opportunity and made a 'bargain with the devil' to gain fame and
fortune. It would be a serious error however to judge the man based on
this one unseemly episode in a many-sided life. His contribution as
editor and publisher of ancient works is great beyond dispute. He was
a great man and we must be prepared to recognize it.
Much now is made of the fact that Max Muller later repudiated the
racial aspects of this theory, claiming it to be a linguistic concept.
But this again owed more to winds of change in European politics than
to science or scholarship. Britain had been watching the progress of
German nationalism with rising anxiety that burst into near hysteria
in some circles when Prussia crushed France in the Franco-Prussian war
in 1871. This led to German unification under the banner of Prussia.
Suddenly Germany became the most populous and powerful country in
Western Europe and the greatest threat to British ambitions. Belief
was widespread among British Indian authorities that India and
Sanskrit studies had made a major contribution to German unification.
Sir Henry Maine, a former Vice Chancellor of Calcutta university and
an advisor to the Viceroy echoed the sentiment of many Englishmen when
he said: "A nation has been born out of Sanskrit."
This obviously was an exaggeration, but to the British still reeling
from the effects of the 1857 revolt, the specter of German unification
being repeated in India was very real. Max Muller though found himself
in an extremely tight spot. Though a German by birth he was now
comfortably established in England, in the middle of his lifework on
the Vedas and the Sacred Books of the East. His youthful flirtation
with German nationalism and this race theory could now cost him dear.
German unification was followed in England by an outburst of British
jingoism in which Bismarck and his policies were being daily
denounced; Bismarck had become extremely unpopular in England for his
expansionist policies. With his background as a German nationalist,
the last thing Max Muller could afford was to be seen as advocating
German ideology in Victorian England. He had no choice but to
repudiate his former theories simply to survive in England. He reacted
by hastily propounding a new 'linguistic theory.'
So in 1872, immediately following German unification, the culmination
of the century long dream of German nationalists, Friedrich Max Muller
marched into a university in German occupied France and dramatically
denounced the German doctrine of the Arya race. And just as he had
been an upholder of this race theory for the first twenty years of his
career, he was to remain a staunch opponent of it for the remaining
thirty years of his life. It is primarily in the second role that he
is remembered today, except by those familiar with the whole history.
Let us now take a final look at this famous theory. It was first a
theory of Europe created by Europeans to free themselves from the
Jewish heritage of Christianity. This was to lead to Hitler and
Nazism. This theory was later transferred to India and got mixed up
with the study of Sanskrit and European languages. Europeans, now
calling themselves Indo-Europeans became the invading Aryas and the
natives became the Dravidians. The British hired Max Muller to use
this theory to turn the Vedas into an inferior scripture, to help turn
educated Hindus into Christian collaborators. Max Muller used his
position as a Vedic scholar to boost German nationalism by giving
scriptural sanction to the German idea of the Arya race. Following
German unification under Bismarck, British public and politicians
became scared and anti-German. At this Max Muller, worried about his
position in England, got cold feet and wriggled out of his predicament
by denouncing his own former racial theory and turned it into a
linguistic theory. In all of this, one would like to know where was
the science?
As Huxley pointed out long ago, there was never any scientific basis
for the Arya race or their incursion. It was entirely a product - and
tool - of propagandists and politicians. Giving it a linguistic twist
was simply an afterthought, dictated by special circumstances and
expediency.
The fact that Europeans should have concocted this scenario, which by
repeated assertion became a belief system is not to be wondered at.
They were trying to give themselves a cultural identity, entirely
understandable in a people as deeply concerned about their history and
origins as the modern Europeans. But how to account for the tenacious
attachment to this fiction that is more propaganda than history on the
part of 'establishment' Indian historians? It is not greatly to their
credit that modern Indian historians - with rare exceptions - have
failed to show the independence of mind necessary to subject this
theory to a fresh examination and come up with a more realistic
version of history. Probably they lack also the necessary scientific
skills and have little choice beyond continuing along the same well-
worn paths that don't demand much more than reiterating nineteenth
century formulations.
It is not often that a people look to a land and culture far removed
from them in space and time for their inspiration as the German
nationalists did. This should make modern Indian historians examine
the causes in Europe for this unusual phenomenon. It is one of the
great failures of scholarship that they failed to do so.
We no longer have to continue along this discredited path. Now thanks
to the contributions of science — from the pioneering exploration of
V.S. Wakankar and his discovery of the Vedic river Sarasvati to Jha's
decipherment of the Indus script - we are finally allowed a glimpse
into the ancient world of the Vedic Age. The AI theory and its
creators and advocates are on their way to the dustbin of history.
Conclusion: historiography, not Indology is the answer
The rise and fall of Indology closely parallels the growth and decline
of European colonialism and the Euro-centric domination of Indian
intellectual life. (Marxism is the most extreme of Euro-centric
doctrines - a 'Christian heresy' as Bertrand Russell called it.) The
greatest failure of Indology has been its inability to evolve an
objective methodology for the study of the sources. Even after two
hundred years of existence, there is no common body of knowledge that
can serve as foundation, or technical tools that be used in addressing
specific problems. All that Indologists have given us are theories and
more theories, almost all of them borrowed from other disciplines. If
one went to botany to borrow tree diagrams for the study of languages,
another went to psychology to study sacrificial rituals, and a third -
followed by a whole battalion - borrowed the idea of the class
struggle from Marx to apply to Vedic society. Not one of them stopped
to think whether it would not be better to try to study the ancients
through the eyes of the ancients themselves. And yet ample materials
exist to follow such a course.
With the benefit of hindsight, even setting aside irrational biases
due to politics and Biblical beliefs, we can now recognize that
Indology has been guilty of two fundamental methodological errors.
First, linguists have confused their theories - based on their own
classifications and even whimsical assumptions - for fundamental laws
of nature that reflect historical reality.
Secondly, archaeologists, at least a significant number of them, have
subordinated their own interpretations to the historical, cultural,
and even the chronological impositions of the linguists. (Remember the
Biblical Creation in 4,004 BCE which gave this incursion in 1500 BCE!)
This has resulted in a fundamental methodological error of confounding
primary data from archaeology with modern impositions like the AI and
other theories and even their dates.
This mixing of unlikes - further confounded by religious beliefs and
political theories - is a primary source of the confusion that plagues
the history and archaeology of ancient India. In their failure to
investigate the sources, modern scholars - Indian scholars in
particular - have much to answer for.
As an immediate consequence of this, the vast body of primary
literature from the Vedic period has been completely divorced from
Harappan archaeology under the dogmatic belief that the Vedas and
Sanskrit came later. This has meant that this great literature and its
creators have no archaeological or even geographical existence. In our
view, the correct approach to breaking this deadlock is by a
combination of likes - a study of primary data from archaeology
alongside the primary literature from ancient periods.
This means we must be wary of modern theories intruding upon ancient
data and texts. The best course is to disregard them. They have
outlived their usefulness if they had any.
In the final analysis, Indology - like the Renaissance and the
Romantic Movement - should be seen as part of European history. And
Indologists - from Max Muller to his modern successors - have
contributed no more to the study of ancient India than Herodotus.
Their works tell us more about them than about India. It is time to
make a new beginning. The decipherment of the Indus script - and the
scientific methodology leading up to it - can herald this new
beginning.
This Article Reprinted With Permission of Author
Sid Harth
Unique conditions at the end of the Ice Age gave rise to agriculture
in Southeast Asia. Its spread to India made the Vedic civilization
possible.
By Navaratna Rajaram
Gift from Southeast Asia
Seven hundred years ago, Zhou Daguan, the envoy of the Chinese
Emperor Khubilai Khan stationed at the court of Indravarman III (1295
- 1307) at Angkor, noted an unusual natural phenomenon. During the
months from July to November, when the Mekong is in full spate, the
Tonle Sap, its major tributary in Cambodia, reverses direction and
flows back into a natural reservoir also called Tonle Sap ('Great
Lake').
The reason for this is the impact of the mighty Mekong. The floodwater
flow resulting from the combination of the summer monsoon and melting
glaciers is so great that the Mekong overflows into the Tonle Sap
channel, pushing it backwards into the lake. The lake more than
doubles in size, making Tonle Sap the largest freshwater lake in Asia.
When the hot season ends, the river reverses direction again and
resumes its normal southward flow. The lake level also falls.
Zhou Daguan recorded that this seasonal rise and fall in the water
level allowed local farmers and fishermen to harvest a variety of
'floating rice' that grew in the lake. It is a fast growing variety
that germinates in deep water and grows as much 4 inches in a single
day, eventually reaching a length of 20 feet. The rice always stays on
the surface because its rate of growth parallels the rate at which the
lake rises. In effect, nature performs 'transplanting,' a crucial step
in rice cultivation. It is an example of natural selection at work- of
a species adapting to fill a special niche in the environment.
It is also of great historical importance. It gives a clue as to how
rice cultivation began, launching the agricultural revolution. Genetic
studies show that the oldest rice species are found in the monsoon
belt from the Brahmaputra to the Mekong, which includes the Tonle Sap.
Wet rice cultivation was the result of humans copying this
extraordinary phenomenon, in which irrigation and transplanting
occurred naturally.
This forces us to revise the long held view that the agricultural
revolution began in the so-called 'Fertile Crescent' in West Asia some
8000 years ago. R.E and E.H Huke of the International Rice Research
Institute observe that recent archaeological evidence in North
Thailand "when viewed in conjunction with plant remains from 10,000
B.C. discovered in Spirit Cave on the Thailand-Myanmar border,
suggests that agriculture itself may be older than was previously
thought."
The Mekong - Tonle Sap system where agriculture may have been born.
Climatic conditions at northern latitudes were unsuitable for
agriculture: they were cold and arid and could not support large
populations. This rules out the Fertile Crescent as the birthplace of
agriculture. Natural history and archaeology both indicate that the
agricultural revolution began 12,000 years ago in tropical Asia. The
Tonle Sap region in Cambodia is the likeliest location.
Out of the Ice Age
Agricultural revolution was what made civilization possible. To
arrive at a reasonable date for the rise of civilization, we need to
know when climatic conditions turned favorable for the growth and
harvesting of wild species, especially rice- the first crop to be
cultivated. This happened when humans learnt to simulate under
artificial conditions, as near lakes and river deltas, the natural
phenomenon occurring at Tonle Sap. Post Ice Age natural history helps
shed light on it.
Great Lake (Tonle Sap) from the hilltop Shiva Temple at Angkor built
by Yashovarman I (889 - 910) (Photo: N.S. Rajaram)
The Ice Age ended nearly 15,000 years ago, not in one fell swoop but
in fits and starts with at least two mini ice ages known as the Older
Dryas and the Younger Dryas. Present conditions were reached about
10,000 years ago. Since then, the world climate has been stable. There
have been fluctuations of course, but nothing like the changes that
engulfed the world from 18,000 to 11,000 years ago. During the Ice
Age, most of the freshwater was locked in the Himalayan glaciers. This
had to end before nature could create condition so that species like
the Tonle Sap 'floating rice' could blossom forth.
During the Ice Age, the great Himalayan rivers from the Indus to the
Mekong either did not exist or were minor seasonal flows that could at
best support small populations that subsisted by hunting, fishing and
food gathering. The monsoon was also weak because low temperatures
meant less evaporation. Population centers were mainly in the tropics,
in tropical Asia and Africa. These were concentrated in the Savannahs
in Africa and by lakes and coastal regions in India and Southeast
Asia.
Communication between India and Southeast Asia was mainly by sea.
Maritime activity was facilitated by the fact that during the Ice Age
sea levels were nearly 400 feet lower than they are today. South
Indian and Southeast Asian land mass was greater in extent and easier
to navigate. A vast subcontinent, known as Sunda Land, larger than
India, was submerged when sea levels rose as the Ice Age ended. These
tropical lands, and not the temperate regions at higher latitudes like
the Fertile Crescent were where agriculture began. This is a
scientific fact.
The fabled towers of Angkor Wat, the world's largest Vishnu Temple
near the Great Lake, built by King Suryavarman II (1113 - 50).
Angkor Wat is derived from the Sanskrit Nagaravati. Angkor Thom is
Nagara-dhaama. (Photo: N.S. Rajaram)
The Vedic Age
The Vedic civilization was sustained by agriculture. What triggered
the agricultural revolution was the release of the frozen waters- an
event that transformed not only India but also East Asia. Temperatures
rose as much as 5 degrees Celsius, melting the Himalayan glaciers in
which enormous quantities of fresh water had been locked up as ice and
snow. Higher temperatures also meant increased evaporation and a more
vigorous monsoon. Lakes and rivers had two new sources of freshwater-
melting glaciers and the abundant monsoon. Great perennial rivers
burst forth from the Himalayas- Indus, Sutlej, Sarasvati (now dry),
Yamuna and Ganga in North India, and Brahmaputra, Irrawady and Mekong
to the east.
Of these the Sarasvati was the greatest- as the Rigveda
describes, and as science now confirms. It was flowing in all its
majesty from 8000 B.C. to 4,000 B.C. It began to decline about 3500
B.C. and dried up completely in the 2200 B.C. to 1900 B.C period.
Considering that agriculture had been mastered in Southeast Asia-in
Thailand and the Mekong region-no later than 10,000 B.C. or 12,000
years ago, the Sarasvati dates give a reasonable approximation for the
Vedic period. It means that in the post Ice Age period, it took some
2000 years for agriculture to make its way from its place of origin to
the Sarasvati river area. This is probably an underestimate.
This scenario is receiving increasing scientific support. River delta
cultivation of rice is known both in India and further east in Asia.
This means the skills needed for growing food grain were already in
place 10,000 years ago, even as newer crops like wheat and barley came
to be cultivated later. Genetic analysis has shown that Indian
livestock-the humped bull and the water buffalo-are of East Asian
origin. Indian and Southeast Asian human populations also are
genetically close.
We may note here that the claim that Indians, especially the upper
castes, carry European genes is unfounded. The M17 genetic marker,
which is supposed to be a 'Caucasian' trait, occurs with the highest
frequency and diversity in India. This means that among M17 carriers,
the Indian population is the oldest. The proponents of the now
discredited Aryan invasion have got both the origin and the direction
of movement wrong. It is different, however, with Southeast Asian
markers: their frequency in both South Indian and North Indian
populations is surprisingly high. This shows extensive gene exchange
between Indians and Southeast Asians.
So, on the basis of ecology, agriculture, livestock, and human
populations, we may safely conclude that the seeds for the growth of
agriculture and animal husbandry needed to sustain the Vedic
civilization existed by 10,000 B.C. The long-standing maritime
connections between India and Southeast Asia going back to the Ice Age
facilitated the transfer, beginning with river delta cultivation, once
humans mastered the skill of reproducing the phenomenon that occurred
naturally at places like Tonle Sap.
Space, time and civilization
To understand the origins of Vedic civilization, we need to recognize
that India and East Asia-the monsoon belt between the Indus and the
Mekong rivers-form a single ecological and cultural zone. It is
dominated by two natural forces- Himalayan glaciers and the summer
monsoon. The easiest means of communication has always been by sea. A
second line of transit was a more difficult land route running north
through Thailand, Burma and Assam. Expansion along this route was
facilitated by the practice of 'slash and burn' agriculture, in which
large tracts of forest are burnt down for cultivation. This forced
people to be on the move in search of new forest, because it takes
several decades for the burnt forest to regenerate. This was probably
how agriculture and livestock spread to parts of India from its origin
in the east, near the Mekong region. It accounts also for the close
biological connections between the species of the two regions.
Civilization, of which the Vedic is the oldest recorded, is a post Ice
Age phenomenon. It was made possible by the forces of nature that the
calamitous ending of the Ice Age unleashed. This has been evolving not
for centuries but over more than 10,000 years- from the birth of
agriculture in a peculiar ecological niche to the present day. It
shows that no civilization evolves in isolation. Our genes came from
Africa, agriculture from Southeast Asia and modern technology mostly
from the West. India too contributed many important things- from
mathematics to metallurgy.
Ultimately it is nature that makes everything possible. She is her own
mistress and chooses her own place and time to unleash the forces that
bring about momentous change. History is only an extension of natural
history.
This Article Reprinted With Permission of Author
N.S. Rajaram is a scientist and historian. He is currently working on
the book Mekong to Indus: A natural history of Vedic India.
Sid Harth
Cultural Cataracts
By Jack Hebner
"Juggernaut: a massive, inexorable force that crushes everything in
its path."
— Oxford Dictionary
Spiritual and intellectual efforts of hundreds of millions of people
over millennia have graced India with a rich and complex culture — a
culture whose subtlety knows no rival. During the last three centuries
the attempts of most Westerners to penetrate the spiritual dimension
of Indian culture has at best been doomed to superficiality.
Although some sincere seekers of truth from outside India's borders
have succeeded in their pursuit of Indian spirituality (and this is
increasing as time goes on), still, the vast majority of the Western
world remains caught in the slumber of misconception, much of which
can be traced to an insufficient fund of knowledge and misinformation.
Without the benefit of a preliminary briefing or education in Indian
spirituality, a newcomer to India is certainly at a decided
disadvantage, and is apt to view things according to his or her own
cultural or religious biases. Of course this cultural cataract has
marred many attempts to understand another's culture, yet the British
view of India is perhaps one of the most vivid examples of
misunderstanding that continues to take its toll today, some 40 years
after Indian independence. Thus perhaps the richest spiritual heritage
on Earth has been relegated to obscurity in modern times.
After a visit to India, Mark Twain once said, "East is East and West
is West and ne'er the twain shall meet." This is certainly true on the
physical plane, but the very nature of spirit is that it is neither
Eastern or Western. India has, as her trademark, demonstrated an
exemplary attitude of religious tolerance for many centuries,
accommodating a vast number of different religious traditions within
her borders: Jewish, Christian, Zorastrian, Muslim, and Hindu, among
others, thus demonstrating that religious harmony does not depend on
geographical considerations.
How the basic misconceptions about Indian spirituality first developed
vividly comes to light when we examine history between 1690 and 1947,
during which time Great Britain occupied India.
The British began their conquest of India from Calcutta, where they
established the East India Company — a business venture that was
destined to rule India with an iron fist for almost 250 years.
When the Britishers returned to their motherland, they depicted India
as a barbaric, uncivilized country filled with polytheism, mythology,
and idolatry. The scene they painted portrayed India as a country of
primitive worshipers bowed down before a ghastly statue of some god or
goddess. To them this represented one of the most hideous examples of
human degradation, one of those horrors of ignorance which the British
had long left behind. The British summed up India as a hodgepodge of
heathenistic superstitions. This attitude toward India and her
spirituality was shared by just about every Britisher in India and at
home, from the King and Queen of England down to the desk clerk at the
East India Company in Calcutta.
They felt nothing of value could be gained from the "primitive Hindus"
except their abundance of gold and jewels. However, in actuality the
British had stumbled upon the oldest and most civilized society — in
terms of spiritual culture — in the world. Sadly, the British view of
India was to become the prominent world view of India.
During the early days of imperial rule in India, the British received
some of their first impressions of India's spiritual culture via their
encounters in the holy city of Jagannath Puri — encounters which
plunged the British deep into severe cultural shock.
Jagannath Puri is located on the east coast of the Indian sub-
continent in the tropical state of Orissa, about 310 miles south of
Calcutta. It has been a holy place of pilgrimage for devout Hindus
since ancient times. The city is shaped like the silhouette of a
conchshell. The shape of the conchshell bears the spiritual
significance of Jagannath Puri being the abode of the Godhead, Vishnu,
who carries a conchshell as part of his eternal paraphernalia. In the
center of the conchshell silhouette there is a portion of raised
ground called Nilgiri or "the blue hill." On the crest of Nilgiri
stands an imposing temple complex dedicated to Vishnu as Jagannath,
"the Maintainer of the Universe." In Sanskrit jagat means the
universe, and natha means the maintainer.
It has been a standard practice in India since ancient times to
develop a city or village around a central holy shrine. Thus the
temple of Jagannath is established at the center of Jagannath Puri.
Situating the temple at the center of the city had a twofold
justification: apparent and transcendental. The apparent reason was a
practical one; the temple being in the center of the community
provided easy access for community gatherings. The transcendental
reason was a philosophical one: the people of ancient India conceived
of the Godhead as being at the center of the universe and at the
center of all activities in the universe. Thus the temple being at the
center of the community acted as a reminder that human life is
ultimately successful when everything is dedicated to the Godhead at
the nucleus.
The proper name of the temple in Jagannath Puri is Sri Mandir, and
according to the palm leaf chronicles therein, the temple has existed
for a very long time. The present temple structure, built in the
twelfth century by King Chodaganga Deva, soars 215 feet into the air
and spans an area of more than 428,000 square feet. Surrounding this
massive structure is a stone wall 20 feet high with four large gates:
the elephant gate, the lion gate, the horse gate, and the tiger gate.
These gates face north, east, south, and west respectively; the temple
itself faces east as is customary in Indian temple construction.
Within the main compound of Sri Mandir there are over one hundred
shrines of lesser importance which are committed to the demigods in
charge of universal affairs or the sub-controllers of the universe. In
the midst of these lesser shrines is the main temple hall called the
Bada-deula, in which resides the predominating deity of the temple,
Sri Jagannath. The deity's eyes are large and round like the lotus
flower, his complexion is blackish, and his nature is all-merciful to
his devotees.
Sri Mandir is one of the best examples of spiritual culture found
anywhere in India, past or present. The standards of worshiping the
deity have been going on for many centuries without interruption in
the grandest style imaginable. Fifty-four separate offerings of
vegetarian food are prepared daily and offered to Jagannath. For the
preparation of these offerings, an exceptionally large kitchen called
the bhoga mandap is required. This happens to be the largest kitchen
in Asia, and it employs 650 people as cooks and assistants.
It is believed that the food offered to Jagannath becomes prasadam,
"the mercy of God," which when eaten, destroys one's karmic reactions
and thus helps to purify one's existence. Over 50,000 people take
prasadam at the Jagannath temple every day.
Before entering the main shrine of the deity there is a finely crafted
hall with many pillars called the nata mandap or "dancing hall," and
pilgrims, devotees, and worshipers of Jagannath often perform dancing
and singing there for the pleasure of Jagannath. Previous to British
rule, the Jagannath temple maintained several hundred devi dasis, or
maidservants of Jagannath, who would frequently perform dance and
drama in the nata mandap. These devi dasis were considered the wives
of the deity, and thus they did not marry any man of the mortal world.
The system of the devi dasis was a voluntary one, and never involved
any kind of slavery, as was misconstrued by the British overlords
during their rule in India.
In the bada-deula main hall of Sri Mandir, Jagannath rests on a five-
foot-high stand called the ratna singhasan, the jeweled throne. The
deity itself is also about five feet tall. To the right of Jagannath
are two other thrones: one for Subhadra, the sister of Jagannath, and
one for Baladeva, the older brother of Jagannath.
According to the worshipers of Jagannath, Godhead is never alone. He
(in this case it is he, the male aspect of Godhead, purusha) is
eternally engaged in transcendental pastimes via the manifestation of
his own internal energies. These pastimes are said to exist eternally
on the absolute plane of reality. Godhead, they say, is complete in
his existence, yet for the pleasure of himself and his loving
servants, he creates a world of transcendental variegatedness called
the paravyoma, the spiritual sky. Subhadra and Baladeva are said to
exist in the spiritual sky as members of the divine family and are
thus worshiped along with Jagannath at Sri Mandir.
Six times a day beginning at 4 A.M. and ending at 9 P.M., the main
hall is open to the devotees for viewing the deity. This is called
darshan. During these times the worship of Jagannath is
enthusiastically performed and the devotees become absorbed in
ecstatic rapture.
How the deity of Jagannath appeared and came to be worshiped at
Jagannath Puri is an interesting story which one can learn from any of
the temple priests: A millennia ago there was a pious king named
Indradyumna who ruled the province of Malava, extending from Jagannath
Puri to the southern tip of India. King Indradyumna was a spiritual-
minded man, and as such he always favored the association of sages and
saintly persons. One day while listening to the sages, the king heard
that the ultimate realization is that of the personal form of Godhead.
From that day on the king cultivated a desire to see the form of
Godhead in the core of his heart. Knowing that such a desire may take
many lifetimes to perfect, the king continued to rule his kingdom and
to associate with the saints and sages.
One night King Indradyumna had a dream that Vishnu came to him. During
this dream, Vishnu said that the king would find a wooden log at the
seashore and that he should take this special log and get it carved
into a deity according to the direction found in the Shilpa Shastra,
the authorized scripture which governs such things. When the king
awoke from his dream he was exceedingly happy and went directly to the
seashore, where he found a very large log lying on the beach.
King Indradyumna's men carried the heavy log back to the palace, and
the king ordered his carpenters to begin the wood carving. However,
the wood was so hard that whoever tried to carve it simply broke his
tools. The king was very perplexed and thus he took rest for the
night.
The next day, Vishvakarma, the architect of the celestial world, came
to see King Indradyumna. Vishvakarma informed the king that the log
which he had found at the seashore was daru-brahman or divine wood.
Vishvakarma said that it would not be possible for any mortal to carve
this wood, but that he himself would do it if the king desired.
As Vishvakarma prepared to do his work, he informed King Indradyumna
that there was one stipulation: no one should be allowed to observe
the work of carving until everything was complete. Vishvakarma said
that if his meditation were disturbed, he would immediately abandon
the king and return to the celestial world. The king agreed.
Many days passed and King Indradyumna patiently waited while
Vishvakarma carved away in a secluded chamber. Unfortunately, the
king's wife Gundicha was not so patient as her husband; Gundicha
repeatedly urged her husband to take a peek at the progress.
Remembering his agreement with Vishvakarma, King Indradyumna was
naturally reluctant. Then one day, the noise of hammering and
chiseling stopped and not even the slightest sound could be heard
coming from Vishvakarma's studio. The suspense of silence pushed the
king to the edge of his patience and he and Gundicha slowly opened the
door to the studio. Before the door was halfway open, Vishvakarma
vanished from sight, leaving his tools on the floor and his work
unfinished.
King Indradyumna was mortified at this turn of events and his heart
felt heavily burdened. In order to expiate for the interruption and
incomplete work, the king decided to fast until death. While fasting
he again had a dream in which Vishnu told him that the incompleted
forms of the deities were in fact perfectly worshipable forms. The so-
called incompleteness, he said, represented bodily transformations
resulting from intense love in separation, a particular ecstatic mood
known as vipralambha. In the case of Jagannath, it was the purusha's
longing for his female aspect prakruti in intimacy. Overjoyed by these
instructions, King Indradyumna arranged for the building of a
beautiful temple and for the worship of the deity which continues even
to this day.
The British regarded all these stories about the appearance of
Jagannath as mythology and never took them seriously. Neither did the
British ever enter the temple to observe the loving ecstasy of the
devotees who worship Jagannath. They assumed the whole affair to be
idol worship. However, there was one occasion when the British did get
the opportunity to see Jagannath face to face and to witness the great
devotion of his devotees. Every year the temple of Jagannath holds a
marvelous festival called Ratha Yatra. It appears from the temple
records that this festival is the oldest regularly performed spiritual
function in human society.
The Ratha Yatra is held annually in mid-July and lasts for several
days. Preparations begin months before with the construction of three
exceptionally large chariots or rathas. To build the large chariots,
vast amounts of wood are required, which is brought to the main road
in front of the temple and placed in stacks. Day and night workers
paint the individual parts of the chariot and begin to assemble them
one by one; soon the shape of the chariots becomes manifest.
Each chariot towers three stories high while standing on sixteen
wheels. When the super-structure is complete, the upper portion of
each chariot is covered with a brightly colored canopy of red, yellow,
black, and green silk. The wheels are eight feet in diameter and a
slightly sagging hand rail encloses the upper deck of the chariot. On
top of the canopy there is an impressive gold spire flanked by two
green parrots carved in wood and a yellow silk flag.
Pilgrims are astonished to see the beautiful decorations of the
chariots. The chariots have a celestial beauty and appear as high as a
great mountain. The decorations include bright mirrors, white whisks,
pictures, sculptures, brass bells, and iron gongs. When the chariots
are completed, thousands and thousands of pilgrims begin to arrive
from all over India. On the actual day of the festival, over one
million people are present, including some of the top ministers in the
Indian government, generals from the army, and occasionally even the
prime minister. At the lion gate everyone gathers with an intense
eagerness as they wait for Jagannath to be brought from the temple and
placed on his chariot. Suddenly, heralded by the blowing of
conchshells, the smiling face of Jagannath appears in the doorway of
the temple. The crowd stands, jumps, and shouts a welcome praise to
the Lord of the universe, "Jagannath kijay! Jagannath kijay! Jagannath
kijay!"
As the deity emerges from the temple he is supported on both sides by
strongly built men called dayitas. A series of sturdy cotton pillows
called tulis are spread out from the temple door to the chariot, and
the heavy deity of Jagannath is carried from one pillow-like pad to
the next. Moving from pillow to pillow with a graceful swaying motion,
Jagannath gradually ascends his chariot.
The dayitas say,"Jagannath is the maintainer of the whole universe.
Therefore, who can carry him from one place to the next? Jagannath
moves by his personal will just to perform his pastimes." This first
aspect of the festival where Jagannath mounts his chariot is called
the pandu-vijay and takes about one hour.
The deities of Subhadra and Baladeva are similarly transported to
their chariots as the parade is about to begin. Joining Jagannath on
his chariot are dozens of enthusiastic servants and devotees.
Surrounding the chariots are devotees from Bengal and Orissa who begin
to sing melodious devotional songs accompanied by the music of clay
drums and hand cymbals. A minister of the government then comes
forward and sweeps the road in front of the chariots with a gold and
silver broom. Then sandalwood-scented water is sprinkled on the
freshly swept road. Seeing the highly posted minister engaged in
menial service to the deity, the people become very happy.
Four long, extra-heavy ropes are attached to the front of each chariot
and extended into the crowd of people. Taking the ropes in hand, a
hundred or more people on each rope, everyone awaits the signal from
the chariot driver to begin to pull. A whistle sounds one long blast,
the rope tightens, and the chariot begins to roll. The huge wooden
wheels wobble from side to side as they squeak and turn on their heavy
wooden axles. The chariot pullers, called gaudas, pull with great
happiness. The chariot sometimes moves quickly, sometimes slowly.
Mysteriously the chariots sometimes come to a complete stop even
though everyone is pulling very hard. It appears that the chariots are
moving by the will of Jagannath. Making their way along a stretch of
road for about three miles, the chariots arrive in front of the
Gundicha temple, where they remain for some days and then return to
the Jagannath temple in a similar manner.
There is a profound spiritual meaning behind the Ratha Yatra which the
great sages and devotees of Jagannath have described thus: "The
worship of Jagannath is generally conducted on a grand scale of awe
and reverence wherein his devotees see and revere him as the Supreme
Godhead. This mood of awe and reverence, however, is not as pleasing
to Jagannath as the mood of spontaneous love of God exhibited by his
most confidential devotees the gopis, the milkmaids of Vrindavan. In
the mood of awe and reverence, Jagannath is always found in the
company of Lakshmi, the goddess of fortune. But sometimes Jagannath
remembers the intimate loving affairs between himself and the gopis,
and thus he is overwhelmed with feelings of separation and desires to
return to Vrindavan. Jagannath then leaves his temple and mounts his
chariot to go to Vrindavan and meet with the gopis. As Jagannath sees
the white stretch of sandy road in front of his chariot with beautiful
gardens on both sides, he is reminded of the Yamuna River and the
groves of Vrindavan where he sported with his gopis. Jagannath's mind
becomes filled with pleasure at these thoughts and he smiles
intensely."
The esoteric meaning of the Ratha Yatra combined with the actual
beauty of the event have inspired many devotees to compile excellent
songs and poetry in praise of Jagannath. Famous in Jagannath Puri are
the beautiful verses known as Jagannath-astakam, which are vibrated
from the lips of thousands of pilgrims during the festival:
"Sometimes in great happiness Jagannath, with his flute, makes a loud
concert in the groves on the banks of the Yamuna. He is like a
bumblebee who tastes the beautiful faces of the cowherd damsels of
Vrindavan, and his lotus feet are worshiped by great personalities
such as Lakshmi, Shiva, Brahma, Indra, and Ganesh. May that Jagannath
be the object of my vision."
"In his left hand Jagannath holds a flute. On his head he wears a
peacock's feather, and on his hips he wears fine yellow silken cloth.
Out of the corners of his eyes he bestows sidelong glances upon his
loving devotees, and he always reveals himself through his pastimes in
his divine abode of Vrindavan. May Jagannath be the object of my
vision."
"Jagannath is an ocean of mercy and he is beautiful like a row of
blackish rain clouds. He is the storehouse of bliss for Lakshmi, the
goddess of fortune, and Saraswati, the goddess of learning, and his
face is like a spotless, full-blown lotus. He is worshiped by the best
of demigods and sages, and his glories are sung by the Upanishads. May
that Jagannath be the object of my vision."
"When Jagannath is on his chariot and is moving along the road, at
every step there is a loud presentation of prayers and songs chanted
by large numbers of brahmanas (priests). Hearing their hymns,
Jagannath is very favorably disposed towards them. He is the ocean of
mercy and the true friend of all the worlds. May that Jagannath be the
object of my vision."
Unfortunately, the British did not have the same visions of Jagannath
as did his devotees. Not only did they see something less beautiful
and charming but they saw something quite ghastly. Perhaps it was a
projection of their own inner natures since it was they who had come
to India as conquerors and not as seekers of truth.
The British described Jagannath as "a frightful visage painted black,
with a distended mouth of bloody horror." Seeing the grand procession
of the Ratha Yatra, the British experienced further disdain and coined
the term "juggernaut." This word gradually found its way into the
Oxford Dictionary with the meaning "a massive, inexorable force that
crushes everything in its path." It could hardly be expected that the
British should have immediately fallen in love with Jagannath or
worshiped him, but at least they could have investigated the meaning
and philosophy behind him. Instead they maligned Jagannath to the
world as "a horrible, bloodthirsty idol." Lamentable as it was, the
British view of India spread throughout the world, and thus for
centuries the real beauty of India's spiritual conceptions remained
undiscovered.
But fortunately, we in the Western world are gradually maturing
culturally, and are becoming more open-minded and receptive than ever
before to learning what India has to offer the West. And Jagannath's
big eyes are still beaming, and his wide smile still invites all
people to come to Jagannath Puri every year to enjoy the spiritual
bliss of the Ratha Yatra. I have seen this festival with my own eyes,
and I doubt that I will ever experience anything quite as prodigious
and jubilant in my life.
Reprinted from Clarion Call Magazine with permission.
Sid Harth
Henry Thomas Colebrooke and the East India Company
By Ludo Rocher, Rosane Rocher
Price: $140.00
ISBN: 978-0-415-33601-7
Binding: Hardback
Published by: Routledge
Publication Date: 1st July 2010 (Available for Pre-order)
Pages: 368
Illustrations: 10 b+w photos
About the Book
Henry Thomas Colebrooke was an East India Company civil servant who
became the father of modern Indology. He embodies the significant
passage from the speculative yearnings attendant on eighteenth century
colonial expansion, to the professional, transnational ethos of
nineteenth century intellectual life and scholarly enquiry. Written by
renowned academics in the field of Indology, and drawing on new
sources, this book traces, explains and evaluates Colebrooke's
importance. This modern biography will contribute to the reassessment
of Oriental studies that is currently taking place.
Table of Contents
1. From Heir to the Crown to Turnspit (London, 1765–1782) 2. Against
the Grain (Rural Bengal, 1783–1794) 3. Law and Sanskrit (Mirzapur,
1794–1801) 4. Matter of Duty (Calcutta, 1802–1807) 5. Theorist of the
Bengal Government (Calcutta, 1807–1814) 6. Paragon of Scholarship
(London, 1815–1837) 7. Legacy egacy
© 2007 Routledge, member of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa
Business
Sid Harth
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Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Indology is a name given by indologists to the academic study of the
history, languages, and cultures of South Asia.
Overview
Indology overlaps to some extent with many other areas of study,
applying their techniques to the South Asian case. These
includecultural orsocial anthropology, cultural studies, historical
linguistics, philology,textual criticism,literary
history,history,philosophies and the study of thereligions of South
Asia, such as Vedic religion, Brahmanism, Jainism, Buddhism, Shaivism,
Vaishnavism, Sikhism, etc., besides the indigenous forms of Judaism,
Christianity and Islam in South Asia.
Finally it may include the study of South Asian forms of art and
architecture.
Scholars who call themselves indologists often place special value on
a thoroughknowledge of the languages of India, especially the
classical languages such as Sanskrit, PÄ li, Prakrit, or classical
Tamil, and they consider a knowledge of one or more of these
languages, coupled with a knowledge of the methods of philology, to be
a prerequisite for contributing meaningfully to the indological
research and a characteristic feature of indology as a field.
Thus, Indology is the intellectual pursuit of all things Indic, with a
focus on the interpretation of the past. Some scholars distinguish
classical indology frommodern indology, the former more focussed on
Sanskrit and other ancient language sources, thelatter making more use
of contemporary language sources and sociological approaches.
The term Indology or (in German) Indologie [1] is often associated
with German scholarship, and is used more commonly in departmental
titles in German and continental European universities than in the
anglophone academy.
History
South Asian Studies
Indology may also be known as Indic studies or Indian studies, or
South Asian studies, although scholars and university administrators
sometimes have only partially overlapping interpretations of these
nomenclatures.
Indology would not typically include the study of the contemporary
economy, government, or politics of South Asia, except insofar as
these sometimes express issues that are deeply embedded in SouthAsian
history, and may be illuminated by indological methods and insights.
Criticisms of Indology and South Asian Studies
Claims of Bias in South Asian Studies have often been made. Such real
or perceived bias can imply old-fashioned and prejudiced outsider
interpretations of Eastern cultures and peoples:
*Biased interpretation of Indian history. For example James Mill's
History of India downplays Indian history.Mill 1858 Some Hindus also
exaggerate some aspects of Indian history.
*One-sided, unfair, exaggerated or exclusively negative presentation
of some aspects of Hinduism or Indian culture. For example
exaggerations or misrepresentations about Hindu theology,
misrepresentations about the status of women in Hinduism, etc.
*Claims that the Indological scholarship of Indians themselves is not
scientific or that it is motivated by political motives, i.e. by
Marxist, nationalist, Hindu, Muslim, Dravidian separatist or other
motives.
*Claims that India has not produced any worthwhile
literature.Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 1835, Minute on Indian
education. Claims that Indian languages are not scholarly languages
(e.g. the linguist Michael Witzel wrote about the Indian Talageri that
he "cannot read any scholarly language besides English").Michael
Witzel, 2001, Westward Ho, Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies Vol. 7
(2001), issue 2 (March 31).
Historians have noted that during the British Empire "evangelical
influence drove British policy down a path that tended to minimize and
denigrate the accomplishments of Indian civilization and to position
itself as the negation of the earlier British Indomania that was
nourished by belief in Indian wisdom." Trautmann 1997:113
In Charles Grant highly influential "Observations on the ...Asiatic
subjects of Great Britain" (1796),Grant, Charles. (1796) Observations
on the state of society among the Asiatic subjects of Great Britain,
particularly with respect to morals; and on the means of improving it,
written chiefly in the year 1792. Grant criticized the Orientalists
for being too respectful to Indian culture and religion. His work
tried to determine the Hindu's "true place in the moral scale", and he
alleged that the Hindus are "a people exceedingly depraved".
Lord Macaulay, who introduced English education into India, claimed:
"I have never found one among them who could deny that a single shelf
of a good European library was worth the whole native literature of
India and Arabia." http://www.atributetohinduism.com/FirstIndologists.htm
He wrote that Arabic and Sanskrit works on medecine contain "medical
doctrines which would disgrace an English Farrier - Astronomy, which
would move laughter in girls at an English boarding school - History,
abounding with kings thirty feet high, and reigns thirty thousand
years long - and Geography made up of seas of treacle and seas of
butter".Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 1835:242-243, Minute on Indian
education. He advocated to create a middle Anglicised class that was
"Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in
morals, and in intellect".Macaulay, Thomas Babington, 1835:249, Minute
on Indian education. This class of anglicized Indians would then in
turn anglicize the Indian people.
One of the most influential historians of India during the British
Empire, James Mill was criticized for being prejudiced against Hindus.
His work "History of British India" (1817) may be the "single most
important source of British Indophobia and hostility to
Orientalism".Trautmann 1997:117 The Indologist H.H. Wilson wrote that
the tendency of Mill's work is "evil".H.H. Wilson 1858 in James Mill
1858, The history of British India, Preface of the editor Mill claimed
that both Indians and Chinese people are cowardly, unfeeling and
mendacious. Both Mill and Grant attacked Orientalist scholarship that
was too respectful of Indian culture: "It was unfortunate that a mind
so pure, so warm in the pursuit of truth, and so devoted to oriental
learning, as that of Sir William Jones, should have adopted the
hypothesis of a high state of civilization in the principal countries
of Asia."Mill, James - 1858, 2:109, The history of British India. Karl
Marx's writings were also prejudiced against Indians. [2]
However, the Indologists were also often under pressure from
missionary and colonial interest groups, and were frequently
criticized by them.
References
Further reading
*Heinz Bechert, Georg von Simson - Einführung in die Indologie.
Stand, Methoden, Aufgaben - ISBN 3534054660.
*Bryant, Edwin. The Quest for the origins of Vedic culture. (2001)
Oxford University Press
*Chakrabarti, Dilip: Colonial Indology, 1997, Munshiram Manoharlal:
New Delhi.
*Elst, Koenraad. (1999) Update on the Aryan Invasion Theory ISBN
81-86471-77-4
*Edmund Leach. ``Aryan Invasions Over Four Millennia. In``Culture
Through Time (edited by Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney, Stanford University
Press, 1990)
*Jean Filliozat and Louis Renou - L'inde classique - ISBN B0000DLB66.
*Gauri Viswanathan, 1989, Masks of Conquest
*Kazanas, Nicholas (2001) The AIT and Scholarship [3]
*Pollock, Sheldon. Deep Orientalism?: Notes on Sanskrit and Power
Beyond the Raj. In: Orientalism and the Postcolonial Predicament:
Perspectives on South Asia, eds. Carol A. Breckenridge and Peter van
der Veer. Philadelphia:University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993.
*Talageri, Shrikant. The Rigveda: A Historical Analysis. 2000. ISBN
81-7742-010-0 [4]
*Talageri, Shrikant. Michael Witzel - An examination of his review of
my book. 2001.
*Trautmann, Thomas. 1997. Aryans and British India, University of
California Press, Berkeley.
See also
* Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune
* Sanskrit
* Sinology
External links
*http://www.indopedia.org/Main_Page.html
*http://www.indology.net/start.php
*http://indology.info/
*http://www.ifpindia.org/-Indology-.html
*http://www.uni-tuebingen.de/indologie/
*http://www.indologie.unizh.ch/
*http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/abt/IND/
*http://www.sai.uni-heidelberg.de/abt/MIND/
*http://www.indologie.uni-halle.de/
*http://www.indologie.uni-mainz.de/
Criticisms
*Biases in Hinduism Studies: PART-I
*Are Hinduism studies prejudiced? A look at Microsoft Encarta
*Western Indologists: A Study in Motives
*Edmund Leach on Racism & Indology
*Rosser, Yvette. (2002) The Groan: Loss of Scholarship and High Drama
in 'South Asian' Studies [5]
*Limp Scholarship and Demonology
*Indology:Past is prologue
*Aryan Invasion Some quotations from Indologists on the AIT
*Thus spake Mr. Witzel "A Harvard University Case Study in
Prejudice?" (2005) (pdf)
*First indologists From "A Tribute to Hinduism"
*The First Indologists by Satsvarupa dasa Goswami
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History
Bhandarka Oriental Research Institute, Pune India
1915, July 6:
Meeting of persons interested in Orientology in Anadashrama, Pune, at
which it was decided to found the Bhandarkar Oriental Research
Institute in honour of Prof. Dr. Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar's
outstanding work in the field of Orientology.
1916:
The Institute's first Patron was Shrimant Narayanrao Babasaheb
Ghorpade, Chief of Ichalkaranji, whose donation of Rs. 1,000/- right
at the very start made it possible for the Working Committee to carry
on the work of the Institute in its initial stage.
The First person to contribute Rs. 100/- and be a Life Member of the
Institute (in advance) was V. G. Bijapurkar, a former pupil of Prof.
Dr. Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar.
1917, July 6:
Prof. Dr. Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar's eighty-first birthday.
Foundation of the BORI.
Presentation of Commemoration Volume to Prof. Dr. Sir Ramakrishna
Gopal Bhandarkar.
President: Lord Willingdon, H. E. Governor of Bombay.
1917, September:
Completion of the J. N. Tata Hall of the Institute's Building.
Bhandarkar presented his valuable library to the Institute.
1918, April 1:
The Manuscript Collection of the Government of Bombay transferred to
the Institute. The Institute also decided to build up its own
collection of manuscripts.
The Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series transferred to the Institute
for management.
1918, August 11:
Constitution of the Institute adopted at the meeting of the General
Body.
Election of the first Regulating Council.
1918, September 8:
First Meeting of the Regulating Council.
Election of the first Executive Board.
1918, September 10:
First Meeting of the Executive Board.
Dr. P. D. Gune was elected the first Honorary Secretary.
Completion of the Curator's Quarters.
1918, September 13:
Prof. N. B. Utgikar appointed to act as Curator.
1919, April 1:
Inauguration of the work of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata
by Prof. Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar who wrote down the usually supposed
first stanza on the collation sheet.
1919, April 26:
Prof. P. K. Gode appointed to act as Curator.
1919, November 5-7:
The first session of the Indian Oriental Conference (which later came
to be called the All India Oriental Conference) organised by the
Institute at Poona. President: Prof. Dr. Sir Ramakrishna Gopal
Bhandarkar.
Publication of the Institute's research journal, Annals of the
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (ABORI), started.
1922, July 6:
Completion of the Khetsi-Khaisi Manuscript Hall (South Wing of the
Tata Hall) and the Mahabharata Hall (North Wing).
1923, February 11:
Dr. V. G. Paranjape was elected Honorary Secretary.
The Virataparvan of the Mahabharata: Tentative Edition published
1924:
Government Oriental Series inaugurated.
1925, August 1:
Dr. V. S. Sukthankar appointed General Editor of the Mahabharata.
1925, August 24:
Rishipanchami: Prof. Dr. Sir R. G. Bhandarkar passed away. (Since
then the Institute has been solemnising the Bhandarkar Death-
Anniversary on the Rishipanchami every year).
1925, October 18:
BORI Press started with a composing room.
1927, July 6:
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar was elected Honorary Secretary
The first fascicule of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata
published.
1931, August 4:
Gift of the Siamese Tripitaka from the Government of Siam.
1932, July:
Completion of the Institute's Guest House (Nizam's Guest House).
1933, July 6:
Dr. V. S. Sukthankar elected as Honorary Secretary.
1933, October:
Completion of the Press Building.
1935:
Publication of the Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts was started.
1939, July 6:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar was elected Honorary Secretary of the Institute.
The Bhandarkar Oriental Series started.
1940, April 22:
The British Academy sanctioned a token grant for the Mahabharata
(“The Academy has been impressed by the unanimity of many scholars
warmly approving the work of the BORI as apparent in the published
portion of the Critical Edition”).
1941, December 3:
Gift of the Chinese Tripitaka from the Government of China.
1942, July 6:
Inauguration of the Silver Jubilee Celebrations.
President: Sir Chimanlal Setalvad
Main Speaker: Father Heras
1943, January 4-5:
Silver Jubilee Celebrations.
President: Dr. S. Radhakrishnan
Special Publications: (1) Silver Jubilee Volume of ABORI;
(2) Progress of Indic Studies.
1943, January 21:
Death of Dr. V. S. Sukthankar.
1943, April 1:
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar appointed as General Editor of the Mahabharata.
1943, December 31:
The Institute was registered as the Central Office of the All India
Oriental Conference; Prof. R. N. Dandekar, Honorary Secretary of the
Institute was elected General Secretary of the Conference.
1945, September 1:
Mahatma Gandhi and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel visited the Institute.
1948, May:
The University of Poona started functioning with its office in the
Institute's Guest House.
1949, January 16:
Dr. S. K. Belvalkar appointed Director of Post-Graduate and Research
(PGR) Department of University work.
1949, March:
The Institute obtained recognition as a Constituent Institution of
the University of Poona.
1951, March 10:
Dr. R. D. Karmarkar appointed Director of PGR Department.
1954, November 19:
Work on the Critical Edition of the Harivamsha formally inaugurated
by H. E. President of India Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
1955, September:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar elected Vice-President of the International
Council for Philosophy and Humanistic Studies (CIPSH) of the UNESCO.
1956, August 1:
Announcement of publication of Shantiparvan 1-3 and Shalyaparvan 1 by
Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Prime Minister of India.
1956, October 1:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar was appointed the Member-Secretary of the
Sanskrit Commission of the Government of India; office of the
commission was located at the Institute (1956-1958).
1956, December 11:
Visit of H. H. the Dalai Lama.
Publication of the Post-Graduate and Research Department Series
started.
1957, July 6:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar appointed as the Joint General Editor of
Mahabharata.
1959, March:
Extension of the Manuscripts Hall (South Wing) completed.
1959, March 31:
Prof. C. R. Devdhar appointed as Director of PGR Department.
1960, July 6:
Prof. A. D. Pusalkar appointed as Director of the PGR Department.
1961, April 1:
Prof. P. L. Vaidya appointed as General Editor of Mahabharata on the
retirement of Dr. S. K. Belvalkar.
1961, May 28:
Death of Prof. P. K. Gode, Curator of the Institute.
1961, June 1:
Prof. A. D. Pusalkar appointed as Curator.
1962, January 26:
Padma Bhushan awarded to Prof. R. N. Dandekar by H. E. President of
India.
1962, April 24:
Full financial assistance sanctioned for the Critical Edition of the
Harivamsha jointly by the Government of India and the Government of
Maharashtra.
1962, July 6:
Setting up of printing machine in the BORI Press.
1962, November 17:
Announcement of publication of the fifth and last Volume of Dr. P. V.
Kane's History of Dharmashastra by H. E. President of India Dr. S.
Radhakrishnan.
1962, November:
Building for Library and PGR Department completed.
1963, April:
UNESCO grant for the Mahabharata through CIPHS.
1964, January 4-10:
26th International Congress of Orientalists was organised at New
Delhi. Prof. R. N. Dandekar was appointed Academic Secretary for the
Congress. Following Publications of the Congress were edited and
printed at the Institute:
(1) Summaries of Papers
(2) Oriental Studies in India
(3) Proceedings of the 26th International Congress of Orientalists
Vol. III (Part 1 and 2) and Vol. IV.
1966, September 22:
Announcement of the completion of the Critical Edition of the
Mahabharata by H. E. President of India Dr. Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan.
1967, January 8:
Death of Dr. S. K. Belvalkar.
1967, March 31:
Grant from the Order of Reiyukai, Japan, for the Institute's Buddhist
Publications.
1967, July 6:
Fiftieth Foundation Day.
1968, May 17:
Golden Jubilee Celebrations.
Chief Guest: H. E. President of India Dr. Zakir Husain.
Special Publication: Golden Jubilee Volume of the ABORI.
1969, June 16:
Professor P.K. Gode Memorial Lectureship (donated by the Gode
Collected Works Publication Committee) instituted.
1971, November:
Completion of the Critical Edition of the Harivamsha
1972, June 1:
Prof. G. K. Bhat appointed as the Director of the PGR Department and
the Curator.
1973, July:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar elected President of the International Union for
Oriental and Asian Studies (re-elected on subsequent occasions).
1975 September 9:
Fiftieth death-anniversary of Publication of the critical Prof. Dr.
Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar. Address by Prof. D. C. Sircar.
Special Publication: Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar as an Indologist: A
Symposium (1976).
Publication of the Research Unit Started.
1976, September:
Publication of the Critically Constituted Text of the Mahabharata and
Harivamsha
1976, October 9:
The Birth Centenary of Prof. Dharmananda Kosambi solemnised.
Dr. P. V. Bapat presented Burmese Tripitaka to the Institute.
1976, December 27:
Professor Dharmananda Kosambi Memorial Lectureship (donated by the
Dharmananda Kosambi Smaraka Samiti) instituted.
1977, July 6:
Sixtieth Foundation Day of the Institute.
President: Shri. Sadiq Ali, H. E. Governor of Maharashtra.
Address: Prof. R. N. Dandekar.
1978, February 25:
Death of Dr. P.L. Vaidya.
1978, June 1-3:
Diamond Jubilee of the Institute.
President: Shri. Sadiq Ali, H. E. Governor of Maharashtra.
Special Publication: Diamond Jubilee Volume of the ABORI.
Twenty-ninth AIOC.
President: Prof. J. Gonda
1978, October 20:
Prof. K. V. Abhyankar Memorial Lectureship (donated by Abhyankar
family) and Prof. P. D. Gune Memorial Lectureship and Pandit Shripad
Shastri Deodhar Memorial Lectureship (donated by Acharya V. P. Limaye)
instituted.
1979, April 2:
Dr. V. G. Rahurkar appointed as Curator.
1979, April 26:
Dr. S.V. Sohoni donated his library to the Institute.
1979, May 23:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar elected the President of the International
Association of Sanskrit Studies (re-elected on subsequent occasions).
1979, June 1 : Dr. T. G. Mainkar appointed as Director of the PGR
Department.
1979:
Honorary D. Litt. (Vachaspati) conferred upon Prof. R. N. Dandekar by
the Sampurnananda Sanskrit Vishva Vidyalaya, Varanasi.
1980, December 4:
Yakushiji Temple, Nara (Japan) presented the Taisho Tripitaka (Second
Edition 1962) consisting of 87 volumes.
1981, October 21-26:
Fifth World Sanskrit Conference, Varanasi, India.
President: Prof. R. N. Dandekar. Following publications of the
Conference were edited and printed at the Institute:
(1) Summaries of Papers,
(2) Sanskrit Studies in India,
(3) Sanskrit Studies outside India,
(4) Proceedings of the 5th World Sanskrit Conference.
1981, October 26:
Honorary D. Litt. conferred upon Prof. R. N. Dandekar by the Banaras
Hindu University, Varanasi.
1981:
Korean Tripitaka presented to the Institute.
1982, March:
Donation to the Institute of Rs. 20,000/- from Shri. Firodia Trust,
Ahmednagar for microfilming the Jaina manuscripts in the Institute's
Collection.
1982, May 18:
Prof. Dr. G. B. Palsule appointed as the Director of the PGR
Department.
1983, July:
Completion of the Library Building Extension.
1983, August 1:
Project of the Mahabharata: Cultural Index (as a prelude to the
Epilogue of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata), which had
undergone several vicissitudes, was reorganised; Prof. Dr. M. A.
Mehendale was appointed as Editor.
1983, December:
Donation of Rs. 16,28,586/- from Dr. R. M. Marathey, London.
1984, July 6:
BORI Fellowships for post-graduate study instituted.
1984, December 1:
Work on the project of a Critical Edition of the Mahabhashyadipika
(sponsored by the University Grants Commission) started.
1985, March 30:
Honorary D. Litt. conferred upon Prof. R. N. Dandekar by the
University of Poona.
1985, April 1:
Prof. P. D. Navathe appointed as Curator.
1985, November 8:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar relinquished the office of General Secretary of
the AIOC which he had held for 42 years. Prof. Dr. S. D. Joshi
selected as the General Secretary.
1986, September 16:
Professor T. G. Mainkar Memorial Lectureship (donated by Smt.
Malatibai Mainkar) inaugurated.
1987, April 1:
Work on the project of A Comprehensive Dictionary of Prakrit
Languages started. Grant of Rs. 5,00,000/- from the Sanmati Tirtha,
Poona, for the project.
Chief Editor: Prof. A. M. Ghatge.
1987, July 6:
150th Birth-Anniversary of Sir Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar.
1987, August 1:
Dr. S. D. Laddu appointed as Director of the PGR Department.
1987, August 10:
Donation of Rs. 1,00,000/- from V. V. Sikhare
1987, August 19:
Donation of Rs. 1,00,000/- from S. B. Joshi
1987:
Extension of the Mahabharata Hall (North Wing) of the Institute's
Building completed.
1988, February 23:
150th Birth-Anniversary celebration of Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar; Formal
Inauguration of the Project of A Comprehensive Dictionary of Prakrit
Languages.
Publication of other works.
President: H. E. President of India Shri. R. Venkataraman.
1988, June 10:
Renewal of the Doctorate of Prof. R. N. Dandekar by the Heidelberg
University, Germany.
1989, January 6:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar was elected the first Honorary Member of the
AIOC.
1989, August 15:
C. G. Kashikar was awarded Certificate of Honour with a life-long
pension by H. E. President of India.
1989, September 1:
Microfilming of the manuscripts in the Institute's Collection was
undertaken with the full financial assistance from the Indira Gandhi
National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi; Dr. P. G. Lalye was appointed
as the Academic Supervisor.
1989:
Donation of Rs. 40,000/- from Smt. Manoramabai D. Sarpotdar.
1990, August 15:
Dr. M. A. Mehendale was awarded Certificate of Honour with a life-
long pension by H. E. President of India.
1990, December 18:
Honorary D. Litt. conferred upon Prof. R. N. Dandekar by the
University of North Bengal.
1991, June:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar relinquished the office of President of the
International Union of Oriental and Asian Studies which he had held
for the eighteen years. Prof. R. N. Dandekar elected as Président d'
Honneur of the International Union of Oriental and Asian Studies.
1991, August 15:
Prof. S. D. Joshi was awarded Certificate of Honour with a life-long
pension by H. E. President of India.
Completion of the Critical Edition of the Mahabhashyadipika.
1992, January 26:
Tarkatirtha Lakshman Shastri Joshi was awarded Padma Vibhushna by
H. E. President of India.
1992, May:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar elected Foreign Member of the Academia
Europaea.
1992, July 6:
The 75th Foundation of the Institute; the inauguration of the
Amritamahotsava.
President: Padma Bhushan Prof. D. B. Devadhar, the oldest living Life
Member of the Institute.
Donation of Rs. 40,000/- from B. S. Joshi.
1992, August 10:
Felicitation Volume was presented to Prof. A. M. Gahtge.
1993, February 24:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar was awarded the Sri. Sankardeva Award by the
Govt. of Assam.
Chief Guest: Dr. B. Barman, Minister for Education, Assam State.
1993, May 28:
Amçtamahotsava of the Institute.
Chief Guest: Prof. H. H. Ingalls of Harvard University, U. S. A.
10 Works published on the occasion. Important Publications:
(1) A Comprehensive and Critical Dictionary of Prakrit Languages (Vol.
1 Fascicule 1)
(2) Mahabharata: Cultural Index (Vol. 1 Fascicule 1)
(3) Amritamahotsava Volume of the ABORI.
Conferment on Prof. R. N. Dandekar of the Dr. S. C. Chakravarti Gold
Medal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta.
Grant of Rs. 15,00,000/- from the Govt. of Maharashtra.
Important Donations on the Occasion:
Rs. 1,00,000/- from Prof. H. H. Ingalls.
Rs. 50,000/- from the Hinduja Foundation (towards the publication of
the Vedic Bibliography).
Rs. 50,000/- from Raosaheb Sahasrabuddhe Maharaj Samadhi Mandir, Pune.
Rs. 50,000/- from Shri Sitaram Walawalkar CharitableTrust, Bombay.
The sum-total of other Donations 93,786/-
1993, May 28-30:
36th Session of the AIOC at the Institute. Inaugurated by Prof.
Daniel H. H. Ingalls.
General President: Prof. P. N. Kawthekar.
1993, July 6:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar relinquished the office of Honorary Secretary of
the Institute, which he had held for 54 years.
Prof. A. M. Ghatge was elected Honorary Secretary of the Institute.
1993, September 19:
Donation of Rs. 75,000/- from Prof. S. Y. Ponkshe, Education Trust,
Pune.
1993, September 23:
Conferment of Honorary Membership of the Institute on Prof. R. N.
Dandekar and Daniel H. H. Ingalls (in absentia)
President: Dr. P. C. Alexander, H. E. Governor of Maharashtra and the
President of the Institute.
1993, November 3:
B. N. Paranjape who had been working as Office Superintendent for
many years was named the first Registrar of the Institute.
1993, November 7:
Prof. A. M. Ghatge honoured by the âgamoddhàraka Pàritoùika Samiti.
1993, December 11:
Hon Honorary D. Litt. conferred upon Prof. R. N. Dandekar and Prof.
C. G. Kashikar by the Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth, Pune.
1994, January:
Prof. R. N. Dandekar relinquished the office of President of the
National Association of Sanskrit Studies which he had held for 15
years.
1994, March 7:
Dr. S. V. Sohoni was honoured with the National Citizen Award by H.
E. President of India.
1994, May 18:
Conferment on Prof. R. N. Dandekar of the Vishvabharati Award of the
Uttar Pradesh Sanskrit Academy.
1994, September 9:
Conferment on Prof. R. N. Dandekar of the Hemachandra Roychaudhuri
Gold Medal of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta.
Chief Guest: Prof. Satya Ranjan Banerjee Jt. Secretary, Asiatic
Society, Calcutta.
1995, April 1:
Prof. S. D. Laddu appointed as Curator.
1995, May 18:
Donation of Rs. 5,00,000/- from Tata Electric Companies Bombay.
1995, June 19-20:
Dr. Prabha Joshi Memorial Lectureship (donated by B. S. Joshi,
Athens, Greece) inaugurated.
1995, August 15:
Prof. G. B. Palsule was awarded Certificate of Honour with a life-
long pension by H. E. President of India.
1999, July 6:
Prof. M. G. Dhadphale elected as the Hon. Secretary
2000, November 2:
Visit of Shri. Anant Kumar, Union Minister for Culture
2001, June 26:
Visit of Shri. Sharad Pawar
Inauguration of the new building of the Institute
2002, July 6:
Prof. Saroja Bhate elected as the Hon. Secretary
2003, August:
Work of the Manuscripts Resource and Conservation Centre of the
National Mission for Manuscripts launched
2004, January 5:
The Institute faced a vandalistic attack
2005, July 6:
Prof. M. G. Dhadphale elected as the Hon. Secretary
2006, December 2:
Visit of Shri. P. Chidambaram, Union Minister of Finance
2007, March:
Visit of H. H. Dalai Lama
2007, June 20:
The Institute’s collection of 30 manuscripts of the Rigveda
incorporated in the “Memory of the World Register” by the UNESCO
bademiyansubhanallah
bademiyansubhanallah
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
To: Trustees, Alumni and Students of Harvard University
We the undersigned insist that Harvard University end its association
with Aryan Supremacist / Creationist hate-mongering activities.
Professor Michael Witzel and his "scholars clique" in the Harvard
Sanskrit and Indian Studies Department have exhibited a pattern of
hateful, ignorant statements and abysmally low standards of
scholarship. This is not the Harvard that alumni paid heavily in time
and money to attend and build a reputation for excellence. Witzel’s
activities have made Harvard the object of anger, disgust, contempt
and ridicule of ordinary citizens.
Shockingly Low Standards?
Recently, Witzel and his "scholars clique" earned ridicule for Harvard
by sending a shockingly incompetent letter [1] to the California State
Board of Education. This letter represented the collective achievement
of 50 self-described ‘Prominent Academics’. The sweeping hate
stereotypes, ad hominem attacks, and general lack of facts in their
letter make for depressing reading by any Harvard well-wisher. On
questioning, several of the signatories confessed to not even having
seen the proposed changes that they were bitterly opposing.
Predictably, the California Board, after affording these losers
undeserved courtesy based on Harvard’s name, rejected their position
as unscholarly, insensitive, biased and devoid of facts - heaping
ridicule on the Harvard brand. If this is the standard of tenured
Professors, what does it imply for the worth of a Harvard education?
Hate Groups on Harvard Pay?
Michael Witzel signed his Harvard affiliation to the following sample
quotes on the "Indo-Eurasian Research" (IER) Internet hate group that
he runs. These show his bias against the Indian-American community,
who should be Harvard’s primary customer base for Sanskrit and Indian
history studies. We record our abhorrence of these actions which have
shredded Harvard’s reputation as a civilized institution. We summarize
from a recent article [2] that details the references:
• Witzel writes that 'Indian Civilization would be a good idea'
• Witzel writes that NRI (non-resident Indian) stands for Non-
Returning Indians! A schoolyard bully’s taunt against immigrant
children, but coming from a tenured Harvard Professor?
• Witzel claims that Indians in the USA do not invest in the higher
education of their children (since they avoid the zoo that Witzel has
made of his own department?)
• Witzel used the slur "HiNA" meaning in Sanskrit, inferior, lowly and
defective, as an acronym for Hindus in North America. Does this
juvenile propensity to invent racial slurs, much as it may impress his
Prominent Academic IER cronies, define Harvard's intellectual class in
2005?
• Witzel declared Hindu-Americans to be "lost" or "abandoned",
parroting anti-Semite slurs against Jewish people. Coincidence or
symptom?
• Witzel’s fantasies are ominously reminiscent of WW2 German genocide.
He says that 'Since they won't be returning to India, [Hindus
immigrants to the USA] have begun building crematoria as well.'
• Witzel sneers at the Hindu belief in evolution, enshrined in the Ten
Incarnations, which include the Varaha, the wild boar. He writes that
second generation [Hindu] people just understand [Hinduism] as
'boaring rituals' (puja, etc.), temple visits and Indian
(mythological) comic books ... "
We note that Indian-American parents must resort to comic books to
teach their heritage to their children, precisely because of the sorry
state of textbooks and academic curricula [3] Witzel as self-
proclaimed “world expert” has failed to exert positive leadership in
the field of his presumed scholarship.
• Witzel ridicules the most sacred of Hindu mantras: inexcusable for a
schoolyard bully, not to mention a historian and professor. He
writes:
”Many short mantras (the later biija mantras) like oM have humble
origins the Veda.... used in the Veda to call your goat .. and your
wife.” This was carried on for several posts of racist ‘banter’ on the
IER forum with S. Farmer.
• Witzel demeans the daughters of Indian-American parents, who take
the trouble to learn their heritage through traditional art forms. In
the worst of racist slander, Witzel claims that Indian classical music
and dance reflect low moral standards.
The above reflect the attitudes associated with the Nazi genocide
planners of 1930s Europe. The Nazis systematically whipped up hatred
through distortion, defamation, vilification and demonization. Isn't
it more than alarming that Harvard nurtures such attitudes in 2005?
Such racist bigotry is standard fare on the IER forum, where all posts
require editing and approval by Witzel or his assistant S. Farmer.
Witzel presents this behavior as being approved by Harvard university,
using his Harvard Wales Professor designation.
This is a clear, egregious violation of faculty standards advertised
by Harvard.
The Aryan Supremacist School of Creationism?
Witzel’s screeching against the community is often part of his
marketing of the “Aryan Invasion Theory” (AIT), now re-packaged as
"Aryan Influx Theory". This marries Farmer’s Creationist dogma, with
Witzel’s Aryan Supremacist requirement that all civilization must have
emanated from his “Aryan” Caucasian roots. Devoid of intellectual
substance, this gang personally abuses anyone who cites the growing
scientific evidence debunking “AIT”. The evidence points to
distributed local evolution of civilization, independent of any
Caucasian influx.
Harvard Calls Californians “Idiots” for Rejecting Bigotry?
Witzel and Farmer use their censored forum to publish juvenile sneers
at California State Board of Education Curriculum Commissioners,
retired international banking senior executives, at Indian historians,
and generally at the community of well-read, accomplished,
scientifically expert Indian-Americans who challenge ignorance and
bias. Farmer is on record calling the California State Board of
Education’s rejection of the Witzel rants, “idiocy” and threatening to
overturn their decision, presumably through extra-legal means.
Harvard Working Full-Time to Overthrow Lawful Decisions?
Farmer cites Witzel's boast that several others (presumably Harvard
graduate students) continue to work full-time for several weeks during
the Fall 2005 academic term, on pressuring the California Board.
Clearly, full-time work on such political pressure tactics constitutes
abuse of Harvard resources.
A Clear Record of Incompetence and Out-of-Control Behavior
Harvard Administrators have known for over a decade[4] about Witzel’s
egregious conduct. Hired as a Visiting Professor, Witzel was made
department Chair with undue haste, ignoring the need to exert due
diligence before awarding tenure or administrative responsibility. His
disastrous performance [5] as Department Chair is clearly documented.
Academic Freedom or an Atmosphere of Fear at Harvard?
The chaos caused by Witzel forced students to go public in the 1990s,
with the unique spectacle of a Department Chair threatening a student
with a lawsuit because she took and forwarded minutes of a student
meeting in the department. Ten years after this debacle, Witzel is
still propagating a culture of nepotism and inbreeding, anointing
unqualified, immoderate individuals to “world expert” titles using
Harvard’s name, and joining them in vicious behavior.
Summary: Enough of Irresponsible Behavior!
Harvard’s reputation has been battered by association with anti-
Semitic Nazi groups, the faculty role in driving policies that led to
genocides in Cambodia and East Pakistan[6], the revelations about
racial slurs and other foul language [7] by its most famous faculty,
and its President’s ludicrously sexist statements. Our hopes of moving
on from such things have been shattered by the behavior of Harvard’s
Aryan Supremacist Sanskrit Professor. The nepotism and inbreeding of
bigotry are dismal revelations about 21st century Harvard.
Harvard’s Responsibility
• The facts are clear. A Harvard employee is, and has been,
systematically using Harvard resources to conduct abusive attacks on
the community.
• The statements being made on Harvard time and affiliation are
blatantly racist and bigoted, and inflame hatred against minorities –
something no university can hide under “academic freedom” excuses.
• Far from supporting community organizations and parents who have
been working patiently to correct the errors in textbooks, Harvard has
attacked them with slanderous accusations of political motivation and
violent association.
• False claims of international prominence are being bestowed on
unqualified individuals in Harvard’s name to hide their ignorance and
incompetence.
Such activity is clearly incompatible with published university
regulations [8]. We therefore respectfully insist that:
1. The Provost of Harvard University bears responsibility for
enforcing Harvard regulations as they pertain to faculty conduct using
the Harvard name. S(he) must act forcefully to enforce standards [9].
2. Harvard's President must post an immediate apology to the offended
groups and individuals. The slurs and slander against Hindu Americans
are far more egregious than Harvard’s ill-considered remarks about
gender differences in intelligence.
3. Harvard must enforce termination of Harvard's association with hate
groups such as IER and with those who run such groups.
4. Harvard must forthwith put in place polices and processes to
prevent recurrence of such abuse of the Harvard name.
5. Clearly, the actions of the present department of Sanskrit and
Indian Studies department, are destroying Harvard’s hard-won
reputation for excellence. We strongly advise Harvard to disband this
department, at least until such time as they can find qualified
scholars who can relate to the community, and can understand the
history, culture and modern evolution of India and Hinduism to
respectable standards.
*******************************
End Notes
[1] Witzel, M., "Letter rom Prominent Academicians" on Harvard
letterhead to CA Board of Education.
http://jitnasa.india-forum.com/Docs/Edn_CA_Text_Book_letter_by_Prominent_Academicians_1114.pdf
[2] Kalyanaraman, S., "Harvard professor launches anti-Hindu Crusade",
India Forum, December 9, 2005.
http://www.india-forum.com/articles/55/1/Harvard-professor-launches-anti-Hindu-Crusade
[3] U.S. Hinduism Studies: A Question of Shoddy Scholarship
http://www.beliefnet.com/story/146/story_14684_2.html
[4] Lewin, Jonathan A., "Sanskrit Dept. in Disarray, Students,
Officials Say". The Harvard Crimson, Wednesday, June 07, 1995.
http://www.thecrimson.com/article.aspx?ref=500579
[5] No Writer Attributed: "Former Sanskrit Chair Remains
Controversial
Students Grumble in Spite of Changes" The Harvard CRIMSON, Wednesday,
June 05, 1996. http://www.thecrimson.com/article.aspx?ref=89651
[6] Wikipedia entry on Henry Kissinger. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_Kissinger.
[7] Staff, “Kissinger 'regrets' slur against Indians”. The Guardian,
July 1, 2005.
“Henry Kissinger said today that he regretted calling Indians
"bastards", after recently released transcripts revealed his comments
during a taped conversation with then-president Richard Nixon.”
http://www.guardian.co.uk/india/story/0,12559,1519396,00.html
[8] The use of Harvard Names and Insignias
http://www.provost.harvard.edu/policies_guidelines/useofname/names_insignias.php
[9] Statement on Outside Activities of Holders of Academic
Appointments
http://www.provost.harvard.edu/policies_guidelines/academic_appointments.php
Related Reading
[A] “Textbooks should instill a sense of pride in every child in his
or her heritage" California State Board of Education Guidelines
http://www.cde.ca.gov/ci/cr/cf/documents/socialcontent.pdf
[B] Stickel, S, et al, List of changes approved by CA State Board of
Education Curriculum Review panel, pertaining to Hinduism and India on
Nov. 5, 2005.
http://www.cde.ca.gov/be/ag/ag/yr05/documents/bluenov05item05.doc
[C] Komerath, N., "Scholarship of Equine Posteriors - Har(vard)appa
Style". India News at iVarta.com, December 4, 2005.
http://www.indiacause.com/columns/OL_051204.htm
[D] List of co-signors of Witzel Letter. http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~witzel/witzelletter.pdf
[E] SepiaMutiny discussion:"Reading the fine print in textbooks".
http://www.sepiamutiny.com/sepia/archives/002613.html#comments
***********************
This Open Letter was created by the Citizens To End Racism in Academia
(CERA) in collaboration with Alumni for Civility in Academic Discourse
(ACAD, and Citizens to Stop Funding Hatred (CSFH). We are literate,
knowledgeable and competent in what we do, we care about our
children's education, and want them to succeed as sensitive, caring
human beings in a competitive, multicultural global community of the
21st century. We wish Harvard University a bright future of
excellence, along with an environment that welcomes diversity,
sensitivity, and freedom from hatred. Thank you.
Sincerely,
----------------------------------------------------
Sid Harth
2005 edition of the rightwing New Delhi newspaper, The Pioneer:
Harvard Don Denigrates Hindus
Kanchan Gupta/ New Delhi
Boorish comments denigrating India, Hindus and Hinduism by a self-
proclaimed
'Indologist' who is on the faculty of Harvard University has unleashed
a
fierce debate over the increasing political activism of 'scholars' who
teach
at this prestigious American university.
Prof Michael Witzel, Wales professor of Sanskrit at Harvard, is in the
centre of the storm because he tried to prevent the removal of
references to
India, Hinduism and Sikhism in the curriculum followed by schools in
California which parents of Indian origin found to be inadequate,
inaccurate
or just outright insensitive.
Known for aggressively pushing theories forged by Left historians of
the
Romila Thapar genre that have been long discredited through scientific
means, including DNA studies, this 'linguist' is known for promoting
himself
as a 'historian' in academic circles. His proximity to Left historians
in
India is no secret.
Such is Prof Witzel's contempt for Indians who live and work in the US
that
he has not minced words running them down as an ethnic group. On one
occasion, he declared: "Hindus in the US are lost or abandoned
people."
Admonishing second generation Hindus in the US and their religious
practices, he commented, "Second generation (Hindu) people just
understand
Hinduism as a 'boaring ritual', temple visits and Indian comic
books... All
such items add to the heady brew that we have seen emerging here."
Since 'boaring rituals' was placed within parenthesis, Hindus took it
as a
reference to Vishnu and felt offended. There was little they could do,
however, to bring this Harvard scholar, variously described as
"supremacist"
and "ignorant", to heel.
They got that opportunity in November when Prof Witzel led, what later
turned out to be an abortive campaign, putsch to prevent the cleansing
of
school texts of anti-Hindu and misleading material.
For years, Indian parents, who form a sizeable number in California,
had
been seeking the removal of such references in the State's textbooks.
For
instance, one textbook described Goddess Kali as "bloodthirsty". The
section
on Ramayana and Hanuman urged students to look around the classroom
and see
if there was a monkey among them. Another described Hinduism as a
religion
that teaches women are inferior.
The most offensive and inaccurate reference was to the 'Aryan
invasion'
theory that has now been junked by historians across the world. While
talking of this theory, the texts spoke of tall, blue-eyed Aryans
invading
India and contrasted them with 'curly-haired, snub-nosed Dravidians'.
Not only were Indians riled by this reference, they also found it to
be
racial and insensitive to the entire community.
Early this year, the California School Board of Education, finally
yielding
to mounting pressure from concerned Indian parents, appointed a
Commission
to revise references to Hindus and their faith in prescribed school
curriculum. In November, the Commission submitted its recommendations,
including the scrapping of all references to the 'Aryan invasion'
theory.
Even before Indian parents could begin celebrating their victory, Prof
Witzel wrote to the State Board of Education, using the Harvard
letterhead,
contesting the proposed changes and insisting that the 'Aryan
invasion'
theory was based on historical and scientific evidence.
He rallied the support of some other Left historians and scholars -
they
described themselves as 'a panel of international experts on India and
Hinduism' - to launch a virulent campaign against parents pushing for
change
in curriculum by branding them as "Hindutva brigade" and encouraged
others
to hurl scurrilous allegations against California's Hindus.
Taken aback by Prof Witzel's aggressive tactics and misled by his
credentials, the Commission decided to hear him out. Prof Witzel
repeated
his allegation that the recommended changes were motivated by Hindutva
forces and would "lead without fail to an international educational
scandal
if they are accepted by the California's State Board of Education."
Prof Witzel, however, discovered that unlike India's Left historians,
it was
no easy job to browbeat or impress the Commission.
Soon, his campaign began to unravel, partly because members of the
Commission were believed to have been put-off by his 'condescending
attitude' and largely due to the absence of any material to support
his
outrageous stand.
The Commission saw the intervention and activism of Prof Witzel and
his
cohorts as 'little more than a gratuitous attempt to peddle their own
prejudices in the guise of scholarly consensus.'
Dr Metzenberg, a California biologist, rejected Prof Witzel's
insistence
that the 'Aryan invasion' theory should be retained, by citing
scientific
evidence.
"I've read the DNA research and there was no Aryan migration," he
retorted,
adding, "I believe the hard evidence of DNA more than I believe
historians."
He went on to describe Prof Witzel's portrayal of Hinduism as
'insensitive'
and something that Hindus themselves would be unable to recognise.
With Prof Witzel's case collapsing, the California Board of Education
threw
out his counter-recommendations.
But that has not put a full stop to the odious Witzel story.
Upset with his ham-handed political activism and attempt to use the
Harvard
tag to block reform of school curriculum, Indian parents and students
have
launched an e-petition to corner and expose Prof Witzel for what he is
- a
charlatan posing as a historian.
The petition, addressed to "trustees, alumni and students of Harvard
University," begins by saying: "We the undersigned insist that Harvard
University end its association with Aryan Supremacist/Creationist
hate-mongering activities... Prof Michael Witzel and his 'scholars
clique'
in the Harvard Sanskrit and Indian Studies Department have exhibited a
pattern of hateful, ignorant statements and abysmally low standards of
scholarship."
The petition then refers to the letter sent by Prof Witzel and his
fellow-travellers to the California State Board of Education on
Harvard
stationery.
"Recently, Witzel and his "scholars clique" earned ridicule for
Harvard by
sending a shockingly incompetent letter to the California State Board
of
Education... The sweeping hate stereotypes, ad hominem attacks, and
general
lack of facts in their letter make for depressing reading by any
Harvard
well-wisher."
It transpires that "several of the signatories (to Prof Witzel's
letter)
later confessed to not even having seen the proposed changes that they
were
bitterly opposing.
Predictably, the California Board, after affording these losers
undeserved
courtesy based on Harvard's name, rejected their position as
unscholarly,
insensitive, biased and devoid of facts -- heaping ridicule on the
Harvard
brand. If this is the standard of tenured Professors, what does it
imply for
the worth of a Harvard education?" The petition has already been
signed by
more thousands of people.
A good question, that.
The witzel unprintables
The petition against Prof Michael Witzel of Harvard University refers
to the
Indo-Eurasian Research (IER) Internet hate group that he runs.
Insisting
that contents of the material posted on the Net "show his bias against
the
Indian-American community," signatories to the petition record their
"abhorrence of these actions which have shredded Harvard's reputation
as a
civilised institution".
The following are summarised extracts from a recent article by Prof
Witzel
and have been quoted in the petition:
* Witzel writes that 'Indian Civilisation would be a good idea'
* Witzel writes that NRI (non-resident Indian) stands for Non-
Returning
Indians! A schoolyard bully's taunt against immigrant children, but
coming
from a tenured Harvard Professor?
* Witzel claims that Indians in the US do not invest in the higher
education
of their children (since they avoid the zoo that Witzel has made of
his own
department?)
* Witzel used the slur "HiNA" meaning in Sanskrit, inferior, lowly and
defective, as an acronym for Hindus in America. Does this juvenile
propensity to invent racial slurs, much as it may impress his
Prominent
Academic IER cronies, define Harvard's intellectual class in 2005?
* Witzel declared Hindu-Americans to be "lost" or "abandoned",
parroting
anti-Semite slurs against Jewish people. Coincidence or symptom?
* Witzel's fantasies are ominously reminiscent of WWII German
genocide. He
says that 'Since they won't be returning to India, [Hindus immigrants
to the
USA] have begun building crematoria as well.'
* Witzel sneers at the Hindu belief in evolution, enshrined in the Ten
Incarnations, which include the Varaha, the wild boar. He writes that
second
generation [Hindu] people just understand [Hinduism] as 'boaring
rituals'
(puja, etc.), temple visits and Indian (mythological) comic books..."
* Witzel ridicules the most sacred of Hindu mantras: Inexcusable for a
schoolyard bully, not to mention a historian and professor. He writes:
"Many short mantras (the later biija mantras) like oM have humble
origins
the Veda.... used in the Veda to call your goat .. and your wife."
* Witzel demeans the daughters of Indian-American parents, who take
the
trouble to learn their heritage through traditional art forms. In the
worst
of racist slander, Witzel claims that Indian classical music and dance
reflect low moral standards.
...and I am Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Critical Edition with a Translation into German and an Introduction
Witzel, Michael
Dating to the first half of the first millennium BCE, the Katha
Aranyaka is a ritualistic and speculative text that deals with a
dangerous Vedic ritual that provides its sponsor with a new body after
death. In a new critical edition, Michael Witzel presents this work
which transitions the Vedic ritual into the philosophy of the
Upanishads. The text is preceded by an extensive introduction in
English and followed by a German translation.
Sid Harth
Professor R. Balachandra
12/23/2006
Mr. Thomas Burke kicked off the lecture series on “Languages and
Literature of India” with an erudite presentation on Sanskrit language
and literature. The lecture series is sponsored by the Outreach
Committee of the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies at Harvard
University and was held on Saturday, December 9 in Hall A of the
Harvard University Science Center. The series is to consist of
sixteen lectures and will end in 2008.
Mr. Burke is a linguist and is an expert in Sanskrit and many other
Indo-European languages. The lecture tried to present a comparative
analysis of the structure and grammar of Sanskrit with other classical
languages. He first discussed the evolution of Sanskrit language and
its relationship to the Indo-European and to the Dravidian languages.
He suggested that there was a proto language that possibly gave birth
to both the Dravidian and Indo Aryan languages; this language is
lost. Sanskrit is a structured language with strict rules for
construction of words and sentences. The structure can be very
elaborate, resulting in many unique forms for a number of situations.
For example, there are 39 conjugations for verbs in Sanskrit, while
English has only seven. Additionally, words are accented, as in
Chinese; however, the accent seems to have been lost in classical
Sanskrit. Therefore, the pronunciation is very important. Mr. Burke
gave an example of how critical the accent is. In one of the stories a
demon wanted as a boon to become Indrashatru (an enemy of Indra, who
will kill Indra). Unfortunately for him, he accented the first letter
instead of the last, which changed the meaning to ‘one killed by
Indra,’ resulting in really bad luck for the demon.
The Vedas are among the first Sanskrit literature, followed by the
Brahmanas, the Aranyakas and finally the Upanishads. All these are
constructed according to prescribed meters. Around 500 BC, Panini
authored the grammar rules leading to the evolution of “classical”
Sanskrit. The literature in classical Sanskrit is rich beginning with
the epics- the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Treatises in astronomy,
mathematics, engineering, medicine, music, dance and sculpture are
gradually being discovered and critically examined. Sanskrit dramas
by Kalidasa have made the literature popular in the west.Bhavabhuti,
Dandi, Harsa and Magha have enriched the literature with masterful
writings.
While the evolution of script and writing system could not be covered
because of time pressure, Mr. Burke did comment on the modern day
movement to use the language in daily conversation. He discussed the
facility of creating new words in Sanskrit and noted the delineation
of periodic table of elements in Sanskrit. The point was well made by
Mr. Giri Bharathan and Mr Satya Kanakagiri from the Samskrta Bharati
group who presented a humorous skit on the futuristic view of software
engineers of Indian origin. Mr Giri Bharathan also presented a Vedic
recitation from Taittiriya Upanishad and Ms Rajam Raghunathan of
Harvard University recited sections from the kavya
“Shishupalavadha”. All recitations and the skit were well
appreciated by the audience.
The Outreach Committee lectures are followed by a thirty minute
Question and Answer period and there was lively discussion and
exchange of information on Sanskrit language and literature. Topics
covered ranged from the regional variation of Sanskrit accents to the
ease of oral training in the language. The popularization projects
and manuscript restoration project were touched upon. Members of the
audience commented on the lack of proper phonetic training on Sanskrit
in the west and suggested that remedial measures should be
undertaken. Poet Brother Blue of Cambridge thanked Mr. Burke for his
academic work and research. A formal vote of thanks was offered by Dr
Bijoy Misra of the Outreach Committee.
The next lecture in the series on Gujarati Language and Literature is
scheduled for February 10, 2007 at 3:00 PM in Hall A of the Harvard
University Science Center. The speaker will be Dr. Neelima Shukla-
Bhatt, Visiting Assistant Professor of South Asian Studies, Wellesley
College. The series schedule is updated at the website
http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~sanskrit/outreach.html.
Sid Harth
The so-called second conference[1] of Michael Witzel has been arranged
at the Auditorium of the Madras University, Marina campus. Before the
auditorium, there was a Police jeep with 8 police men and women!
When I entered by 11 am, there were only 8 or 9 persons. In the first
row Michael Witzel was sitting with Iravatham Mahadevan. Prof Dass,
HOD of Sanskrit Department was looking at the entrance anxiously. I
sat in the last row and a police in plain cloth was starring at me.
Prof Dass, HOD, Sanskrit department (11.05 to 11.15): Then by 11.05
am, he decided to start the “Conference” and thus Witzel and Mahadevan
went to the podium and sat. Prof Dass started introducing Witzel, as
he was coming there after 6 years. Pointing to Iravatham Mahadevan, he
recalled his paper presented at “The International Seminar on Indian
Knowledge System”, that was organized there. Then he proceeded to
eulogizes him in his own way: “MW needs no introduction, as he is well
known from Harvard University. Harvard University Professor is the
most elite in the world……………. He visited the department only for the
purpose of seeing the manuscripts[2]. He also observed our activity of
‘catalogum catalogue’ of manuscripts project going on there. We
request the professor guidance for it. I assure that it would be
completed by 2012. Witzel would talk about important topic. I end with
a saying from Mahabhasya, where it is said that one should not live /
leave with a doubt. ……..If you do not understand (Phylogeny and
Epigenetics), it does not mean it is ugly…whatever lecture, he gives,
and we should understand and continue our research”.
Iravatham Mahadevan (11.15 to 11.25 a.m): “Guru Brahma, Guru Vishnu,
Gurudevo Maheswara; Guru sakshat Parabrahma tasmai sri kuruve Namaha”
reciting this sloka[3], he started speaking: “WItzel has been the
greatest expert in Vedic Sanskrit particularly in Rigvedic. …..I met
him six years back at the Harvard University in connection with my
publication of the book[4] and at that time, he received me and took
me to go around the University[5] and the great library. To be frank
with you, I do know about the topic, ”Phylogeny[6] and Epigenetics
and origin of languages”. From “gen”, I could understand that it is
something connected with “production” or “origin” = to born, to
produce…..I think he is going to show the unity of Indo-European
languages.
“There has been misunderstanding about Michael Witzel and his work.
Some two days ago, when Prof Witzel was invited to deliver his lecture
at Madras Sanskrit College, some misguided elements tried to disturb
the meeting and they distributed handouts. Of course, we have
difference of opinion, but we should not resort to such methods. There
could be difference of opinion, but we should respect our guests, as
we believe in “Adhiti devo bhava” (treating / honoring the guests). I
too have difference with him about his fundamental view that Indus
script was not a system of writing at all, but I cannot take a gun and
shoot him…….Indian culture is pluralistic and tolerant………We believe in
Ekam sat bhauta vadhanti…..Such was our attitude. In the west, there
was conflict between the Church and the State…. But in India we have
great leaders. Buddha taught band showed a different way ………In south,
we have Sankara, Ramanuja and Madhva. Each wrote his own Bhasya, but
their followers co-existed. “Therefore, such intolerant attitude is
anti-Indian and anti-Hindu and they do disservice to our nation. Such
elements are confined to the fringe of our society…..In this context,
I should tell few words about Ashoka who lived 2300 years ago. I
request the Sanskrit scholars to read Pali verses of the inscription
and memorize in the heart. I read what the Girnar inscription says[7]
–
[“The individual morality that Asoka hoped to foster included respect
(//susrusa//) towards parents, elders, teachers, friends, servants,
ascetics and brahmins -- behavior that accords with the advice given
to Sigala by the Buddha (Digha Nikaya, Discourse No. 31). He
encouraged generosity (//dana//) to the poor (//kapana valaka//), to
ascetics and brahmins, and to friends and relatives. Not surprisingly,
Asoka encouraged harmlessness towards all life (//avihisa bhutanam//).
In conformity with the Buddha's advice in the Anguttara Nikaya, II:
282, he also considered moderation in spending and moderation in
saving to be good (//apa vyayata apa bhadata//). Treating people
properly (//samya pratipati//), he suggested, was much more important
than performing ceremonies that were supposed to bring good luck.
Because it helped promote tolerance and mutual respect, Asoka desired
that people should be well-learned (//bahu sruta//) in the good
doctrines (//kalanagama//) of other people's religions. The qualities
of heart that are recommended by Asoka in the edicts indicate his deep
spirituality. They include kindness (//daya//), self-examination (//
palikhaya//), truthfulness (//sace//), gratitude (//katamnata//),
purity of heart (//bhava sudhi//), enthusiasm (//usahena//), strong
loyalty (//dadha bhatita//), self-control (//sayame//) and love of the
Dhamma (//Dhamma kamata//).”][8]
“Thus, I conclude; “Om Sahaba bavatu, sahanam bunaktu, saha viryamm
karvavahai; tejastu navathi thamastu ma vidhyi savahai, Om Shanti,
Shanti, Shanti hi.”
Prof Miuchael Wizel: 11.25-12.30: “I came here visiting several
places. I visited Mahabalipuram and several institutions…..I saw the
catalogue work………… My colleagues have also come down here[9]…….When I
met Raghavan, he was wearing the traditional dress…. In connection
with Silver Jubliee, I was invited by the Hyderabad people. .I try to
avoid the emotional and political content of my topic…………My topic is
about the history of development of languages. It involves several
fields – biology, genetics, etc……I have already given this talk………(at
Bangalore / Hyderabad). ………….When I ask shepherd how does he call a
goat, he says “meka”, but that word looks like Danish. Some may be
thinking that Sanskrit is the oldest language, but it is seriously
questioned based on scientific study………..the speech of men was
compared with that of Chimpanzee. However, Chimpanzee could produce
about 150 signs, but not all like man. The words of each language have
specific use and connotation. In Indian languages, “Rama gives book”
would be of “Rama book gives” type (He was showing PP hurriedly and
skipping. He was showing the skull and jaw portions of Neanderthal and
other man-types).
“Chimpanzee & ANM Human (Liberman)” 75 – 65 kya[10] some people stayed
here (in India), some went to SEA and some to Australia. How can we
say about the language spoken at that time? For that I have a scheme.
“Indo-European Reconstruction: Taking few words, I explain this.
Father Heaven is found in IE languages as follows:
Sanskrit Dyau-pitr Pitaram
German Zeus pitar Pitram
Latin In-piper patram
Greek In pira
PIE Dieus putr
Similarly hasti-haesti- asti-esti- sti-is (he/she/it is) comes like
this. So also “They are” can be explained.
Even in numbers different words are used. For example, the following
words are used in Indian languages and thus, what Punjabi is speaking
is not understood by Tamil.
Hindi Tamil Munda
Ek Onru
Do Irandu
Thin Munru
Char Nangu
Panch Ainthu
Cha Aru
Sat Ezhu
At Ettu
Nau Onpathu
das pattu
“Thus, the Indian lanuages have diversity and such system is not
understood by others…..
“[The presence in Vedic Sanskrit of a number of phonetic,
morphological and syntactical features alien to other Indo-European
languages but common to the Burushaski[citation needed], Dravidian and
Munda languages, as well as the presence of non-Indo-European
vocabulary, is generally held by scholars to be due to a local
substratum of Dravidian, Munda, a combination of both[1], another,
lost prefixing language (”Para-Munda”, Witzel 1999) as well as proto-
Burushaski [2] and some other lost languages spoken around 1000 BCE in
northwestern and northern South Asia. Prominent examples, adduced by
Kuiper (1967, 1991) include: phonologically, there is the introduction
of retroflexes, which alternate with dentals; morphologically there
are the gerunds; and syntactically there is the use of a quotative
marker (”iti”).[3] A few words in the Rigveda and progressively more
words in later Vedic texts were identified as being loanwords
principally from Dravidian but with some forms traceable to Munda,[1]
Proto-Burushaski,[2] and many to neither of these language families,
thus indicating a source in one or more lost languages, such as Para-
Munda (Witzel 1999).]
“Proto-human language (Ruhlen)[11]: Here, how certain words are found
common in different lanuages. He was showing a table (as shown in the
reference below in the foot notes. But he was explaing with the first
6 columns):
Language Who? What? Two Water One/Finger ,
“Out of African movement: According to Metspalu 2005, there is “out of
Africa movement” is there (he was showing a drawn map). [Genetic
markers transmitted through either the maternal or paternal line have
been used to trace the great human migrations since Homo sapiens
emerged in Africa. But attempts to trace the evolution of languages
have met with less success, partly because of the impact on languages
of untraceable political and economic upheavals. Metspalu and
colleagues analyzed inherited variations in a huge number of samples -
almost 3000 - of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) taken from natives of the
Near East, Middle East and Central Asia, as well as North and East
Africa. mtDNA is inherited through the maternal line, and by comparing
their data with existing data on European, Indian, Siberian and other
Central Asian populations, the researchers were able to create a
comprehensive phylogenetic map of maternal lineages diverging from
Africa and spreading towards Europe and Asia. Working in collaboration
with language specialists, they found that this movement 10,000 years
ago, which was probably centred on Ethiopia, could well have been
responsible for seeding the Afro- Asiatic language from which all
modern Arab-Berber languages are descended. The same genetic detective
work has confirmed archeological evidence that the biggest movement
out of Africa occurred around 50,000 years ago - which is when
Africans first settled in other continents – and that it originated in
a small East African population. The same genetic detective work has
confirmed archeological evidence that the biggest movement out of
Africa occurred around 50,000 years ago - which is when Africans first
settled in other continents – and that it originated in a small East
African population[12].]
“A fairly large number of words have been tentatively traced back to
the ancestor language, based on the occurrence of similar sound-and-
meaning forms in languages across the globe. The best-known such
vocabulary list is that of John Bengtson and Merritt Ruhlen (1994),
who identify 27 “global etymologies”. The following table, adapted
from Ruhlen (1994b), lists a selection of these forms. (he showed
another picture from Scientific American[13]).
“Different language groups existed thus in different areas (showing a
map through PP). Dravidian languages were spoken in the Southern area
(showing the four states – Tamilnadu, AP, Kerala and Karnataka),
“Former Dravidian areas” (showing Maharastra), Indus (Sindhu area),
Lanuage-X (UP), Khasi ( Assam ), ……..”Former Austro-Asiatic
Areas?” (was shown in between the UP and MP from IVC / Rajasthan to
Orissa)…..Based on “Place-names”, some scholars have shown more
Dravidian words were spoken in the “Former Dravidian areas” and it is
shown accordingly.
“In the case of Sri Lanka, though it appears Indo-Aryan superficially,
the substratum has been Munda language. This pattern could be seen in
other areas also.
“One scholar took words used in UPO area which are used for
agriculture taking from Hindi and found that none of the words are
from Hindi or any other Indian language, so he assigned Language-X to
it. In fact, he should have taken all languages into account in his
study.
Dravdian words are not my study. As Travatham Mahadevan pointed out,
we can decide it amicably. So I give some references. Based on
Krishnaswamy 2003 book, the Dravidian languages have been like this
(showing a Dravidian language family) – various Dravidian languages.
“SARVA project[14] going on in Japan (He has given the following
website showing a chart. http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/sarva/entrance.html,
but it asks a password).
“N-S Cline of Autosomal Data: This is based on the study done by
Hyderabad people. And it is unpublished. They have brought out data on
such genetic studies about the people of India. Their data represented
show that the south Indian tribals and Kashmir Brahmins belonged to
the same stock. But still, you can find some groups are left out or
fall outside the pattern represented. Who are those people? They are
from Assam, Nagas and others.
“Epigenetics[15] - (showing a plain map featuring Central Asia at the
centre). Kupier discussed about the epigenetics of the language
formation starting at the central Asia and spreading out.
(He showed his concluding PP as follows):
Reflexes (pronounced by bending the tongue back) as in ta, ta, na, ca
etc.
Found in most Indian languages, but originally not in Tibeto-Burmese
and in Munda (ex.d)
Heaviest concentration in the north-west even with palatals, c, ch, jh
and vowels [Kalashup]
It is regional pattern……………………(he removed the slide).
Thus, I conclude my speech.
A professor, Calcutta: First, one professor from Calcutta asked about
the migration and MW answered that linguistic migration is different.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: I am Ramakrishna Rao from Chennai, an
independent researcher. I would like to ask specific questions. With
reference to the diagram, where the languages are shown with stratum,
substratum, layered formation, overlapping etc., the following
specific questions are asked:
How the same stratum pattern is not formed in all parts of India?
How such language stratum forming pattern could be correlated and
corroborated with the strategraphical studies in the archaeological
and linguistic contexts?
What are all material evidences to prove such pattern formation
exactly as you try to postulate?
Can it be applicable to the study in the context of script, language
and literature?
How much time it takes to happen for such pattern?
Michael Witzel: The archaeological evidences do not support such
pattern formation……….. Discussion is based on the available material
evidences………. As I told, Hun is found in the European languages now
only………….. There would be 1000 years variation in determination of
dates.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: Then, why you make conclusive statements? Do
not force your views on others.
Michael Witzel: The study is based on scientific method.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: Yes, what I am asking is also on scientific
basis only. But, the same stuff is repeated again and again that was
told some sixty years ago. You are also telling the same thing
differently like Max Mueller.
Michael Witzel: Max Mueller belonged to 18th century, but we are in
21st century.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: Yes. But you are also talking like him[16]
about dolicocephalic dictionary, brachycephaic linguists etc.
Michael Witzel: My study is based on scientific data and information.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: I am also asking on the basis of scientific
principles only. I give one more example – When Pingala could have
evolved about binary numbers some 2000 years ago, how the same has
been repeated again now?
Then I propose a simple experiment. Call one Sanskrit Pundit here. Let
him recite a Sanskrit sloka. You are a Sanskrit Professor, you repeat
it. Here is our scholar, Iravatham Mahadevan, let him also recite it.
I do not know Sanskrit, but I will also recite it. You record the
sounds. And then can you explain the differences based on your study
[phylogenetics or epigenetics]?
Here, Iravatham Mahadevan intervened standing up.
K. V. Ramakrishna Rao: Sir, morning you were telling about the
incidence happened two days back. Now the question is about
intellectual discussion. It is only academic. Intellectual issues are
to be faced intellectually, academic issues are to be faced
academically [IM was moving towards the podium].
[There was some discussion between Witzel’s assistant and Rao, who
were sitting in the second row. I could not listen to from sitting
from the last row]
Iravatham Mahadevan (from the podium): The intellectual discussion
could continue, but as the President of the meeting, let it be
concluded with a vote of Thanks.
Prof. Das: Mr Rao, we will arrange a conference, where we can discuss
about it.
However, two persons asked questions asking whether his findings were
against Darwinian principle and so on.
Vote of Thanks: [The lady, who was making some comments in between and
even asked questions and doubts in between Witzel’s lecture, delivered
the vote of Thanks[17]]
Then the Sanskrit department staff and students posed for a photograph
on the podium.
I came out. I saw Haran collecting a folder from the police. Later I
understood that brought the handouts for distribution, but the Police
took and allowed him inside to listen the lecture.
Really, it is surprising that for such a meager audience, Iravatham
Mahadevan should have brought two loads for police to protect the
Harvard Sanskrit Professor, in the secular India.
While he talks about the pluralist India and all in the context of non-
violence, how he could have conceived wrongly about the Madras /
Chennai audience, who could react “violently” against Witzel?
With that meager audience for such a BIG Harvard Universiry Professor
of Sanskrit, they could have brought van-load or even lorry-loads of
audience as per the present sampradhaya[18] of Tamils or Indians, so
that Witzel’s honour could have been saved!
The Harvard Elite Sanskrit Professor could not face the Chennai
audience or answer questions.
Witzel has been evasive in answering questions.
In fact, he did not answer the questions directly, though specific and
pointed answers were asked [as per the directions of IM].
As on 06-07-2009 []Madras Sanskrit College], he did not answer one of
two questions, here on 08-07-2009 [Sanskrit Department, Madras
University], virtually he did not answer at all.
Let us have more conferences.
Note: This has been prepared based on the notes noted down during the
meeting. There are some points to be clarified. And therefore, certain
points may be added or amended accordingly later. Here, the entire
proceedings have been taped and the tape would give more details.
Therefore, anybody wants to check up the proceedings, they could
verify from the tape available with the Sanskrit Department, Madras
University. Unfortunately, the proceedings were not videographed [also
in Sanskrit college], as otherwise, it could have been an evidence to
prove the capabilities of Prof Witzel.
Vedaprakash
09-07-2009
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] The number may change, as Wizel is going obn having Conferences at
different places as our Indian collaborators have been so
accommodative to the American friends, they are having “conferences”
that too, one or two in a day! Already, he was at Bangalore /
Hyderabad presenting the paper of the same title “Phylogenetics or
Epigenetics…………”. On 07-07-2009, he was at Pondicherry. Yesterday
(08-07-2009) afternoon, there was a conference at Roja Mutthaiah Hall,
Tharamani and today (09-07-2009) he is speaking at Indian Heritage
Centre / JNU.
[2] To what extent he is still interested in Indian manuscripts is to
be noted.
[3] Really, it is surprising that he started with a Sanskrit sloka, as
he pretends to be a pucca secularist!
[4] Iravatham Mahadevan, Early Tamil Epigraphy: From the Earliest to
the Sixth Century A. D, Cre-A: Chennai and the Department of Sanskrit
and Indian Studies, Harvard University, USA, 2003.
[5] IM has recorded in his book: “I received an offer from Prof.
Michael Witzel, the Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard
University, USA, to have the work published in the Harvard Oriental
Series (HOS). I thank him for honour and I am also grateful to my
friend, Mr N. Ram, Frontline, Chennai, who had earlier introduced me
to Prof. Witzel”, p.x of PREFACE.
[6] Evolution is regarded as a branching process, whereby populations
are altered over time and may speciate into separate branches,
hybridize together, or terminate by extinction. This may be visualized
in a phylogenetic tree. The problem posed by phylogenetics is that
genetic data are only available for the present, and fossil records
(osteometric data) are sporadic and less reliable. Our knowledge of
how evolution operates is used to reconstruct the full tree.[3] Thus,
a phylogenetic tree is based on a hypothesis of the order in which
evolutionary events are assumed to have occurred.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Phylogenetics
[7] http://www.cs.colostate.edu/~malaiya/ashoka.htmlv
[8] As he read out fastly, I could not take down and hence quoting
from the reference given. And that is why this paragraph is given in
the brackets.
[9] However, he has not naed “his colleagues” who have come down to
Chennai or any other place of India. It is also not known who are
they, where are they, what Conferences they are going to conduct etc.,
and other details.
[10] Ky = Kilo years = 1000 years; thus 75 kya = 75,000 years ago YBP
[11] The term Proto-Human is one of a number of terms sometimes used
to designate the hypothetical most recent common ancestor of all the
world’s spoken languages. It has been used by the linguists Harold
Fleming [2] and John Bengtson (2007).
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Proto-World_Language
[12] http://www.geocities.com/nilevalleypeoples/nilevalleynews.htm
[13] Scientific American, April 1991, p. 145.
[14] The SARVA (South Asia Residual Vocabulary Assemblage) Project,
http://www.aa.tufs.ac.jp/sarva/SARVA.pdf
[15] Kupier, Epigenetics?, 1967.
Epigenetics (as in “epigenetic landscape“) was coined by C. H.
Waddington in 1942 as a portmanteau of the words genetics and
epigenesis.[5] Epigenesis (see contrasting principle of
preformationism) is an older word to describe the differentiation of
cells from their initial totipotent state in embryonic development.
When Waddington coined the term the physical nature of genes and their
role in heredity was not known; he used it as a conceptual model of
how genes might interact with their surroundings to produce a
phenotype.
[16] Incidentally, Sankaranarayanan compared him with Max Mueller
singing a Sanskrit sloka. Therefore, the concept of Max Mueller to
Michael Wizel to attack India has been significant. The only
difference is that the former did not see India, but later had lived
in India, with Indians and understood the weakness of the Indians, so
that they would go oin arrange “conferences”. After going to Harvard,
they would publish books through Cambridge and Oxford declaring that
the Sanskrit Pundits of India fell at his feet and acknowledged thair
defeat. They even honoured him with a title – “…….” Conferred on him
at the Sanskrit College Madras by a great Sanskrit Pundit. Of course,
soon or later, some Sanskrit Professor of Madras would get a chance to
fly to Harvard and he would be treated nicely by the Americans.
[17] She might be another Professor of the Sanskrit Department.
[18] Just like “secularism”, “communalism” etc., now Witzel has taught
us about and introducing “sampradhaya”. So let us use it in his
context.
One Response to “The Second Conference of Michael Witzel at Madras
University”
M. Nachiappan Says:
July 11, 2009 at 3:18 pm | Reply
It is surprising to note as to how the Sanskrit scholars, historians
and others kept quite?
The scholars mentioned have been of reputed categories and that they
should have accommodated such Indian-baiting foreigners is also
surprising.
I remember some years back, Dr R. Nagaswamy wrote against Michael
Witzel, but he was lamenting that “The Hindu” was not publishing his
response articles.
Actually, scholars like him should have attended his lecture and
exposed him.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
(produced by James Nye, University of Chicago)
(for queries about this list, please contact jn...@midway.uchicago.edu)
(submitted to the South Asia Gopher 3/31/94)
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------
Indological Series Available in Microfilm
ABHAYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see SRI ABHAYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
ABHAYADEVASIRIJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL, Chicago
ABHAYAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1930> BL, Chicago
ABHEDANANDA MEMORIAL SERIES. 1935-<1947> Harvard, BL
ABHIDHANA-SANGRAHA, OR A COLLECTION OF SANSKRIT ANCIENT LEXICONS.
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ABHINAVASAHITYAMALA. 1933 BL
ACARYA SRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
ACARYASRIBHRATRCANDRASIRIGRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1972> BL, Chicago
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1957> BL,
Chicago
ACYUTAGRANTHAMALA. 1927-<1985> Harvard, Chicago
ACYUTAGRANTHAMALA (KA) VIBHAGA see ACYUTAGRANTHAMALA.
ACYUTAGRANTHAMALA (KHA) VIBHAGA. 1927-<1950> Harvard
ADARSAGRANTHAMALA see ADARSASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
ADARSASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 1929-<1947> BL
ADHYATMABODHA. 1912 BL
ADVAITAMANJARY SERIES. 1892-1905 Harvard
ADYAR LIBRARY SERIES. 1908-<1984> Chicago, Harvard, BL
AGAMODAYASAMITISIDDHANTASANGRAHA see
SRIAGAMODAYASAMITIGRANTHODDHARA.
AGAMODDHARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 1955-<1982> BL
ALLAHABAD UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS, SANSKRIT SERIES. 1940-<1942> BL
ALUVIHARA SERIES. 193?-<1937> BL
AMBADAS CHAWARE DIGAMBARA JAIN GRANTHAMALA see KARANJA JAINA SERIES.
ANANDA PRESS SERIES. 1904-<1911> BL
ANANDAHEMAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 195?-<1966> BL
ANANDASRAMA SANSKRIT SERIES see ANANDASRAMASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
ANANDASRAMAGRANTHARATNAMALA see ANANDA PRESS SERIES.
ANANDASRAMASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH. 1888-<1978> OTHER
ANANDATIRTHAGRANTHASANGRAHALAYADA GRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
ANANDAVAIBHAVAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1917> BL
ANANTAKIRTI DIGAMBARA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see
MUNISRIANANTAKIRTIDIGAMBARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
ANANTAKIRTI GRANTHAMALA see
MUNISRIANANTAKIRTIDIGAMBARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH. 1905-<1989> Harvard, BL
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ANCIENT CLASSICS FOR SANSKRIT READERS. PADYA SERIES. 1905-<1910> BL
ANDHRA UNIVERSITY SERIES. 1928-<1983> BL
ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY PHILOSOPHY SERIES. 1938-<1956> Chicago,
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ANNAMALAI UNIVERSITY SANSKRIT SERIES. 1932-<1952> Chicago, Harvard,
BL
ANNANGARACARYA GRANTHAMALA see
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ANUBHITA YOGAMALA. 192?-<1927> BL
ANUSANDHANA PARISAD [GRANTHA] see HINDI ANUSANDHANA PARISAD
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ANVESANAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1925> BL
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ARHATAMATAPRABHAKARA. 1925-<1931> Chicago, BL
ARYABHARATIGRANTHAMALIKA. 1927-<1930> BL
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ARYADHARMAMASIKAPUSTAKANTINA PRASIDDHA JHALELYA VISAYANCI GRANTHAMALA.
190?-<1908> BL
ARYAMATASAMVARDDHANIGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1927> BL
ARYAN CULTURE SERIES. 194?-<1944> Harvard
ARYYADHARMMAGRANTHAVALI see ARYADHARMAGRANTHAVALI.
ASANMAL PUSTIMARGIYA SERIES. 193?-<1943> BL
ASIATIC SOCIETY MONOGRAPH SERIES. 1946-<1982> Harvard, BL
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BOMBAY MONOGRAPH. 1946-<1981> Harvard
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ASUTOSH MUSEUM MEMOIR see ASUTOSH MUSEUM SERIES (CALCUTTA
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ASUTOSH MUSEUM SERIES (CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY) 194?-<1948> Harvard, BL
ASUTOSH SANSKRIT SERIES see ASUTOSASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
ATMA VIDYA SERIES. 1902-<1902> BL
ATMAKAMALA JAINA LIBRARY. 1916-<1919> BL, Chicago
ATMANANDAGRANTHAMALA see SRIJAINA-ATMANANDA-GRANTHARATNAMALA.
ATMATILAKAGRANTHA SOSAYATI. 191?-<1923> BL, Chicago
ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHAMALA see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA. 192?-<1937> BL
ATMAVALLABHA SAMSKRTA SERIES see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
ATMAVALLABHA SERIES see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
ATMAVALLABHAGRANTHA SERIES see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
ATMAVIRAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 191?-<1919> BL, Chicago
AYURVEDAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1919-<1920> BL
AYURVEDASANJIVANIGRANTHAMALA. 1895 BL
AYURVEDASRAMA SERIES. 1911-<1914> BL
AYURVUDASRAMAGRANTHAMALA see AYURVEDASRAMA SERIES.
AYURVEDIYAGRANTHAMALA. 1911-<1925> BL
ARUMUGANAVALASANTANAGRANTHAVALI. 192?-<1927> BL
B. B. R. A. SOCIETY MONOGRAPH see ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BOMBAY
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B. I. S. M. POONA see PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASA-
SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
B. I. S. M. PURASKRITA GRANTHA MALA see PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA
(BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)BALAKRSNAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-
<1924> BL
BANGALORE SRIMAN MADHVA SANGHA SERIES. 193?-<1941> BL
BANGIYA SAHITYA PARISAD GRANTHAVALI see SAHITYAPARISADGRANTHAVALI.
BELVEDERE PRESS SANSKRIT SERIES. 1911-<1918> BL
BENARES SANSKRIT SERIES. 1880-1937 Chicago
BHA. DI. JAINA SANGHA PUSTAKAMALA. 1944-<1972> BL
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BHAGAVAD GITA SERIES see GITA SERIES.
BHAGAVADVIBHITIGRANTHAMALA. 1927 BL
BHAKTI-GRANTHAMALA. 1931-<1933> BL, Chicago
BHAKTISIDDHANTA GRANTHAMALA. 196?-<197?> Harvard
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BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA-MANDALA, PUNE PURASKRTA GRANTHAMALA see
PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHANA-MANDALASVIYA GRANTHAMALA see SVIYA
GRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASASAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
BHARATAMARTANDAVEDANTABHATTACARYAPANDITAGATTILALAJIGRANTHAMALA. 192?-
<1923> BL
BHARATASASTRAPITAKA. 190?-<1915> BL
BHARATAVARSIYA DIGAMBARA JAINA SANGHA PUSTAKAMALA see BHA. DI. JAINA
SANGHA PUSTAKAMALA.
BHARATAVIRARATNAMALA. 1920-<1924> BL
BHARATEE MANDIRAM SANSKRIT SERIES see
BHARATIMANDIRASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
BHARATI MAHAVIDYALAYA PUBLICATIONS. LAW SERIES. 1944 BL
BHARATI MAHAVIDYALAYA PUBLICATIONS. VEDIC SERIES. 1947 Chicago
BHARATIBHUVANAGRANTHAMALA see BHUVANABHARTIGRANTHASALA.
BHARATIMANDIRASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH. 1908-<1918> BL
BHARATIYA JNANA-PITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRTA see
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRTA.
BHARATIYA JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. ENGLISH SERIES see
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. ENGLISH.
BHARATIYA JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA see
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA.
BHARATIYA VIDYA GRANTHAVALIH see BHARATIYA VIDYA SERIES.
BHARATIYA VIDYA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA see BHARATIYA VIDYA SERIES.
BHARATIYA VIDYA SERIES. 1940-<1985> Harvard, BL
BHARATIYA VIDYA SRENI see BHARATIYA VIDYA SERIES.
BHARATIYA VIDYA STUDIES. 1943-<1956> Harvard, BL
BHASKARA GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1919> BL
BHAVAN'S BOOK UNIVERSITY. 1950-<1984> Harvard, BL
BHIVANISTHASRIHARIYANASEKHAVATIBRAHMACARYASRAMANIBANDHAMALA. 192?-
<1929> BL
BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA
GRANTHAMALA see SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA
VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA.
BHOTADESIYA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA. 1953-<1986> Harvard, BL
BHRATRCANDRA GRANTHAMALA see ACARYASRIBHRATRCANDRASIRIGRANTHAMALA.
BHRATRCANDRA SIRI GRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIBHRATRCANDRASIRIGRANTHAMALA.
BHUVANABHARTIGRANTHASALA. 1928-<1933> BL
BHUVANESVARI GRANTHAMALA see SRI BHUVANESVARI GRANTHAMALA.
BIBLIOTHECA INDICA. 1849-<1986> Chicago, Harvard, BL
BIBLIOTHECA JAINICA see SACRED BOOKS OF THE JAINAS.
BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA see GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES.
BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
BOMBAY SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT SERIES. 1868-<1942> OTHER
BOMBAY SANSKRIT SERIES see BOMBAY SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT SERIES.
BOMBAY UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS. DEVANAGARI PALI TEXTS SERIES see
DEVANAGARI-PALI TEXT SERIES.
BRAHMACARIMALA. 190?-<1902> BL
BRAHMANABODHAMALA. 1920 BL
BRAHMARSHI GURUKULAM SERIES. 1933 BL
BRAHMARSI HARERAMA SUJNARAMA PANDITA KRTA GRANTHAMALA see
BRAHMARSIKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
BRAHMARSI HARERAMA SUJNARAMA SARMA KRTA GRANTHAMALA see
BRAHMARSIKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
BRAHMARSIKRTA GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1928> BL
BUDDHISAGARASIRIGRANTHAMALA see SRIMADBUDDHISAGARASIRIJIGRANTHAMALA.
BUDDHIST TEXTS OF THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN SCHOOLS. 1894-<1899> BL
CAITANYAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1933> BL
CAKRADHARAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1932> BL
CALCUTTA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1917-<1957> Chicago, Harvard, BL
CALCUTTA SANSKRIT SERIES. 1931-<1952> Harvard, Chicago, BL
CANDRASAGARAJINAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1926> BL
CAPAI VULIYITU see SRIBRAHMAVIDYAVIMARSINISABHA GRANTHAMALA.
CARITAMALIKA. 191?-<1915> BL
CARITRA MEMORIAL BOOK SERIES see SRI CARITRA SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
CAUKHAMBA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA. 1898-<1976> Harvard, BL
CAUKHAMBA-STOTRA-GRANTHAMALA. 1946-<1960> BL
CEYLON NATIONAL MUSEUMS MANUSCRIPTS SERIES see LANKAJATIKA
KAUTUKAGARA PUSKOLAGRANTHAMALA.
CENNAIP PALKALAIK KALAKAT TATTUVATTURAI VELIYITU see MADRAS
UNIVERSITY PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES.
CHARITRA SERIES see SRI CARITRA SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
CHOWKHAMBA SANSKRIT BOOK DEPOT PUBLICATION. 189?-<189?> BL
CHOWKHAMBA SANSKRIT SERIES see CAUKHAMBA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA.
CHOWKHAMBA SANSKRIT SERIES. STUDIES see CHOWKHAMBA SANSKRIT STUDIES.
CHOWKHAMBA SANSKRIT STUDIES. 1935-<1979> Harvard, BL
CINTAMANI SIRISA. 1917 BL
COCHIN SANSKRIT SERIES see GOSRISAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
COLLECTED SANSKRIT WRITINGS OF THE PARSIS. 1906-<1933> BL
COLLECTION OF HINDU LAW TEXTS. 1914-<1955> BL
COMPARATIVE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY SERIES. 1945-<1954> Harvard, BL
CONJEEVERAM ORIENTAL LITERARY INSTITUTION SERIES. 1899-<1906> BL
CONTRIBUTION OF BENGAL TO SMRTI LITERATURE (PRACYAVANI) 1942-<195?>
BL
CONTRIBUTIONS OF MUSLIMS TO SANSKRIT LITERATURE. 1948-<1954>
Harvard, BL
CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. 1877-<1978> Harvard
CRITICAL STUDIES OF SANSKRIT DRAMAS. 1934 BL
CUNILALA GANDHI VIDYABHANA PRAKASANA see CHUNILAL GANDHI VIDYABHAVAN
STUDIES.
D.A.V. COLLEGE SANSKRIT SERIES see SRIMADDAYANANDA MAHAVIDYALAYA
SAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
DACCA UNIVERSITY BULLETIN. 1925-<1955> Harvard
DACCA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS SERIES. 1929-<1938> Harvard
DAIVATASAMHITA SERIES. 1941-<1943> BL
DAKSHINABHARATI SANSKRIT SERIES see DAKSINABHARATIGRANTHAMALA.
DAKSINA PRIZE BOOK SERIES. 186?-<1872> BL
DAKSINABHARATIGRANTHAMALA. 1922-<1929> Harvard
DARAVESAGRANTHAVALI. 191?-<1919> BL
DAYANAND COLLEGE SANSKRIT GRANTHAMALA see SRIMADDAYANANDA
MAHAVIDYALAYA SAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
DAYANANDA ANGLO-VEDIC COLLEGE SANSKRIT SERIES see SRIMADDAYANANDA
MAHAVIDYALAYA SAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
DAYANANDA CENTENARY SERIES. 192?-<1925> BL
DAYANANDA LEKHAVALI. 1903 BL
DAYANANDA MAHAVIDYALAYA SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA see SRIMADDAYANANDA
MAHAVIDYALAYA SAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
DAYANANDA'S WRITINGS see DAYANANDA LEKHAVALI.
DECCAN COLLEGE DISSERTATION SERIES. 1946-<1962> Chicago, Harvard, BL
DELHI UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS. 1926-<195?> Harvard
DESAVIRATIDHARMARADHAKASAMAJAGRANTHAMALA. 1926 BL
DEVACANDRA-LALABHAI-JAINA-PUSTAKODDHARA see SRESTHI DEVACANDRA
LALABHAI JAINAPUSTAKODDHARA.
DEVAKUMARAGRANTHAMALA. 1929-<1942> BL
DEVANAGARI-PALI TEXT SERIES. 1935-<1969> BL
DEVATAPARICAYAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1921> BL
DHAKAVISVAVIDYALAYA-PRACYAGRANTHAMALA see DACCA UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL
PUBLICATIONS SERIES.
DHANDHUKA SRI PUSTAMARGIYA PUSTAKALAYA DVARA PRAKASITA GRANTHAMALA
see DHANDHUKA SRI PUSTIMARGIYA PUSTAKALAYA DVARA PRAKASITA
GRANTHAMALA.
DHANDHUKA SRI PUSTIMARGIYA PUSTAKALAYA DVARA PRAKASITA GRANTHAMALA.
191?-<1913> BL
DHARMA PRACARA KI PUSTAKA see DHARMAPRACARAPUSTAKA.
DHARMAGRANTHARATNAKARA. 192? BL
DHARMAPRACARAPUSTAKA. 187?-<1875> BL
DHARMAPRAKASAVACANAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<191?> BL
DHARMASASTRAGRANTHAMALA see COLLECTION OF HINDU LAW TEXTS.
DIGAMBARA JAIN RELIGIOUS GRANTHA SERIES. 190?-<1910> BL
DIGAMBARA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1917> BL, Chicago
DIVINE LIFE SERIES. 193?-<1949> Harvard
DORAB SAKLATWALLA MEMORIAL SERIES. 191?-<1920> BL
DR. K. N. KATJU SERIES. 1951-<1954> Harvard, BL
DRAVIDAVEDANTARATNAKARA SERIES. 1910 BL
DVARAKESA-GRANTHA-MALA. 192?-<1935> BL
ETERNAL VEDA MYSTERY SERIES. 1937-<1937> BL
FORBES GUJARATI SABHA SERIES see SRI PHARBASA GUJARATI SABHA
GRANTHAVALI.
GAEKWAD STUDIES IN RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY. 1917-<1921> Harvard, BL
GAEKWAD'S ORIENTAL SERIES. 1916-<1983> Chicago, Harvard
GANDHI-HARIBHAIDEVAKARANA JAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1925> BL, Chicago
GANDHINATHARANGAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1912-<1918> BL, Chicago
GANDHINATHARANGAJI-JAINAGRANTHAMALA see
GANDHINATHARANGAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
GANGA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1942-1948 Harvard
GANGANATHA JHA RESEARCH INSTITUTE SERIES. 1951-<1952> Harvard, BL
GANGAYURVEDIYAGRANTHAMALA. 1931-<1931> BL
GAUDA-GRANTHAMALA. 1913 BL
GAYATRIPURASCARANALAYA (VA)...VEDAVIDYALAYA SRI GANAPATIMANDIRA see
SRIGAYATRIPURASCARANALAYA (VA) SVANANDODBHAVABUDDHISTHANAVEDA
VIDYALAYAPUSTAKALAYASRIGANAPATI MANDIRA.
GITA SERIES. 194?-<195?> Harvard
GOPAL CHUNDER LAW MEMORIAL TEXT SERIES. 194?-<1947> BL
GORAKHAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1910> BL
GOVARDHANADASALAKSMIDASAPRACINAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 189?-<1904> BL
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL (HINDU) SERIES see GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES,
CLASS A.
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA. 1893-
<1986> Harvard, BL
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS A. 1924-<1940> Chicago, Harvard,
BL
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS B. 1927-<1985> Harvard, BL
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS C. 1926-<1944> Harvard, BL
GOVINDAKUMARA SAMSKRTA GRANTHAVALI. 1933-<1934> BL
GRANTHAMANIMALA. 1929-<1931> BL
GRANTHAPRAKASAKASAMITIPUSTAKA. 1914 BL
GRANTHARATNAMALA. 1887-<1891> BL
GRANTHASAMPADAKA ANI GRANTHAPRASARAKA MANDALICI GRANTHAMALA see
GRANTHASAMPADAKA VA PRASARAKA MANDALICI GRANTHAMALA.
GRANTHASAMPADAKA VA PRASARAKA MANDALICI GRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1912> BL
GRANTHASAMPADAKAGRANTHAPRAKASAKAMANDALARYADHARMAGRANTHAMALA see
GRANTHASAMPADAKA VA PRASARAKA MANDALICI GRANTHAMALA.
GRHASRAMADARSA. 190?-<1903> BL
GUHANANDA MANDALY SERIES see SRIGUHANANDAMANDALI GRANTHAVALI.
GUJARAT VERNACULAR SOCIETY RESEARCH SERIES see SETHA BHOLABHAI
JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA
GRANTHAMALA.
GUJARATA PURATATTVA MANDIRA GRANTHAVALI. 1921-<1931> BL, Chicago
GUJARATA VARNAKAYULARA SOSAYATI HIRAKA MAHOTSAVA GRANTHAMALA see
SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA
SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA.
GUJARATA VARNAKYULARA SOSAYATI SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA see SETHA
BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA
GRANTHAMALA.
GUPTA PRESS SULABHA GRANTHAVALI. 1915 BL
GURUKULA-GRANTHAVALIH. 191?-<1921> BL
GURUKULA SAMSKRTA PATHAMALA see GURUKULA-GRANTHAVALIH.
GURUKULASAMSKRTAPATHYAPUSTAKAMALA see GURUKULA-GRANTHAVALIH.
GURUMANDAL SERIES see GURUMANDALAGRANTHAMALA.
GURUMANDALAGRANTHAMALA. 195?-<1970> BL
H. E. DR. K. N. KATJU SERIES see DR. K. N. KATJU SERIES.
HARIDAS SANSKRIT SERIES see HARIDASA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA.
HARIDASA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1989> Chicago, BL
HARIDASASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALASAMAKHYA-KASISAMSKRTASIRIZAPUSTAKAMALA see
KASI SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
HARIHARA KATA RATNAVALI. 192?-<1927> BL
HARIVALLABHADASA BALAGOVINDADASA GRANTHAVALI see
SETHAHARIVALLABHADASABALAGOVINDADASAGRANTHAMALA.
HEMACANDRA GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1931> BL
HERITAGE OF INDIA SERIES. 1918-<1961> Harvard
HETURAMAPUSTAKAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
HIMALAYAN ASTROLOGICAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE PUBLICATION see SRI
LAKSMIDHARA-VIDYAMANDIRAPUSPAM.
HIMALAYAN SERIES. 191?-<192?> BL
HINDI ANUSANDHANA PARISAD GRANTHAMALA. 1954-<1970> Harvard
HINDI JAINACARITRAMALA. 191?-<1915> BL
HINDI-JAINASAHITYA SIRIJA. 1914-<1914> BL
HINDISAHITYAGRANTHAVALI. 189?-<1921> BL
HINDU EXCELSIOR SERIES. 1884-<1887> BL
HINDIARYASANGHAPARISKARANA. 1909 BL
HOLY SIDDHANTAS OF THE JAINAS SERIES. 1950-<195?> BL, Chicago
HRSIKESA SERIES. 192?-<1928> BL
HYDERABAD ARCHAEOLOGICAL SERIES. 1915-<1958> OTHER
ICALAKARANJI GRANTHAMALA. 1926-<1935> BL
ICALAKARANJI VYAKHYANAMALA see ICALAKARANJI GRANTHAMALA.
IDEAL AND PROGRESS SERIES. 191?-<1920> BL
INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE SERIES (KONKAN INSTITUTE OF ARTS AND
SCIENCES) 1952 Harvard
INDIAN POSITIVE SCIENCES SERIES. 1935-<1951> Chicago
INDIAN RENAISSANCE LIBRARY SERIES. 1924-<1924> BL
INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS. FINE ARTS SERIES. 1934-
<1937> Harvard
INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS. INDIAN POSITIVE SCIENCES
SERIES see INDIAN POSITIVE SCIENCES SERIES.
INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS. LINGUISTIC SERIES. 1937 BL
"INDIAN THOUGHT" SERIES. 191?-<1919> Harvard
ISANA ANUVADAMALA. 1953-<1960> BL
ISLAND HERMITAGE PUBLICATION. 1949-<1950> Harvard
ISVARABHAVANAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
ISVARIYAGRANTHAMALA. 1925 BL
J. L. JAINI MEMORIAL SERIES see JAGMANDARLAL JAINI MEMORIAL SERIES.
JAGADGURU MURUSAVIRA MATH PUBLICATION SERIES. 194?-<1985> BL
JAGMANDARLAL JAINI MEMORIAL SERIES. 192?-<1948> Harvard
JAINA ATMAVIRA GRANTHAMALA see ATMAVIRAGRANTHARATNAMALA.
JAINA ATMAVIRAGRANTHANK see ATMAVIRAGRANTHARATNAMALA.
JAINA BIBLIOGRAPHY SERIES. 1945 Harvard
JAINA DHARMA PRASARAKA SABHA SERIES. 190?-<1939> BL, Chicago
JAINA SAHITYA KARYALAYA. 1942 BL
JAINA SAHITYA SAMSODHAKA GRANTHAMALA. 1923-<1928> BL, Chicago
JAINA SAHITYA SAMSODHAKA STUDIES. 1946-<1948> BL, Chicago
JAINA SAHITYAVARDHAKA SABHA SERIES. 193?-<1943> BL
JAINA SCRIPTURE GIFT SERIES. 191?-<1919> Harvard, Chicago
JAINA SREYASKARA MANDALA SERIES. 191?-<1928> BL, Chicago
JAINA VIVIDHA GRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1939> BL
JAINA-VIVIDHA-SAHITYA-SASTRAMALA. 1916-1919 BL
JAINA-YASOVIJAYA-GRANTHA-MALA see SRIYASOVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
JAINA YUVAKA GRANTHAMALA. 1916 BL
JAINACARITRAMALA see HINDI JAINACARITRAMALA.
JAINAGAMAPRAKASAMANDALA. 1929 BL
JAINAGRANTHARATNAKARA. 1903-<1923> BL, Chicago
JAINAJNANAPRASARAKAMANDALA. 1905-<1906> BL
JAINAKALA SAHITYA SAMSODHANA SIRIJA see SRI JAINA KALA SAHITYA
SAMSODHAKA KARYALAYA SERIES.
JAINAMRTASAMITIGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
JAINAPATRANI DASAMA VARSANI BHETA. 190?-<1912> BL
JAINARYA-PUNYASRIJI-SMARAKA-GRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1938> BL
JAINASAHITYODDHARAGRANTHAVALI see SRI JAINA PRACINA SAHITYODDHARA
GRANTHAVALI.
JAINASASTRAMALA. 1936-<1966> BL
JALANDHARAKANYAMAHAVIDYALAYAGRANTHAMALA. 1920 BL
JATAKASIROMANI. 1914-<1914> BL
JAYACAMARAJENDRA GRANTHAMALA see SRI JAYACAMARAJENDRA
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
JAYACAMARAJENDRA GRANTHARATNAMALA see SRI JAYACAMARAJENDRA
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA
see SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA
SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA.
JINADATTASIRIPUSTAKODDHARA PHANDA see
SRIJINADATTASIRIPRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA (SIRATA)
JINAMANIMALA. 195?-<1953> BL
JINAYASAHSIRIJIGRANTHARATNAMALA see SRIJINAYASAHSIRIJI-
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
JIVARAJA GRANTHAMALA (MARATHI VIBHAGA) see JIVARAJA JAINA
GRANTHAMALA. MARATHI PRAKASANA.
JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. HINDI
VIBHAGA.
JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. HINDI VIBHAGA. 1943-<1988> Harvard
JIVARAJA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. MARATHI PRAKASANA. 1953-<1983> Harvard,
BL
JNANA-PITHA MOORTI DEVI JAIN GRANTHAMALA. SANSKRIT see JNANAPITHA
MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA.
JNANA-PITHA MOORTIDEVI JAIN GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRIT see JNANAPITHA
MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRTA.
JNANABHAKTIVAIRAGYADAYAKAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1925> BL
JNANALAHARI SERIES. 191?-<1918> BL
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRIT see JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI
JAINA GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRTA.
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA see JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI
JAINA GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA.
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. ENGLISH. 1950-<1987>
Harvard
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. HINDI. 1947-<1987> Harvard
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. PRAKRTA. 1947-<1986>
Harvard
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA. 1948-<1978>
Harvard, BL, Chicago
JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI PALI GRANTHAMALA. 1951 Harvard
JOURNAL OF THE BIHAR AND ORISSA RESEARCH SOCIETY. APPENDICES. 1925-
<1948> BL
JUVENILE SANSKRIT LITERATURE SERIES. 1920 BL
JYOTIRJNANAMANJISA. 1928 BL
KAIVALYAPADAH. 1918 BL
KALAKALPAVALLIGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1924> BL
KALIGHATA-KALIKA-GRANTHAMALA. 1931-<1943> BL
KAMALAMALIKA. 1903-<1910> BL
KAMALAMANIGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1949> BL
KANVIYAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1914-<1928> BL
KANYAGURUKULAPUSTAKALAYA. 190?-<1917> BL
KAPILAMANDIRA SERIES. 193?-<194?> BL
KARANJA JAINA SERIES. 1931-1934 Harvard
KARTAVYAPRABODHAKAVYALAYA. 1916 BL
KASHI SANSKRIT SERIES see KASI SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
KASHMIR SERIES OF TEXTS AND STUDIES see KASMIRASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
KASI SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA. 1915-<1986> Chicago, Harvard, BL
KASI-SAMSKRTA-SIRIZA GRANTHAMALA see KASI SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
KASINATHA GRANTHAMALA. 1929-<193?> BL
KASMIRASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH. 1911-<1963> Chicago, Harvard, BL
KATHAPRASINAMALA. 1905 BL
KAVISVARADALAPATARAMASMARAKAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1936> BL
KAVITA-NIKUNJA. 192?-<1930> BL
KAVYAGUNADARSA. 1908-<1911> BL
KAVYAKALAPA. 1864-<1865> BL
KAVYAMALA. 1886-<1925> Chicago
KAVYAUALIKA. 190?-<1913> BL
KEDARANATHASIVATATTVAGRANTHAMALA. 1929-<1930> BL
KEDARASIVATATTVAGRANTHAMALA see KEDARANATHASIVATATTVAGRANTHAMALA.
KESAVASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 1939-<1971> BL
KESHAVA SANSKRIT GRANTHAMALA see KESAVASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
KHARATARAGACCHAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1924> BL
KIRTI MANDIR LECTURES SERIES. 194?-<1948> Harvard
KRSNABRAHMATANTRAPARAKALAMAHADESIKASRAMA. 191?-<1919> BL
KSANTI SIRI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1939-<1943> BL
KSATRIYETIHASA. 1926 BL
KUMAR PARIVRAJAK SERIES see KUMARAPARIVRAJAKAGRANTHAMALA.
KUMARAPARIVRAJAKAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1931> BL
KUNTHUSAGARA ACARYA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1949> BL
LABDHISIRISVARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA see
SRILABDHISIRISVARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
LAHIRI'S SERIES. 188?-<1881> BL
LANKAJATIKA KAUTUKAGARA PUSKOLAGRANTHAMALA. 195?-<1952> BL
LAW'S RESEARCH SERIES. 1934-<1935> Harvard, Chicago
LIBRARY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION. 1942-<195?> Harvard
LIBRARY OF JAINA LITERATURE. 1915-<1918> Harvard, BL, Chicago
LONDON LIBRARY SERIES. 188?-<1883> BL
M. G. SASTRI MEMORIAL SERIES. 193?-<1943> BL
M. S. UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL SERIES see MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO UNIVERSITY
OF BARODA ORIENTAL SERIES.
MADHUSIDANAGRANTHAMALA see SRIMADHUSIDANAGRANTHAMALA.
MADRAPURIVISVAVIDYALAYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA see MADRAS UNIVERSITY
SANSKRIT SERIES.
MADRAPURIYAVISVAVIDYALAYAGRANTHAVALIH see MADRAS UNIVERSITY SANSKRIT
SERIES.
MADRAPURIYAVISVAVIDYALAYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH see MADRAS UNIVERSITY
SANSKRIT SERIES.
MADRAS GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL MANUSCRIPTS SERIES. 1937-<1961> Harvard,
Chicago, BL
MADRAS GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES. 1950-<1972> Harvard, BL
MADRAS ORIENTAL SERIES. 1928-<1973> BL
MADRAS SANSKRIT SERIES. 1898-<1899> BL
MADRAS UNIVERSITY HISTORICAL SERIES. 1919-<1976> Harvard, BL
MADRAS UNIVERSITY PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES. 192?-<1988> Chicago, Harvard
MADRAS UNIVERSITY SANSKRIT SERIES. 1930-<1988> Chicago, Harvard, BL
MAHABODHIGRANTHAMALA. 1933-<1938> BL
MAHAMANDALAGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1910> BL
MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO GAEKWAD HONORARIUM LECTURES. 1952-<1971> Harvard
MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO UNIVERSITY OF BARODA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1956-<1986>
Chicago
MAHARASTRAKAVISANTAMALA see POET-SAINTS OF MAHARASHTRA.
MAHAVIRA GRANTHAMALA see SRI MAHAVIRA GRANTHAMALA.
MAITHILANIBANDHAMALA. 1931 BL
MAJAMUDARA MANISANKARA JATASANKARA KIKANI GRANTHAMALA. 189?-<1938>
BLMAJUMDARA'S SERIES. 186?-<1879> BL
MANGAROLAJAINASABHAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1910> BL
MANIKACANDRA-DIGAMBARA-JAINA-GRANTHAMALA. 1915-<1974> Harvard, BL
MANJUBHASINI SERIES. 190?-<1905> BL
MASTARA MANIMALA. 193?-<195?> Chicago
MASTER MANI MALA see MASTARA MANIMALA.
MAZUMDARA'S SERIES see MAJUMDARA'S SERIES.
MEHAR CHAND LACHHMAN DAS SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT SERIES. 1932-1943
Chicago, BL
MEHARACANDRA LAKSMANADASA AYURVAIDIKA GRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1935> BL
MEHARACANDRA LAKSMANADASA SAMSKRTA TATHA PRAKRTA SIRIJA see MEHAR
CHAND LACHHMAN DAS SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT SERIES.
MEMOIRS OF THE COLOMBO MUSEUM. SERIES A. 193?-<1938> BL
MEYER LECTURES see SIR WILLIAM MEYER LECTURES.
MIMAMSA AND DHARMA SASTRA SERIES. 1938 BL
MITHILA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1972> BL
MITHILA RESEARCH INSTITUTE SANSKRIT SERIES see
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI.
MITHILA VIDYAPITHA GRANTHAMALA - 2. ARVACINA-PANDITA GRANTHAVALI see
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI.
MITHILA VIDYAPITHA GRANTHAMALA. ARVACINACARYA PRABHANDAVALI see
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI.
MITHILASAMSKRTAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA see
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI.
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI. 1954-<1978>
Chicago
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. NAVINAGRANTHAVALI see
MITHILAVIDYAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. ARVACINAGRANTHAVALI.
MOHARAJA KUMUD CHANDRA MEMORIAL SERIES. 1922 BL
MONOGRAPH SERIES (ASIATIC SOCIETY (CALCUTTA, INDIA)) see ASIATIC
SOCIETY MONOGRAPH SERIES.
MONOGRAPHS (VARENDRA RESEARCH SOCIETY) 1926-<1949> Harvard, BL
MOOZOOMDER'S SERIES see MAJUMDARA'S SERIES.
MUDETIKARASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALI. 191?-<1920> BL
MUKTABAI JNANAMANDIRA PUBLICATION. 193?-<1942> BL
MUKTIKAMALAJAINAMOHANAMALA see SRIMAN MUKTIKAMALA JAINA MOHANAMALA.
MUNI SHREE MOHANLALJI JAINA GRANTHAMALA see MUNISRIMOHANALALAJI
JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
MUNISRIANANTAKIRTIDIGAMBARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1919-<1932> BL, Chicago
MUNISRIMOHANALALAJI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1930> BL
MIRTIDEVI GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA see JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA. SAMSKRTA.
MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. ENGLISH SERIES see JNANAPITHA
MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. ENGLISH.
MIRTIDEVI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. HINDI see JNANAPITHA MIRTIDEVI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA. HINDI.
MUSIC ACADEMY SERIES see SANGITAVIDVATSABHAGRANTHAMALA.
MUZUMDARA'S SERIES see MAJUMDARA'S SERIES.
NADIYADANA SRIPUSHTIMARGIYA PUSTAKALAYADVARA PRAKASITA GRANTHAMALA.
1911-<1920> BL
NANDA GRANTHAMALA. 1925-<1926> BL
NANDINIGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
NARASIMHASAMSKRTAKALASALAGRANTHAMALA see
SRINARASIMHASAMSKRTAKALASALAGRANTHAMALA.
NAVASODHANIYASIVAPREYASIPRAKKAVYAMALIKA. 192?-<1924> BL
NEMI LAVANYA SIRI GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1956> BL
NEMIVINODAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1921> BL
NEW ERA PUBLICATIONS. 1933 Harvard
NUTAN JAIN SAHITYA SERIES. 1953-<1953> Harvard, Chicago
NUTAN JAIN SERIES see NUTAN JAIN SAHITYA SERIES.
NITANA JAINA SIRIJA see NUTAN JAIN SAHITYA SERIES.
NYAYARATNAVALI. 1900-<1904> BL
O. P. C. L. SERIES (ORIENTAL PUBLISHING COMPANY LIMITED) 1904-<1910>
BL
ORIENTAL LIBRARY PUBLICATIONS. SANSKRIT SERIES see GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
ORIENTAL PRESS EDITION. 1907 BL
ORIENTAL PUBLISHING COMPANY LIMITED SERIES see O.P.C.L. SERIES
(ORIENTAL PUBLISHING COMPANY LIMITED)
ORIENTAL RELIGIOUS SERIES. 1947-<1947> Harvard
ORIENTAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE. SANSKRIT SERIES see GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
PA. PI. MANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA see PA. PI.
PANNYASAMANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA.
PA. PI. PANNYASAMANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1962> BL
PALI GRANTHAMALA (KANGRI) 1916 BL
PALIGRANTHADIPANI SERIES. 1919 BL
PAM. MANIVIJAYAJI GRANTHAMALA see PA. PI.
PANNYASAMANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA.
PAM. SRI MUKTIVIMALAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA see SRI MUKTIVIMALAJI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA.
PANDITAGATTILALAJIGRANTHAMALA. 1923-<1923> BL
PANJAB UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS. 1920-<1965> Chicago,
Harvard, BL
PANJABA ORIYANTALA SIRIJA see PUNJAB ORIENTAL SERIES.
PARAMARTHA SERIES. 1912-<191?> BL
PARAMARTHAGRANTAMALA. 1928 BL
PARASIKADHARMADIVISAYAKASAMSKRTAPUSTAKASANGRAHAH see COLLECTED
SANSKRIT WRITINGS OF THE PARSIS.
PAROPAKARAYA SATAM VIBHITAYAH. 1906-<1928> BL, Chicago
PATAVARI VRAJALALA VRNDAVANADASA SMARAKA SAMPRADAYIKA GRANTHAMALA.
191?-<1911> BL
PATAVARI VRJALALA VRNDAVANADASA SMARAKA SAMPRADAYIKA GRANTHAMALA see
PATAVARI VRAJALALA VRNDAVANADASA SMARAKA SAMPRADAYIKA GRANTHAMALA.
PATNA UNIVERSITY READERSHIP LECTURES. 1920-<1937> Harvard
POCKET SANSKRIT CLASSICS. 1917-<1918> BL
POET-SAINTS OF MAHARASHTRA. 1926-<1941> Harvard, BL
POONA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1933-<1964> Chicago, Harvard, BL
PRACINA (JAINA) SAHITYODDHARAGRANTHAVALI see SRI JAINA PRACINA
SAHITYODDHARA GRANTHAVALI.
PRACINA GURJARA GRANTHAMALA. 1953-<1983> BL
PRACINA JAINA PUSTAKODDHARA PHANDA see PRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA.
PRACINABHARATIYAGRANTHAVALI. 1915 BL
PRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA. 191?-<1929> BL
PRACTICAL VEDANTA SERIES. 1937 BL
PRACTICAL YOGA SERIES. 1941-<1948> Harvard
PRACYABANI GABESHANA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1963> BL
PRACYAVANI CONTRIBUTIONS OF MUSLIMS TO SANSKRIT LEARNING see
CONTRIBUTIONS OF MUSLIMS TO SANSKRIT LITERATURE.
PRACYAVANI GOPAL CHUNDER LAW MEMORIAL SANSKRIT SERIES see GOPAL
CHUNDER LAW MEMORIAL TEXT SERIES.
PRACYAVANI GOPAL CHUNDER LAW MEMORIAL TEXT SERIES see
GOPAL CHUNDER LAW MEMORIAL TEXT SERIES.
PRACYAVANI MANDIRA COMPARATIVE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY SERIES see
COMPARATIVE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY SERIES.
PRACYAVANI MANDIRA SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA see PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT
SERIES.
PRACYAVANI MANDIRA SANSKRIT TEXT SERIES see PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT
SERIES.
PRACYAVANI RESEARCH SERIES see PRACYABANI GABESHANA GRANTHAMALA.
PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT SERIES. 1944-<1980> Harvard, BL
PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT TEXT SERIES see PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT SERIES.
PRACYAVANI TEXT SERIES see PRACYAVANI SANSKRIT SERIES.
PRACYAVIDYASAMSODHANALAYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA see GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL
LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
PRAJNAPATHASALAMANDALAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1966> Chicago
PRAKIRNAKA PUSTAKAMALA. 194?-<1987> BL
PRAKRIT GRANTHAMALA see PRAKRTA GRANTHAMALA.
PRAKRTA GRANTHAMALA. 1932-<1938> BL
PRATAP SINGH GAEKWAD LIBRARY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION see
LIBRARY OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION.
PRATHAMAMALA. 190?-<192?> BL
PRINCESS OF WALES SARASVATI BHAVANA TEXTS SERIES see
SARASVATIBHAVANA-GRANTHAMALA.
PI. ACARYA SRI VIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINA GRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
PI. PAM. MANIVIJAYAGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA see PA. PI.
PANNYASAMANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA.
PI. PAM. SRIMANIVIJAYAJI GANIVARA GRANTHAMALA see PA. PI.
PANNYASAMANIVIJAYAJIGANIVARAGRANTHAMALA.
PI. SA. PRA. ACARYADEVA SRIMAD VIJAYADANASIRI-JAINA-GRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
PUBLICATIONS DE L'INSTITUT FRANCAIS D'INDOLOGIE. 1955-<1986> Chicago
PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEPARTMENT OF INDIAN PHILOSOPHY see MADRAS
UNIVERSITY PHILOSOPHICAL SERIES.
PINAMACANDA VRDDHICANDA DHADDHA HINDI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1916>
BL
PUNE, BHA. I. SAM. MAM. PU. GRANTHA-MALA see PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA
(BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
PUNE, BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA-MANDALA PURASKRTA GRANTHAMALA see
PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
PUNJAB ORIENTAL SERIES. 1921-1955 Chicago, BL
PUNJAB SANSKRIT SERIES see PUNJAB ORIENTAL SERIES.
PUNJAB UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL PUBLICATION see PANJAB UNIVERSITY
ORIENTAL PUBLICATIONS.
PUNJABHAI JAIN GRANTHAMALA see SRI PINJABHAI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
PURANAKATHATARANGINI. 1917 BL
PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA) 1923-<1972>
Harvard, BL
PIVVALLIPANCAVARNABRHANMATHAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1941> BL
RAHASYASIDDHANTAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1927> BL
RAJAKIYA PRACYAGRANTHASRENIH. ANUKRAMANKAH A see GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS A.
RAJAKIYA PRACYAGRANTHASRENIH. ANUKRAMANKAH B see GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS B.
RAJAKIYA PRACYAGRANTHASRENIH. ANUKRAMANKAH C see GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL SERIES, CLASS C.
RAJASTHANA PURATANA GRANTHAMALA. 1952-<1991> BL
RAJENDRASIRIJAINAGRANTHAMALA see SRIRAJENDRASIRI-JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
RAMA BHAVANAM SERIES. 192?-<1923> BL
RAMANUJACHARI ORIENTAL INSTITUTE PUBLICATIONS. 192?-<1930> BL
RAMAVILASAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1922> BL
RAMBLES IN SCRIPTURE LAND. 1915 BL
RAO BAHADUR BAPU RAO DADA KINKHEDE LECTURES (NAGPUR UNIVERSITY) 1930-
<1962> Harvard
RASIKAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1934> BL
RASTRIYAKIRTANAMALA. 1921 BL
RATNAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1935> BL
RATNAKARAGRANTHAMALA. 19??-<19??> Chicago
RATNAPITAKAGRANTHAVALI. 192?-<1935> BL
RAVASAHEBA MALLAPPA BASAPPA VARADA SOLAPURA YANCYA UDARA ASRAYAKHALIM
PRASIDDHA HONARI VIRASAIVALINGIBRAHMANADHARMAGRANTHAMALA see
VIRASAIVALINGIBRAHMANADHARMAGRANTHAMALA.
RAYA DHANAPATISIMHA BAHADURAKA JAINAGAMASANGRAHA see SRIYUTA RAYA
DHANAPATISIMHA BAHADURA KA AGAMASANGRAHA.
RAYACANDRAJAINASASTRAMALA. 1905-<1954> Harvard, Chicago, BL
RAYACANDRAJINAGAMASANGRAHA. 1917-<1933> BL
RECORDS IN ORIENTAL LANGUAGES. 194?-<1966> Harvard
RESEARCH SERIES (SHETH BHOLABHAI JESHINGBHAI INSTITUTE OF LEARNING AND
RESEARCH) see SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA
VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA.
RSABHADEVA KESARAMALA SVETAMBARA SAMSTHA PUBLICATION. 192?-<1940> BL
S. K. B. A. SERIES see KRSNABRAHMATANTRAPARAKALAMAHADESIKASRAMA.
S. K. PRESS SANSKRIT SERIES see SARADAKRIDANAGRANTHAMALA.
S. UNIVERSAL SERIES see SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA.
SA. VI. GRANTHAMALA see SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE JAINAS. 1917-1940 OTHER
SACRED BOOKS OF THE JAINS. 1902-<1925> BL
SADACARAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1926> BL
SADACARAPRAVARTAKAPUSTAKAMALA. 192?-<1926> BL
SADHURATNAMALA. 1920-<1922> BL
SAHITYA PARISAT SERIES see SAHITYAPARISADGRANTHAVALI.
SAHITYAPARISADGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1935> BL
SAHRDAYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALI. 1908-<1909> BL
SAIVAGAMASANGHA PUBLICATIONS. 192?-<1934> BL
SAKHARAMANEMACANDRAGRANTHAMALA see SRI SAKHARAMA NEMACANDA
GRANTHAMALA.
SAMANVAYA SERIES. 1903-<1906> BL
SAMIRA SAMAYA SERIES. 193?-<193?> BL
SAMPRADAYAGRANTHAMALA. 1908-<1909> BL
SAMPRADAYIKAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1912> BL
SAMSKARAGRANTHAMALA SERIES. 192?-<1927> BL
SAMSKRTA-KOSA-KAVYA-SAMGRAHA. 1941-<1947> Harvard, BL
SAMSKRTA-KOSA-KAVYA-SAMGRAHA SERIES see SAMSKRTA-KOSA-KAVYA-
SAMGRAHA.
SAMSKRTA-SAHITYA-PARISAD-GRANTHAMALA. 1918-<1987> Chicago, Harvard,
BL
SAMSKRTAJYOTIRGANITAPUSTAKAVALI. 1898-<1930> BL
SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA (SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-
SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA) see SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI
ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA.
SANATANADHARMAKARYALAYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 1934 BL
SANATANAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1913-<1937> BL, Chicago
SANATANAJAINASAMSTHA GRANTHAMALA see SANATANAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SANGITAVIDVATSABHAGRANTHAMALA. 1934-<1942> Chicago
SANMATI PRAKASANA see SANMATI PUBLICATION (JAIN CULTURAL RESEARCH
SOCIETY)
SANMATI PUBLICATION (JAIN CULTURAL RESEARCH SOCIETY) 1945-<1966> BL,
Chicago
SANSKRIT AND PRAKRIT JAIN LITERATURE SERIES. 1935-<1940> BL
SANSKRIT CLASSICAL WORKS SERIES. 1953 BL
SANSKRIT POETICAL ANTHOLOGY. 1889 BL
SANSKRIT SAHITYA PARISHAT SERIES see SAMSKRTA-SAHITYA-PARISAD-
GRANTHAMALA.
SANSKRIT SAHITYA SERIES. 193?-<1937> BL
SANSKRIT SAVITRI SERIES. 1923-<1930> Harvard
SANSKRIT TEXTS FROM TIBET see JOURNAL OF THE BIHAR AND ORISSA
RESEARCH SOCIETY. APPENDICES.
SANTAKUTI-VAIDIKA-GRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1972> Harvard
SANTIPATHAGRANTHAVALI. 192?-<1925> BL
SARADA-GAURAVA-GRANTHAMALA. 1960-<1977> Chicago, BL
SARADA SAMSKRTA GRANTHAMALA. 1920-<1948> BL
SARADAKRIDANAGRANTHAMALA. 1895-<1901> Chicago
SARADAPITHAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
SARALAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1938 BL
SARASBATI VIHARA SERIES. 1936-<1963> Harvard, BL
SARASVATI BHAVANA GRANTHAMALA see SARASVATIBHAVANA-GRANTHAMALA.
SARASVATI BHAVANA PRAKASANAMALA. 195?-<1958> BL
SARASVATI BHAVANA TEXTS see SARASVATIBHAVANA-GRANTHAMALA.
SARASVATI VIHARA SERIES see SARASBATI VIHARA SERIES.
SARASVATIBHAVANA-ADHYAYANAMALA. 1922-<1987> Harvard
SARASVATIBHAVANA-GRANTHAMALA. 1920-<1986> Chicago, Harvard, BL
SARASVATIBHAVANA STUDIES see SARASVATIBHAVANA-ADHYAYANAMALA.
SARASVATIBHAVANAPRAKASANAMALA see SARASVATIBHAVANA-GRANTHAMALA.
SARASVATIMAHAL GRANTHAMALA see TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA
GRANTHAMALA.
SARASVATIVILASA SERIES. 1902-<1932> Chicago, BL
SARASWATI MAHAL SERIES see TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA GRANTHAMALA.
SARVADANAND UNIVERSAL SERIES see SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA.
SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA. 1950-<1980> Harvard, BL
SARVASASTRASANGRAHA. 1880-<1881> BL
SASTHRA MUKTHAVALI see SASTRAMUKTAVALI.
SASTRAMALA. 193?-<1938> BL, Chicago
SASTRAMUKTAVALI. 1899-<1934> BL, Chicago
SASTRAPRAKASA. 1873-<1875> BL
SASTRIYA GRANTHAMALA NAGAPIRA. 1929-<1931> BL
SASTRIYAGRANTHAMALA. 1906 BL
SATSAMPRADAYAVARDHINI SABHA. 191?-<1916> BL
SATYAMVADA AND DHARMAMCHARA SERIES. 1910 BL
SATYAVIJAYASMARAKAJAINAGRANTHAMALA see
SRISATYAVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SAVITA-BAI MILACANDA KAPADIYA SMARAKAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1943> BL
SAVITA MEMORIAL SERIES see SAVITARAYA-SMRTISAMRAKSANA-GRANTHAMALA.
SAVITARAYA-SMRTI-SAMRAKSANAGRANTHAMALA see SAVITARAYA-
SMRTISAMRAKSANA-GRANTHAMALA.
SAVITARAYA-SMRTISAMRAKSANA-GRANTHAMALA. 1918-<1961> Chicago, BL
SCINDIA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1940-<1985> Harvard, BL
SELF-REALISATION SERIES. 1936-<1937> Harvard
SETHA ANANDAJI PURUSOTTAMA GRANTHA-MALA. 190?-<1913> BL
SETHA BHOLABHAI JESINGABHAI ADHYAYANA-SAMSODHANA VIDYABHAVANA
SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA. 1898?-<1987> Chicago
SETHA KALIDASA VIRAJI-SMARAKA-GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<195?> BL
SETHA NAGARADASA PURUSOTTAMADASA GRANTHAMALA. 1927 Chicago
SETHA NARAYANADASA TATHA JETHANANDA ASANAMALA PUSTIMARGIYAGRANTHAMALA.
194?-<1943> BL
SETHAHARIVALLABHADASABALAGOVINDADASAGRANTHAMALA. 189?-<1948> BL
SETHIYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1965> BL, Chicago
SETHIYA JAINAGRANTHALAYA see SETHIYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SHANTA-KUTI VEDIC SERIES see SANTAKUTI-VAIDIKA-GRANTHAMALA.
SHASTRAPRAKASHA see SASTRAPRAKASA.
SHETH DEVCHAND LALBHAI JAIN PUSTAKODDHAR FUND SERIES see SRESTHI
DEVACANDRA LALABHAI JAINAPUSTAKODDHARA.
SHREE AAGAMODDHARAK GRANTHMALA see AGAMODDHARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
SHREE AGAMODAYA SAMITI SERIES see SRIAGAMODAYASAMITIGRANTHODDHARA.
SHREE FORBES GUJARATI SABHA PUBLICATIONS see SRI PHARBASA GUJARATI
SABHA GRANTHAVALI.
SHREE JAIN PRACHIN SAHITYODDHAR GRANTHAVALI see SRI JAINA PRACINA
SAHITYODDHARA GRANTHAVALI.
SHREE MAHAVEER GRANTHAMALA see SRI MAHAVIRA GRANTHAMALA.
SHREE VIJAYADEVSUR SANGH SERIES see SHRI VIJAYADEVSUR SANGH SERIES.
SHREE VIJAYDHARMASURI JAIN BOOKS SERIES see SRI VIJAYA DHARMASIRI
JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SHREE YATEENDRA SAHITYA SADAN SERIES. 195?-<1951> BL
SHRI AGAMODAYA SAMITI SERIES see SRIAGAMODAYASAMITIGRANTHODDHARA.
SHRI ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHA SERIES see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
SHRI CHUNILAL GANDHI VIDYABHAVAN STUDIES see CHUNILAL GANDHI
VIDYABHAVAN STUDIES.
SHRI GULAB-VIR-GRANTHMALA see SRI GULABAVIRAGRANTHAMALA.
SHRI JIN DUTTSURI PRACHIN PUSTAKODDHAR FUND see
SRIJINADATTASIRIPRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA (SIRATA)
SHRI RAICHAND JAIN SASTRAMALA see RAYACANDRAJAINASASTRAMALA.
SHRI RAJASTHAN SANSKRIT COLLEGE GRANTHAMALA. 1933-<194?> BL
SHRI VIJAYADEVSUR SANGH SERIES. 195?-<1956> BL
SIMON HEWAVITARNE BEQUEST. 1917-<1952> Harvard, BL
SINDHIYA PRACYA GRANTHAMALA see SCINDIA ORIENTAL SERIES.
SINGHI JAIN SERIES see SINGHI JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SINGHI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1933-<1982> Chicago, Harvard
SINO-INDICA (CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY) 1927-<1938> Harvard
SIR WILLIAM MEYER LECTURES. 1928-<1981> Harvard, Chicago
SITARAMAVILASAGRANTHAMALA. 1926 BL
SIVAGAMA PUBLICATIONS see SIVAGAMASIDDHANTAPARIPALANASANGHAPRAKASVA.
SIVAGAMASIDDHANTAPARIPALANASANGHAPRAKASVA. 192?-<1932> BL
SOURCES OF INDO-ARYAN LEXICOGRAPHY. 1947-<1966> Chicago, Harvard, BL
SRAMANA BHAGAVAN MAHAVIRA. 1948-<1950> Harvard, BL
SREE RAVI VARMA SANSKRIT SERIES see SRIRAVIVARMASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALI.
SREEGOPAL BASUMALLIK FELLOWSHIP LECTURES. 1928-<1931> Harvard
SRESTHI DEVACANDRA LALABHAI JAINAPUSTAKODDHARA. 1911-<1974> Chicago,
Harvard, BL
SRI 108 SRIDEVAKINANDANACARYACARANANAM SMARIKA GRANTHARATNAMALA.
1926-<1928> BL
SRI ABHAYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1976> Harvard, BL
SRI AGAMODAYA SAMITI SERIES see SRIAGAMODAYASAMITIGRANTHODDHARA.
SRIAGAMODAYASAMITIGRANTHODDHARA. 1916-<1932> BL
SRI AGAMODDHARAKA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see AGAMODDHARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
SRI AGAMODDHARAKAGRANTHAMALA see AGAMODDHARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
SRIAGAMODDHARASANGRAHA. 194?-<1957> BLSRI AMI-SOMA JAINA GRANTHAMALA
see SRIAMISOMA-JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRIAMISOMA-JAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1938-<1953> BL, Chicago
SRI ANANDA-HEMA-GRANTHAMALA see ANANDAHEMAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI ANANDACANDRAGRANTHABDHI. 1943-<1961> Chicago
SRI ATMAKAMALA-JAINALAYABRERI see ATMAKAMALA JAINA LIBRARY.
SRI ATMANANDA-JAINA-SATABDI-GRANTHAMALA. 1934-<1950> BL, Chicago
SRI ATMANANDA-JAINAGRANTHAMALA see SRIJAINA-ATMANANDA-
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
SRI ATMANANDA-JAINAGRANTHARATNAMALA see SRIJAINA-ATMANANDA-
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
SRI ATMANANDA JANMA-SATABDI-SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 1938-<1939>
Harvard, BL
SRI ATMANANDAGRANTHARATNAMALA see SRIJAINA-ATMANANDA-
GRANTHARATNAMALA.
SRI ATMATILAKAGRANTHA SOSAYATI see ATMATILAKAGRANTHA SOSAYATI.
SRIATMAVALLABHAGRANTHA-SIRIJHA see ATMAVALLABHA GRANTHASIRIZA.
SRI ATMAVIRAGRANTHARATNAMALA see ATMAVIRAGRANTHARATNAMALA.
SRI BALAMANORAMA SERIES. 1912-<1964> Harvard, BL
SRIBALAMANORAMASIRIS see SRI BALAMANORAMA SERIES.
SRIBANAJILALA THOLIYA-DIGAMBARA JAINA-GRANTHAMALA. 1936 BL
SRI BHAGAVATA DHARMA MISSION SERIES. 194?-<1953> Harvard
SRI BHAGAVATA DHARMA SERIES see SRI BHAGAVATA DHARMA MISSION SERIES.
SRI BHAKTI GRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1916> BL
SRI BHANABHAI-VAIDYA-GRANTHAMALA. 1938 BL
SRI BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA-MANDALA PURASKRTA GRANTHAMALA see
PURASKRTAGRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASA-SAMSODHAKA MANDALA)
SRIBHARATI GRANTHAMALA (INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE) 193?-<1942> BL,
Chicago
SRI BHUVANESVARI GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1956> BL, Chicago
SRI BRAHMA VIDYA VIMARSINI SABHA SERIES see
SRIBRAHMAVIDYAVIMARSINISABHA GRANTHAMALA.
SRIBRAHMAVIDYAVIMARSINISABHA GRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1940> BL
SRI CARITRA SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1954> BL
SRI CITRAYURVEDAGRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1962> BL
SRIDAYAVIMALAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1916-<1924> BL
SRIDAYAVIMALAJIGRANTHAMALA see SRIDAYAVIMALAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI DVARAKADASA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1964> Chicago
SRIGAYATRIPURASCARANALAYA (VA) SVANANDODBHAVABUDDHISTHANAVEDA
VIDYALAYAPUSTAKALAYASRIGANAPATI MANDIRA. 190?-<1926> BL
SRIGODIPARSVAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1953> Harvard
SRI GRANTHA PRAKASAKA SABHA see SRI JAINAGRANTHAPRAKASASABHA.
SRIGUHANANDAMANDALI GRANTHAVALI. 193?-<1941> BL
SRI GULABAVIRAGRANTHAMALA. 1924-<1938> BL, Chicago
SRIHAMSAVIJAYAJI JAINA PHRI LAYABRERI GRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1924> BL,
Chicago
SRI HARIKRISNA NIBANDHA MANIMALA see SRIHARIKRSNANIBANDHAMANIMALA.
SRIHARIKRSNANIBANDHAMANIMALA. 192?-<1943> Harvard, Chicago, BL
SRIHATTA SAHITYAPARISHAD GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<194?> Harvard
SRIHEMACANDRACARYAGRANTHAVALI. 1916-<1928> BL, Chicago
SRIHINDI JAINAGAMA PRAKASAKA SUMATI KARYALAYA. 192?-<1958> BL
SRI JAGADGURU MIRUSAVIRAMATHA GRANTHAMALA see JAGADGURU MURUSAVIRA
MATH PUBLICATION SERIES.
SRI JAGADGURU-MIRUSAVIRAMATHIYA GRANTHAMALA see JAGADGURU MURUSAVIRA
MATH PUBLICATION SERIES.
SRI JAIN KALA SAHITYA SAMSODHAK SERIES see SRI JAINA KALA SAHITYA
SAMSODHAKA KARYALAYA SERIES.
SRIJAINA-ATMANANDA-GRANTHARATNAMALA. 1909-<1988> Chicago, BL
SRI JAINA ATMANANDA SABHA GRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1907> BL
SRI JAINA-ATMANANDA-SATABDI-GRANTHAMALA see SRI ATMANANDA-JAINA-
SATABDI-GRANTHAMALA.
SRI JAINA-ATMANANDA-SATABDI-SIRIJHA see SRI ATMANANDA-JAINA-SATABDI-
GRANTHAMALA.
SRI JAINA JNANAPRASARAKA MANDALA BHASANTARAMALA see
JAINAJNANAPRASARAKAMANDALA.
SRI JAINA KALA SAHITYA SAMSODHAKA KARYALAYA SERIES. 1944-<1983> BL
SRI JAINA KALA SAHITYA SAMSODHANA GRANTHAMALA see SRI JAINA KALA
SAHITYA SAMSODHAKA KARYALAYA SERIES.
SRI JAINA PRACINA SAHITYODDHARA GRANTHAVALI. 1932-<1953> BL, Chicago
SRI JAINAGRANTHAPRAKASASABHA. 1916-<1952> Chicago
SRIJAINAGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1911> BL
SRIJAINAYASOVIJAYAGRANTHAMALA see SRIYASOVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI JAYACAMARAJENDRA GITARATNAMALA. 1950-<1950> Chicago
SRI JAYACAMARAJENDRA GRANTHARATNAMALA. 1941?-<1958> Chicago
SRIJAYASIMHASIRISVARAJI SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 1933-<1948> BL
SRIJINADATTASIRIPRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA (SIRATA) 191?-<1952> BL,
Chicago
SRIJINADATTASIRIPUSTAKODDHARAKA PHANDA see
SRIJINADATTASIRIPRACINAPUSTAKODDHARAPHANDA (SIRATA)
SRIJINAYASAHSIRIJI-GRANTHARATNAMALA. 1918 BL
SRI JYOTISA SILPASASTRA VISARADA ACARYA SRI JAYASIMHASIRISVARAJI
GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<194?> Chicago
SRI KACCHI VISA OSAVALA (DAHERAVASI) JAINA PATHASALA SIKSANA MALA.
1916 BL
SRI KAMAKOTI KRANTAVALI. 1943-<1977> Harvard, BL
SRIKAMAKOTIGRANTHAVALI see SRI KAMAKOTI KRANTAVALI.
SRI KASHINATHA GRANTHAMALA see KASINATHA GRANTHAMALA.
SRI KESAVA GRANTHAMALA see KESAVASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI KRSNA GRANTHAMALA. 1937-<1950> BL
SRIKSANTISURI JAINA GRANTHAMALA see KSANTI SIRI JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SRILABDHISIRISVARAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1960> Chicago
SRI LAKSMIDHARA-VIDYAMANDIRAPUSPAM. 1955-<1958> BL
SRILALAJIPITAMBARADASADHARMIKAGRANTHAMANIMALA. 1919 BL
SRIMADANNANGARACARYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1958> BL
SRIMADARYAJAGAJJIVANAGRANTHAMALA. 1947 BL
SRIMADBUDDHISAGARASIRIJIGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1961> BL, Chicago
SRIMAD BUDDHISAGARASIRISVARAJI GRANTHAMALA see
SRIMADBUDDHISAGARASIRIJIGRANTHAMALA.
SRIMADDAYANANDA-JANMA-SATABDI GRANTHAMALA see DAYANANDA CENTENARY
SERIES.
SRIMADDAYANANDA MAHAVIDYALAYA SAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 1920-<1947>
Harvard
SRIMADDEVAKINANDANACARYAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1916 BL
SRIMAD HAMSAVIJAYAJI JAINA PHRILAYABRERI GRANTHAMALA see
SRIHAMSAVIJAYAJI JAINA PHRI LAYABRERI GRANTHAMALA.
SRIMADHUSIDANAGRANTHAMALA. 1927-<1941> BL
SRIMAD PANNYASA MUKTIVIMALAJAINAGRANTHAMALA see SRI MUKTIVIMALAJI
JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SRIMADRAJENDRASIRI-JAINAGRANTHAMALA see SRIRAJENDRASIRI-
JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRIMADRAJENDRASIRYABHYUDAYAGRANTHAVALI. 191?-<1915> BL, Chicago
SRIMADRAJENDRASIRYABHYUDAYAVALI see
SRIMADRAJENDRASIRYABHYUDAYAGRANTHAVALI.
SRIMAD RAMACANDRA GRANTHAMALA. 1950-<1969> BL
SRIMADVALLABHACARYAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1903-<1928> BL
SRIMADVIJAYADHANACANDRASIRIJAINAGRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI MAHAVIRA GRANTHAMALA. 1936-<1976> Harvard, BL, Chicago
SRI MAHAVIRA JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 196?-<1976> Harvard
SRIMAJJAGADGURUMIRUSAVIRAMATHAGRANTHAMALA see JAGADGURU MURUSAVIRA
MATH PUBLICATION SERIES.
SRIMAJJAGADGURUPANCACARYA PRASADIKA PRABANDHAMALA. 1930-<1930> BL
SRIMAN MUKTIKAMALA JAINA MOHANAMALA. 191?-<1977> Chicago, BL
SRIMANMOHANA-YASAHSMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1961> BL
SRIMANTA RAVASAHEBA APPASAHEBA VARADA YANCYA UDARA ASRAYAKHALIM TAYARA
HONARI VIRASAIVALINGIBRAHMANADHARMAGRANTHAMALA see
VIRASAIVALINGIBRAHMANADHARMAGRANTHAMALA.
SRIMATSUKHASAGARA JNANABINDU. 192?-<1948> Chicago
SRIMAYIRAVIRACITE GRANTHASANGRAHA. 191?-<1916> Chicago
SRI MOTICANDA KAPADIYA GRANTHAMALA. 1952-<1987> Harvard
SRI MUKTI KAMALA JAINA MOHANA MALA see SRIMAN MUKTIKAMALA JAINA
MOHANAMALA.
SRI MUKTIVIMALAJI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1965> BL
SRI MULAM MALAYALAM SERIES. 1924-<1930> BL
SRINARASIMHASAMSKRTAKALASALAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1975> BL
SRINATAPURASTHASRIPUSTIMARGIYAPUSTAKALAYA DVARA PRAKASITA GRANTHAMALA.
190?-<1911> BL
SRINATHADVARASAMPRADAYIKASAMSKRTAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1923 BL
SRINEMI-LAVANYASIRISVARAGRANTHAMALA see NEMI LAVANYA SIRI
GRANTHAMALA.
SRI NEMIPADMAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<194?> Chicago
SRIPADA TRIPITAKA SERIES. 1952-<1955> BL
SRIPARAMARTHADHARMAPUSTAKA. 1936 BL
SRI PHARBASA GUJARATI SABHA ASRITA GRANTHAMALA see SRI PHARBASA
GUJARATI SABHA GRANTHAVALI.
SRI PHARBASA GUJARATI SABHA GRANTHAVALI. 1922-<1964> Chicago
SRIPRACINAJAINASAHITYODDHARAGRANTHAVALI see SRI JAINA PRACINA
SAHITYODDHARA GRANTHAVALI.
SRI PINJABHAI JAINAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1935> Chicago
SRIRAJASTHANA-SAMSKRTA-KALEJA-GRANTHAMALA see SHRI RAJASTHAN
SANSKRIT COLLEGE GRANTHAMALA.
SRIRAJENDRAPRAVACANAKARYALAYA SIRIJA. 192?-<1939> BL, Chicago
SRIRAJENDRASIRI-JAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1921-<192?> BL, Chicago
SRIRAMABHAVANAM SERIES see RAMA BHAVANAM SERIES.
SRI RAMAKAVITA GRANTHAMALA. 1953 Chicago
SRIRANGAM SRI SANKARA GURUKULA SERIES. 1939-<1954> BL
SRIRAVICANDRAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1936> BL
SRIRAVIVARMASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALI. 1947-<1973> Chicago
SRIRAYACANDRAJAINASASTRAMALA see RAYACANDRAJAINASASTRAMALA.
SRI SAKHARAMA NEMACANDA GRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1941> BL
SRI SANTISAGARA GRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1957> BL
SRISANTISAGARA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see SRI SANTISAGARA GRANTHAMALA.
SRISATYAVIJAYA GRANTHAMALA see SRISATYAVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRISATYAVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1922-<1929> BL, Chicago
SRISATYAVIJAYASMARAKA JAINAGRANTHAMALA see
SRISATYAVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
SRI SETHIYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see SETHIYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA.
SRISRUTAJNANA AMIDHARA SIRIJA. 193?-<1950> BL
SRI SUKHASAGARA JNANABINDU see SRIMATSUKHASAGARA JNANABINDU.
SRI SIRIMANTRAYANTRASAHITYADI GRANTHAVALI see SIRI MANTRA SERIES.
SRIVAIKHANASAGRANTHAMALA (KUSUMA) 191?-<1928> BL
SRIVAISNAVA GRANTHAMUDRAPAKASABHA SERIES. 1900-<1918> BL
SRI VAISNAVA SIDDHANTA GRANTHA RATNAMALA. 1934-<1938> BL
SRIVAISNAVADIVYAGAMAGRANTHAMALA. 191?-<1916> BL
SRI VANCHI SUTU LAKSHMI SERIES see SRIVANCISETULAKSMIGRANTHAVALI.
SRIVANCISETULAKSMIGRANTHAVALI. 1926-1931 BL
SRI VANI VILAS SANSKRIT SERIES. 1906-<1926> Harvard, BL, Chicago
SRI VANI VILASA SASTRA SERIES. 1907-<1935> Harvard, BL, Chicago
SRI VANI VILASINI SERIES. 1905 BL
SRIVANIVILASASASTRAGRANTHAMALA see SRI VANI VILASA SASTRA SERIES.
SRI VARDHAMANA-SATYA-NITI-HARSASIRI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1934-<1961>
BL
SRIVEDANTAGRANTHAMALA. 1911 BL
SRI VENKATESVARA ORIENTAL INSTITUTE STUDIES. 1943-<195?> Harvard
SRI VENKATESVARA ORIENTAL SERIES. 1943-<1959> Harvard
SRI VENKATESVARA PRACYAGRANTHAMALA see SRI VENKATESVARA ORIENTAL
SERIES.
SRI VIJAYA DHARMASIRI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1931-<1944> Chicago, BL
SRI VIJAYADEVASURA SANGHA SERIES. 195?-<1954> BL
SRIVIJAYADHARMASIRIGRANTHAMALA see SRI VIJAYA DHARMASIRI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA.
SRIVIJAYANEMISIRIGRANTHAMALA. 1935-<1972> Harvard, BL
SRIVIJAYANEMISIRISVARAGRANTHAMALA see SRIVIJAYANEMISIRIGRANTHAMALA.
SRIVIJAYASIMHA SIRI SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA see SRIJAYASIMHASIRISVARAJI
SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
SRIVINAYA-BHAKTI-SUNDARA-CARANAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<194?> BL, Chicago
SRI VRDDHI-NEMI-AMRTA GRANTHAMALA. 194?-<1975> Chicago
SRIYASOVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA. 1904-<1947> Harvard, Chicago, BL
SRIYUKTA RAYA DHANAPATISIMHA BAHADURA KA AGAMASANGRAHA see SRIYUTA
RAYA DHANAPATISIMHA BAHADURA KA AGAMASANGRAHA.
SRIYUTA NEMACANDA POPATALALA VORA SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 19??-<1947>
BL
SRIYUTA RAYA DHANAPATISIMHA BAHADURA KA AGAMASANGRAHA. 1874-<1900>
Harvard, Chicago, BL
STHANAKAVASI JAINA GRANTHAMALA. 1929 BL
STOTRAMALA. 1926 BL
STOTRAS OF SRI VEDANTADESIKA. 1927-<1929> BL
STUDIES IN PHILOSOPHY (UNIVERSITY OF MYSORE) 1941-<1942> Chicago
SUDARSANAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1924 BL
SUDARSANAVEDAVIDYAPATHASALAMALAR. 1944 BL
SUDDHA DHARMA MANDALA SERIES see SUDDHADHARMAMANDALA
GRANTHARATNAVALIH.
SUDDHADHARMAMANDALA GRANTHARATNAVALIH. 1915-<1958> Harvard, BL
SUDHAVARSINYAKHYASAMSKRTAGRANTHAMALA. 1922 BL
SUKHASADHANAGRANTHAMALA. 1920 BL
SIKTIRATNAKARA SERIES. 1907-<1909> BL
SIKTIRATNAKARANAMAGRANTHARATNASAMGRAHA see SIKTIRATNAKARA SERIES.
SUPPLEMENT TO THE HINDU REFORMER (MADRAS) 188?-<1887> BL
SIRI MANTRA SERIES. 193?-<193?> BL
SURITIPRACARAKA TRACT. 191?-<1922> BL
SVA. ACARYA SRIKARMASIMHAJI SVAMI SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1934>
BL
SVA. ACARYASRI KARMASIMHAJI SVAMI-SMARAKAMALA see SVA. ACARYA
SRIKARMASIMHAJI SVAMI SMARAKA GRANTHAMALA.
SVA. KUMARASRI SRIRAMARAJENDRASIMHAJISMARAKAGRANTHAMALA. 193?-<1933>
BL
SVA. SRE. CANDANA-JAINAGAMA-GRANTHAMALA see SVARGIYA-SRESTHI-
CANDANA-JAINAGAMA-GRANTHAMALA.
SVARGIYA-SRESTHI-CANDANA-JAINAGAMA-GRANTHAMALA. 1940-<1942> BL
SVIYA GRANTHAMALA (BHARATA-ITIHASASAMSODHAKA MANDALA) 1911-<1981>
Harvard, BL
SWAN SERIES. 190?-<1905> BL
SYADVADAGRANTHALAYA. 1919 BL
SYADVADAGRANTHARATNAMALIYA. 191?-<1922> BL
T.M.S.S.M. LIBRARY SERIES see TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA
GRANTHAMALA.
TAMIL NADU GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL SERIES. see MADRAS GOVERNMENT
ORIENTAL SERIES.
TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA GRANTHAMALA. 1946-<1988> Harvard,
Chicago, BL
TANJAVIR MAHARAJA SARABHOJI SARASVATI MAHAL GRANTHALAYA-GRANTHAVALIH
see TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA GRANTHAMALA.
TANJORE SARASVATI MAHAL SERIES see TANJAPURI SARASVATIMAHALAYA
GRANTHAMALA.
TANTRAKALPATAROH GRANTHANKA. 1916-<1918> BL
TEXTS FROM NEPAL. 1934-<1935> BL
THEOSOPHICAL PUBLISHING HOUSE ORIENTAL SERIES. 193?-<1933> BL
TIBETAN SANSKRIT TEXTS SERIES see BHOTADESIYA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA.
TIBETAN SANSKRIT WORKS SERIES see BHOTADESIYA-SAMSKRTA-GRANTHAMALA.
TIRUMALAI-TIRUPATI DEVASTHANAM EPIGRAPHICAL SERIES. 1930-<1938>
OTHER
TRAVANCORE ARCHAEOLOGICAL SERIES. 1910-<1941> Harvard
TRAVANCORE UNIVERSITY SERIES. 194?-1957 Harvard
TRIVANDRUM SANSKRIT SERIES see ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
UDASINASAMSKRTAVIDYALAYAGRANTHAMALA. 195?-<1956> BL
UDBODHANAGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1908> BL
UNIVERSITY OF KERALA SANSKRIT SERIES see
ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
UNIVERSITY OF KERALA TRIVANDRUM SANSKRIT SERIES see
ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
UNIVERSITY OF MYSORE ORIENTAL LIBRARY PUBLICATIONS. SANSKRIT SERIES
see GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
UNIVERSITY OF TRAVANCORE SANSKRIT SERIES see
ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
UNIVERSITY OF TRAVANCORE TRIVANDRUM SANSKRIT SERIES see
ANANTASAYANASAMSKRTAGRANTHAVALIH.
UNIVERSITY ORIENTAL RESEARCH SERIES (UNIVERSITY OF MYSORE) see
GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL LIBRARY SERIES. BIBLIOTHECA SANSKRITA.
UNIVERSITY STUDIES (UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA) 1909 BL
UPANISAD SERIES. 191?-<1957> Harvard, BL
UPANISADBHASYA SERIES. 194?-<1942> BL
UTKIRNALIPIMALA. 1916-<1917> BL
V. I. SERIES see VISHVESHVARANAND INDOLOGICAL SERIES.
VAGVILASA SERIES. 1907-<1907> BL
VAIDIKA-SVADHYAYA-MANDIRA-GRANTHAVALI. 194?-<1953> BL
VAIDIKAGRANTHANILAYA. 1916 BL
VAIDIKAPUSTAKAMALA. 1931 BL
VAIDIKASRAMAGRANTHAMALA. 192?-<1927> BL
VAIDYA SINDHU HOLY SERIES. 190?-<1915> BL
VAIDYAKA-GRANTHA-MALA. 1914-<1915> BL
VAIDYASARATHIGRANTHAVALI see VAIDYASARATHY SERIES.
VAIDYASARATHY SERIES. 1942-<1976> Chicago, Harvard, BL
VAIJAYANTIMALA. 192?-<1929> BL
VAIKHANASABHAGAVACCHASTRA-GRANTHAMALA. 1936-<1945> BL
VAIKHANASAGRANTHAMALA see VAIKHANASABHAGAVACCHASTRA-GRANTHAMALA.
VAISNAVA-SAHITYA-SIRIJA. 1936 BL
VAISNAVA SIDDHANTA GRANTHARATNAMALA. 1934-<1938> BL
VAISNAVAPRAYOGAGRANTHAMALA. 1916 BL
VAISYAVIDYASRAMAGRANTHAMALA. 1927 BL
VAJIRARAMA PUBLICATION SERIES. 194?-<1957> Harvard
VALLABHACARYAGRANTHARATNAMALA see
SRIMADVALLABHACARYAGRANTHARATNAMALA.
VANGIYA SAHITYA PARISAD GRANTHAVALI see SAHITYAPARISADGRANTHAVALI.
VANI VILAS GRANTHA RATNA MALA see VANIVILASA GRANTHAMALA.
VANIVILAS-GRANTHMALA see VANIVILASA GRANTHAMALA.
VANIVILASA GRANTHAMALA. 1928-<1954> BL, Chicago
VARIGAVASISASTRAPRAKASA. 188?-<1886> BL
VASUMATIRASASTRAPRACARA TANTRAGRANTHASRENI see
VASUMATISASTRAPRACARAGRANTHASRENI.
VASUMATISASTRAPRACARAGRANTHASRENI. 1910-<1954> BL
VATAVYALABODHANAGRANTHAVALI. 192?-<1925> BL
VEDANGAPRAKASAH. 1878-<1886> BL
VEDANGARTHACANDRIKA. 193?-<1935> BL
VEDANTA GRANTHAMALA (CONJEEVARAM) 1940-<1941> BL
VUDANTAGRANTHAMALA (MADRAS) 1912-<1912> BL
VEDANTAGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1910-<1914> BL
VEDANTAVINODA. 188?-<1889> BL
VEDASANATANASVADHARMA. 190?-<1906> BL
VEDAVYASABHANDARAGRANTHAVALI. 1894-<1896> BL
VEDIC SERIES (INDIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE) 1933-<1936> BL
VEDIC TEXTS. 188?-<1888> BL
VENKATESVARA VAISNAVA SAMPRADAYA GRANTHAMALA. 195?-<1954> BL
VI. BHA. GRANTHAMALA see VISHVESHVARANAND INDOLOGICAL SERIES.
VIDARBHASAHITYASANGHAPUSTAKALAYA. 192?-<1929> BL
VIDVATSABHASADGRANTHARATNAMALA. 1916 BL
VIDYAVACASPATIGRANTHAMALA. 1920 BL
VIDYAVAIJAYANTINAMAGRANTHAVALI. 1906 BL
VIDYODAYA GRANTHAMALA. 1956-<1956> BL
VIDYODAYA-GRANTHAMALA see VIDYODAYA SERIES.
VIDYODAYA SERIES. 1917-<1939> BL
VIJAYABHADRASIRISYADVADASIDDHANTASRENI. 193?-<1936> BL
VIJAYADANA SIRI JAINA GRANTHAMALA see
ACARYASRIMADVIJAYADANASIRISVARAJI JAINAGRANTHAMALA.
VIJAYADHARMA SURI SERIES see SRI VIJAYA DHARMASIRI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA.
VIJAYADHARMASIRI-SMARAKA GRANTHA see SRI VIJAYA DHARMASIRI JAINA
GRANTHAMALA.
VIMARSANAMANJARI SERIES. 1928 BL
VIPRACANDRAVIKASA. 190?-<1904> BL
VIR-SEWA-MANDIR-GRANTHAMALA see VIRASEVAMANDIRA-GRANTHAMALA.
VIRA-SAIVA-DHARMA-PRAKASIKA GRANTHA-MALA. 192?-<1925> BL
VIRA SEVA MANDIRA PRAKIRNAKA PUSTAKAMALA. 194?-<1946> BL
VIRASAIVADHARMAGRANTHAMALA. 1923 BL
VIRASAIVALINGIBRAHMANADHARMAGRANTHAMALA. 190?-<1910> BL
VIRASEVAMANDIRA-GRANTHAMALA. 1939-<1972> Harvard, BL
VISHVESHVARANAND INDOLOGICAL SERIES. 1950-<1985> Chicago, Harvard,
BL
VISHVESHVARANAND VEDIC RESEARCH INSTITUTE. SA. VI. GRANTHAMALA see
SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA.
VISHVESHVARANAND VEDIC RESEARCH INSTITUTE. SARVADANAND UNIVERSAL
SERIES see SARVADANANDA-VISVA-GRANTHAMALA.
VISISTADVAITAGRANTHARATNAMALA see VEDANTAGRANTHARATNAMALA.
VISISTADVAITAGRANTHAVALI. 190?-<1909> BL
VISISTHADVAITHA VAIJAYANTI. 1915-<1919> BL
VISVA-BHARATI STUDIES. 1931-<1955> Harvard, BL
VISVA-NATHA-GRANTHAVALI. 1928 BL
VISVABHARATI SERIES. 1932-<1939> Harvard, BL
VISVESVARANANDA BHARATABHARATI GRANTHAMALA see VISHVESHVARANAND
INDOLOGICAL SERIES.
VIVIDHAGRANTHAMALA. 1910-<1914> BL
VIZIANAGRAM SANSKRIT SERIES. 1890-1898 Harvard
VYAKHYANA SARA SANGRAHA. 193?-<1946> BL
WILLIAM MEYER LECTURES see SIR WILLIAM MEYER LECTURES.
YASHOVIJAYA JAIN PUBLICATION SERIES see
SRIYASOVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
YASOVIJAYA JAINA GRANTHAMALA see SRIYASOVIJAYAJAINAGRANTHAMALA.
YOGA SADHANA SERIES. 1943-<1947> BL
YOGASULABHAMALA. 193?-<1932> BL
YOUNG MEN'S ARYA SAMAJ TRACT SOCIETY SERIES. 190?-<1912> BL
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James Nye jn...@midway.uchicago.edu 312-702-8430
Sid Harth
05/07/2009 15:02:29 Dr. Srinivasan Kalyanaraman
Quiz # 1:
"Hindus in the USA are lost or abandoned people!"
"NRI stands for Non-Returning Indians!"
"Indians in the USA do not invest in the higher education of their
children!"
Who in the USA do you think would have made derogatory statements to
this effect?
A. A Ku Klux Klansman
B. A Bible thumping fundamentalist from Alabama
C. A Xenophobe who is paranoid about immigrants settling in the USA
D. A Harvard Sanskrit professor
Correct answer: D.
I am sure none of you scored right on this. So, read on and get
informed.
Harvard professor disparages Hindus
Recently, in a Communist-leaning political list better known for its
uncritical beliefs in myths like Aryan Invasion and its negation of
historical facts, Harvard professor Michael Witzel made some startling
claims about Hindu immigrants to the USA. One of his acolytes invented
the acronym HINA for Hindus in North America. Witzel disingenuously
and infamously transliterated it as "hiina"and translated it as "lost"
or "abandoned." This Sanskrit word has many other derogatory meanings
such as "inferior," "insecure," "lowly" and "defective."
It caught my attention that Witzel had described Hindus using the very
same phrase €“ "lost people" €“ which a rabid Christian fundamentalist
and anti-Semite had used to describe the Jews a few years ago.
Rev. Bailey Smith, then-president of the Southern Baptists, had
infamously declared:
"God Almighty does not hear the prayer of a Jew" and added, "without
Jesus Christ, they [the Jews] are lost." [1]
One does not know whether, or to what extant, Witzel shares Smith's
fanatical and bigoted beliefs. But Witzel was instrumental in urging
activism against the Hindu initiative, as a result of which his
cosignatory urged a Hindu-bashing Christian fundamentalist to mobilize
a show of strength against the Hindus of California, as we will see
later. Witzel also makes fun of the Hindu custom of cremating their
dead:
"[Hindus immigrants to the USA] have begun ---as an old, very
conservative US Brahmin friend pointed out to me already in 1994€”
building crematoria as well." [2]
Witzel also makes fun of Hindu Gods, rituals and second generation
American Hindus:
"Second generation [Hindu] people just understand [Hinduism] as
"boaring rituals" (puja, etc.), temple visits and Indian
(mythological) comic books ... All such items add to the heady brew
that we have seen emerging here..." [3]
Considering that our Harvard professor has specifically enclosed the
words "boaring rituals" within quotes, one cannot but assume that it
was intended to make fun of the Hindu God Vishnu, who incarnated as a
boar.
Background
Some of the proposed textbooks for grade six of the State of
California portrayed Hinduism in the most derogatory manner. A
textbook described Goddess Kali as "bloodthirsty" and, while talking
about the Ramayana and Lord Hanuman, asked the students to look around
and see if there was a monkey in the classroom. Another textbook
claimed that Hinduism taught that women were inferior. Yet another
textbook repeated the long discredited racist theory, which contrasted
the supposedly tall, blond and blue-eyed invading Aryans with the
supposedly curly-haired, snub-nosed native Dravidians.
Naturally, Hindus in California were offended by this offensive
treatment of their religion and culture. So, they worked with the
State Board of Education, understood the procedures and submitted a
list of proposed changes with due explanation. Perhaps, Max Muller,
the 19 th century German racist and Christian fundamentalist, who had
stated very clearly that Hindus as a race are inferior to the Whites
but superior to the Blacks, [4]would not have countenanced such
audacious gestures from erstwhile colonial slaves seeking parity with
other religionists according to rules. A section of Eurocentric
academics that faithfully propagate Muller's racist theory and
chronology of Indian history too did not tolerate such a gesture from
the Hindus.
'Rev.' Witzel launches anti-Hindu Crusade
Witzel and some of his cosignatories admitted that they knew nothing
about the nature of the changes proposed . But, in the same breath,
they concluded that this is an unacceptable Hindutva initiative, which
must be opposed tooth and nail. On Sunday, November 06, 2005 9:46 AM
Steve Farmer [a cosignatory and originator of Witzel et al's protest
petition] wrote:
"There is little time to research and respond to exactly what is
happening in California, since we only learned about organized
Hindutva challenges to California history textbooks yesterday. ... The
final School Board meeting on this will apparently occur in Sacramento
(the state capital) in three days. Even given the short time, a
collective response of some nature by internationally known S.
Asianists is certainly in order. At a minimum, the Board should be
made aware in some way of the religious and political nature of the
attacks, be provided with a quick overview of similar attacks on
textbooks in S. Asia in the last decade, and be given notice of the
opposition of the vast majority of S. Asian researchers to such
changes. Given the short time frame, the response may have to be
largely symbolic, but a letter endorsed by a dozen or more
internationally known S. Asianists from every continent might still
have some effect."[5]
Witzel, on behalf of another 46 signatories, petitioned the State
Board of Education [SBE] against the proposed changes [the nature of
which he and his cosignatories were unaware]. He launched an ad
hominem and slanderous attack on the Hindus who had proposed the
changes.
The petition, like Lallu Prasad's election campaign, provided a
"balanced" mix of ignorance, slander and comic relief. Jonathan Mark
Kenoyer, whose parents were Christian missionaries in Asia, was one of
the signatories on the petition. He is also the author of the proposed
textbook from the Oxford University Press. California Hindus had
reviewed the OUP textbook and suggested changes in a meeting with OUP
officials. The OUP officials informed in writing that Kenoyer agreed
with the suggestions. Should one then suspect the inclusion of
Kenoyer's name in the petition or was Kenoyer filled with the Holy
Spirit and began speaking in tongues [The New Testament, Acts 19:6]?
Sometime back, in a review of Edwin Bryant's 2001 book, The Quest for
the Origins of Vedic Culture €“ the Indo-Aryan Migration Debate,
Witzel wrote:
"[Bryant's book is] A balanced description and evaluation of the two
century old debate dealing with the origins of the Indo-Aryan speaking
peoples of South Asia. [Bryant] presents both sides of the issue, that
is the traditional western, linguistic and philological consensus of
immigration from Central Asia, and the more recent Indian position
that denies any immigration and that asserts an indigenous South Asian
origin."
Now, the same Witzel calls it Hindu Nationalistic propaganda when
California Hindus say the same! Perhaps, he is filled with the Holy
Spirit and speaking in tongues!
The SBE of California capitulates
In 1850 CE, when the Harvard Medical School admitted three black men
and a white woman, racists protested against the move. The school
capitulated. [6] Just like those racists offered no substantive
arguments for throwing out the blacks and the woman, this time too,
the infamous petitioners offered no substantive reason for campaigning
against the changes suggested by Hindus. Still, the SBE capitulated.
One wonders if the SBE wanted to emulate the Harvard of 1850 CE.
The SBE went a step further. It appointed two of the signatories €“
Michael Witzel and Stanley Wolpert - and James Heitzman, who protested
at the venue repeating Witzel's ad hominem attack to review the
suggested changes. Is not appointing a petitioner to review suggested
changes tantamount to conflict of interest?
On the other hand, the SBE is not known to have acted on a letter
signed by over 30 distinguished experts that included world's foremost
archeologists who have been working on the IVC and its script for
decades. These signatories cited many references showing why Aryan
Invasion is merely an unsubstantiated myth.
The above said letter was sent on November 21, 2005. The SBE, for
reasons unknown, did not accord it the same respect it accorded
Witzel's defamatory petition.
Crusaders form an axis of protestors
Witzel made it clear that he was a political activist. On November 26,
2005 17:26, he wrote his fellow petitioners:
"There will be a meeting with California Dept. of Education [...]
Please note that on Dec. 1/2 a higher body than last time, the
Curriculum Commission, is scheduled to take up this issue in the
morning on December 2 (note all times are tentative€”if they move
through the agenda faster than expected, things will happen earlier).
This is not a public hearing. But all that means is that there is no
official published time for the public to speak before the
commissioners take action . Nonetheless, each meeting has a time for
"public comment" and people will be allowed to come up and speak.
(Thus, we have to be present).
If they follow the order of the published agenda, public comment comes
after the actual vote. They will only hear Tom Adam's (CA Dept. of
Education) report on the earlier (Hindutva-inspired) and our (Wolpert,
Heitzman, Witzel) findings.
But if they see the huge Hindutva crowd expected and decide to let
them speak first, it is possible votes will be swayed back the other
way simply because no political person likes to say no, in public, to
an unhappy minority group seeking redress of grievances.
It also appears that in the afternoon of December 1, the day before
the vote, the History-Social Science subcommittee will hear reports
about recent events in the adoption of the text books. This should not
involve any discussion of the "Hindu" issue. But the Hindu groups
might show up for that discussion too. Public comment is allowed and
it will give them a chance to speak to some of the commissioners
before the vote the next day.
SO PLEASE TAKE APPROPRIATE ACTION: Alert your friends in California to
attend! " [7]
How appropriate is it for a reviewer on contract with the SBE who is
expected to be neutral, to indulge in political activism, falsely
label California Hindus as of a political persuasion and seek
unethical mobilization of support? How appropriate is it for the SBE
to hire such politicized academics to review school textbooks?
In any case, Lars Martin Fosse, a cosignatory on the petition and a
collaborator of Witzel, wrote John Dayal and Amarjit Singh, citing
Witzel's letter:
"It would probably be an advantage if Dalits were present and could
demonstrate that the Hindutvavadins do not speak for all Indians. I
have been reluctant to announce this on the Dalit lists because we
don't know if they are infiltrated, we therefore turn to you for
advice and help. Is there a way to (discretely) mobilize Dalits in
California and elsewhere in this matter? Could you get some support
from Afro-American organizations here?We don't want to create the
impression that only a few outsiders are against the Hindutva version
of history." [8]
Please note that Fosse uses the word "WE," clearly indicating that he
is writing on behalf of a group while seeking mobilization of
protestors. The only group one could think of in this situation is the
list of cosignatories on the petition whom Witzel had addressed in his
email. So, who are these people - John Dayal and Amarjit Singh - whom
Fosse writes? P.N. Benjamin, a distinguished Christian scholar and the
coordinator of Bangalore Initiative for Religious Dialogue [BIRD],
says of John Dayal:
"[John Dayal] opens his mouth and wields his pen only to spew venom on
the Hindu community." [9]
Benjamin then goes on to expose the kind of lies that the likes of
Dayal perpetrate when they invent stories of Hindu rape of Christian
nuns and propagate those abroad with the sole intent of discrediting
the Hindus. John Dayal is also infamous for ardently supporting Benny
Hinn, who defrauds the poorest illiterates in the Third World by
promising them "miracle healing." [10]
According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal [SATP], Amarjit Singh is
closely associated with the banned terror organization International
Sikh Youth Federation [ISYF]. [11] Many countries such as the USA [12]
and the UK [13] have designated ISYF as a terrorist organization.
Singh also heads the Khalistan Affairs Centre [KAC]. I am not implying
that KAC is connected with Khalistani terrorism as I have no means to
judge that but it is a well-known fact that Khalistani terrorists have
massacred 21,000 innocent civilian Hindus and Sikhs, and have
committed untold crimes such as rape of countless Sikh women. [14] A
US State department notification states:
"Sikh terrorism is sponsored by expatriate and Indian Sikh groups who
want to carve out an independent Sikh state called Khalistan (Land of
the Pure) from Indian territory." [15]
Khalistani terrorists were also tried for the bombing of the Air India
civilian aircraft"Kanishka" in 1985, killing hundreds of innocent
passengers. [16] Amarjit Singh is an advocate of Khalistan ideology.
There is no indication that Witzel or any other signatory on the
petition condemned Fosse [himself a signatory] for unethically
mobilizing political support and that too, by instigating highly
controversial persons. It is beyond my comprehension how an academic
could join hands with a rabid Christian fundamentalist and a proponent
of the lethal Khalistan ideology. What kind of academics would sign
the petition but remain silent and not condemn unethically seeking
support from such controversial individuals?
Quiz # 2:
"The miraculously undecayed body of Saint Francis Xavier is still on
public view in a glass coffin at the Basilica of Bom Jesus in Goa."
Who in the USA do you think would have made a statement to this
effect?
A. A pre-school child visiting Goa for the first time
B. A Bible thumping Catholic Christian fundamentalist
C. A Creation scientist
D. A U C Davis history professor
Correct answer: D.
I am sure you got this too wrong. So, read on and get informed.
An SBE appointed reviewer advertises Christian miracles
James Heitzman, professor of history at U C Davis, is one of the three
reviewers appointed by the SBE. It does not seem as if he accepts that
mummified bodies do not decay. [17] He is wonderstruck that it is a
miracle that the mummified body of the infamous St. Francis Xavier,
who sought the terrible Inquisition of Goa, [18] which persecuted
Hindus, Indian Orthodox Christians, Jews and Muslims in the most
vicious manner, should be preserved for five centuries. Someone needs
to direct our distinguished professor to any museum of natural
history, where Egyptian mummies are preserved. Of course, one cannot
guarantee that Heitzman will return scientifically informed. He may
see the hand of miracle in their preservation too!
It seems as if Heitzman strongly believes that history should be
supplanted with false propaganda if it suits the proselytizing efforts
of the Christian Church. He writes:
"Christianity, represented by almost all denominations, traces its
history in India back to the time of the apostles and counted 19.6
million members in India in 1991." [19]
Numerous scholars have refuted this dangerous fiction, which falsely
painted the Brahmin ethnic minority as Thomas-killers, and resulted in
their demonization and persecution, just as the false myth of the Jews
as Jesus-killers resulted in their historic persecution. The Vatican
itself has declared that this is an unverified claim. Numerous
distinguished academics such as E.J. Rapson, Sylvain Levi, K.S.
Latourette, Fr. H.Heras etc, to name a few, have refuted that St.
Thomas ever came to India. [20] It seems as if Heitzman prefers
dangerous Christian fiction to facts.
Heitzman believes in revelations
Heitzman unquestioningly accepts revelations. He writes:
"Muhammad received visions in which the Archangel Gabriel revealed the
word of God to him . After 620 he publicly preached the message of
these visions, stressing the oneness of God (Allah), denouncing the
polytheism of his fellow Arabs, and calling for moral uplift of the
population." [21]
Since Heitzman is mesmerized by revelations, he is unimpressed by the
inquiries into the truth, a common feature of Hindu philosophy, which
he dismisses as speculations. He writes:
"Some of the later hymns of the Rig Veda contain speculations that
form the basis for much of Indian religious and philosophical
thought." [22]
Heitzman, while discussing Hindu festivals, calls Hindus cross-
dressers:
"Major Hindu events include Ramanavami, the birthday of Ram in the
month of Chaitra (March-April), and Holi, celebrated at the end of the
month of Phalguna (February-March), when people engage in cross-
dressing, play tricks on each other, and squirt colored water or
powder on each other." [23]
How can the SBE nominate an academic, who believes in miracles and
fits history to suit Christian propaganda, to review contents relating
to Hinduism in school textbooks, especially when he is also a
signatory on Witzel's petition? Does the SBE agree with Heitzman's
uncharitable remarks on Hinduism and Hindus?
Quiz # 3:
"The most important invasion in all of India's history, since the
Aryans brought with their Caucasian genes [is Aryan invasion]."
Who in the USA do you think would have made a statement to this
effect?
A. A Ku Klux Klansman
B. A eugenics advocate
C. A White Supremacist
D. A U C Los Angeles history professor
Correct answer: D.
I am sure you got this too wrong, unless you have by now learnt that
only Western historians can make such statements. Anyway, read on.
Wolpert celebrates the Caucasian gene
While discussing Aryan invasion theory [AIT], Stanley Wolpert, a UCLA
historian writes:
"This was the most important invasion in all of India's history, since
the Aryans brought with their Caucasian genes a new language €“
Sanskrit €“ and a new pantheon of gods€¦"[24]
It seems that to our UCLA professor the importance of an invasion
depends on whether it involved the inflow of Caucasian genes! Hey,
what is next? The most important invasion in all of Americas' history
is the 16 th century invasion of Europeans because it brought in
Caucasian genes? Thank god, African Americans, who do not possess
Caucasian genes, did not invade Americas!
I could not but think of the 18th century racist Benjamin Rush's
writings on "Lovely White"skin contrasted with the Black skin as I
read Wolpert wax eloquent on the importance of coming in of the
Caucasian genes. Benjamin Rush, a medical doctor, attributed Black
skin to leprosy and advocated "curing" African-Americans by bleeding
and purging. [25]
Not to be outdone by Heitzman, Wolpert also repeats the dangerous
Christian propaganda of the imagined visit of St. Thomas to India. He
writes:
"A small but influential group of Syrian Christians in Kerala persist
in claiming that their sect was founded by St. Thomas, who may have
sailed to Malabar in the first century and who was supposedly martyred
at Mylapore , a suburb of modern Madras, in A.D. 68. The tiny Jewish
community of Cochin also claims to have been founded in the first
century, but no clear historical evidence of such early Jewish
settlement in Malabar has as yet been discovered." [26]
The reference of Mylapore is to the mythical killing of St. Thomas by
a peaceful and scholarly ethnic minority of Tamil Brahmins. A rational
person might be at a loss to understand how St. Thomas, who did not
even visit India, could have been killed there. But, Wolpert has no
compunctions in repeating this perniciously false propaganda, which,
since the Portuguese colonial period, has resulted in the most
terrible persecution of Brahmins. Is anything acceptable if it helps
demonize Hindus and help perpetuate Christianity?
Why is the SBE nominating such a biased academic, who is also a
signatory on Witzel's petition, to review contents relating to
Hinduism?
Conclusion
1. I have shown that the SBE capitulated to political pressure
by nominating a trio of academics who have indulged in the most
despicable form of political activism, disparaged Hinduism or
collaborated with controversial elements.
2. The SBE did not accord any respect to the scholars who
supported the Hindu initiative by presenting solid references.
3. One of these academics has also expressed his admiration for
Christian miracles, while another has propagated falsified [over 80
years ago!] Christian propaganda.
4. Is it not a clear violation of guidelines, and law, to
subject Hinduism and Hindus to such treatment? Does the SBE want Hindu
children of California to be indoctrinated in false propaganda?
5. It is heartening to note that the Commission constituted by
the SBE dismissed virtually all demands made by this trio €“ Witzel,
Wolpert and Heitzman €“ with the contempt they deserved. According to
a report of December 4, 2005 by the HPI, Heitzman unsuccessfully
pleaded to replace Aryan Invasion Theory [AIT] with Aryan Migration
Theory [AMT]. But Commissioner Metzenberg, a biologist, objected on
scientific grounds. He said:
"I've read the DNA research and there was no Aryan migration. I
believe the hard evidence of DNA more than I believe historians."
It was finally agreed to say, "Some historians believe in the
theory of an Aryan migration."
This shows how false theories motivated by racist politics never stand
scientific scrutiny. Of course, there is no justification even in
retaining AMT, which is merely a belief, and not supported by facts.
Hindus must meet the SBE to ensure that theories which are not
scientifically substantiated be removed altogether.
6. Heitzman, apparently frustrated that his advocacies failed
the test of scientific evidence, said to the Commission:
"I advise you to err on the side of conservatism and be very careful
about adopting any of these changes."
Commissioner Metzenberg replied pointedly:
"On the contrary, to err on the side of conservatism, we should use
the Hindu suggestions. After all, it's their religion."
7. Metzenberg also felt a comment by Witzel's panel on one edit
was "insensitive."The edit was to fix the incorrect statement that the
Ramayana was written later than the Mahabharata. Witzel's group wrote
condescendingly:
"Who in Sixth Grade cares which epic was 'written' first?"
Metzenberg observed that "it obviously matters to Hindus."
8. Hindus must also make it very clear to the SBE that no
academic that is known to be inimical to Hinduism or known to have
distorted facts to fit pet beliefs be not allowed to have any say in
the process of reviewing and amending textbooks. As such, the trio of
reviewers was admitted into the process without justification. I have
presented solid evidence that they indulged in political activism
contrary to the spirit of their contract with the SBE. Hindus must
demand that the SBE should terminate their contract right away.
9. Hindus must demand that the SBE does not entertain any of the
signatories of Witzel's petition in the textbook review and adoption
process as I have already demonstrated that they are biased and
politically motivated.
10. Witzel has ridiculed the most sacred of the Hindu mantras or
sacred chants. He writes:
"Many short mantras (the later biija mantras) like oM have humble
origins the Veda. Him (hiM) is used in the Veda to call your goat ..
and your wife." [27]
Steve Farmer's [who initiated the petition] and also signed on
Witzel's petition declared, in pathetic attempt at humor, that he
would try this mantra on his girlfriend. [28] Hindus must demand that
academics with a history of disparaging Hinduism cannot influence what
goes into textbooks meant for children.
11. Finally, only academics and experts on religion with a non-
controversial record should be nominated to influence the process of
textbook adoption. Academics that are accused of having used unethical
means of scholarship should not be used for this purpose.
Prof. B.B. Lal, the world's foremost archeologist and expert on Indus
Valley Civilization, in his most recent publication,The Homeland of
the Aryans €“ Evidence of Rigvedic Flora and Fauna & Archaeology, pp.
85-89 (New Delhi, 2005) writes that Dr. Witzel unethically and
willfully assigned two opposite meanings to two occurrences of the
same Sanskrit word to artificially make the verse support Aryan
migration into India, whereas the verse actually makes it very clear
that Aryans migrated in two branches, one to the West and another to
the East, from northwestern India.
It was a very sad day for Sanskrit scholarship in general, and Harvard
in particular when one of its academics was accused of and disgraced
for willfully and unethically mistranslating a verse. When the error
was pointed to him in the past, Witzel conveniently blamed it on the
editor of the relevant publication concerned, despite the fact that
the same mistranslation has been printed by him in many other
publications of his.
12. Even in the petition he sent the SBE, Witzel claims that one of
the signatories, S. Palaniappan as: "S. Palaniappan, PhD, Indology,
Texas." It must be pointed out that Palaniappan, who works for the
Minute Maid Company in Texas, is not an Indologist by any stretch of
that word. Certainly, he is not a Ph.D. in Indology as Witzel misleads
in his petition. Palaniappan received his doctorate in engineering.
Should one then infer that Palaniappan is a 'made in a minute' instant
Indologist? Did Witzel use Heitzman's miracle to transform engineer
Palaniappan into an Indologist?
Dr. Srinivasan Kalyanaraman, a former Sr. Exec. of Asian Development
Bank, is a Hindu. His two grandchildren, US citizens, study in US
schools.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
HISTORY
WHEN THE ASIATIC SOCIETY was established on 15 January 1784, its
founder Sir William Jones (1746-1794) began his work with a dream,
that visualised a centre for Asian studies including almost everything
concerning man and nature within the geographical limits of the
continent. Most of the mysteries of this vast land, like its old
inscriptions in Brahmi, were still undeciphered, and Comparative
Philology as a discipline or science was not yet born.
In the early days of the Asiatic Society, William Jones for all his
efforts could not procure even a slice of land wherein to house his
dream. The Society which in no time was to be regarded as the first
and best of its kind in the whole world had no permanent address, no
fixed place for holding its meetings and, which was most
disconcerting, no funds.
Sir William Jones, an outstanding scholar from Oxford, arrived in
Calcutta on 25 September 1783 as a Puisne Judge of the Old Supreme
Court. While still on board of the frigate Crococlile carrying him
from England to India, he prepared a memorandum detailing his plan of
study. This included “the laws of the Hindus and Mahomedans; the
history of the ancient world; proofs and illustrations of scripture;
traditions concerning the deluge; modern politics and geography of
Hindusthan; Arithmatic and Geometry and mixed sciences of Asiaticks;
Medicine, Chemistry, Surgery and Anatomy of the Indians; natural
products of India; poetry, rhetoric and morality of Asia; music of the
Eastern nations; the best accounts of Tibet and Kashmir; trade,
manufactures, agriculture and commerce of India: Mughal constitution,
Marhatta constitution etc." This memorandum could easily be regarded
as an early draft of the memorandum of the Asiatic Society itself. The
Society which was still in the imagination of Jones was actually
founded within four months of his arrival in India.
William Jones was, however, not the earliest among the Orientalists of
the East India Company to arrive in India. About a decade earlier came
Charles Wilkins (1770), Nathaniel Brassey Halhed (1772) and Jonathan
Duncan (1772):Warren Hastings's "bright young men",who had paved the
way for the two future institutions- The Asiatic Society and the
College at Fort William. All the Orientalists who became famous in
history clustered around either the Society or the College or both.
The Society, of course, was the pioneer and first in the field.
While others were thinking in terms of individual study and research,
Sir William Jones was the first man to think in terms of a permanent
organisation for Oriental studies and researches on a grand scale in
this country. He took the initiative and in January 1784 sent out a
circular letter to selected persons of the elite with a view to
establishing a Society for this purpose. In response to his letter,
thirty European gentlemen of Calcutta including Mr. Justice John Hyde,
John Carnac, Henry Vansittart, John Shore, Charles Wilkins, Francis
Gladwin, Jonathan Duncan and others gathered on 15 January 1784 in the
Grand Jury Room of the old Supreme Court of Calcutta. The Chief
Justice Sir Robert Chambers presided at the first meeting and Jones
delivered his first discourse in which he put forward his plans for
the Society.
Asia, he said, was the "nurse of sciences" and the "inventress of
delightful and useful arts." He proposed to found a Society under the
name of The Asiatic Society. All the thirty European gentlemen who had
assembled accepted the membership of this Society. The name went
through a number of changes like The Asiatic Society (1784-1825), The
Asiatic Society (1825-1832), The Asiatic Society of Bengal
(1832-1935), The Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal (1936-1951) and The
Asiatic Society again since July
1951 .
In the first meeting, the Governor-General, Warren Hastings, a scholar
and patron of learning, was elected its fist President and Sir William
Jones the Vice-President. Warren Hastings greatly sympathized with the
aims and objects of the Society. But he declined to continue in this
post. On his request and advice Sir William Jones was elected
President of the Society on 5 February 1784 and held this post till
his death in 1794. The Memorandum of Articles of Society read as
follows: "The bounds of its investigations will be the geographical
limits of Asia,and within these limits its enquiries will be extended
to whatever is performed by MAN or produced by NATURE." Later, in his
famous Third Annual Discourse, Jones emphasised the superiority of
Sanskrit as a language: "The Sanskrit language, whatever be its
antiquity, is of a wonderful structure, more perfect than the Greek,
more copious than the Latin and more exquisitely refined than
either."
The pioneering activity of the Society was praised abroad and even
compared with that of the Italian Humanists of the quattrocento. But
the first two decades of the Society's existence remained precarious.
The original plan of holding meetings every week had to be discarded,
and even monthly meetings were not possible. When William Jones died
in 1794, till then the Society did not own any premise nor it had any
assured funds to defray normal running expenses, not to speak of
having in its proud possession, as it has today, an invaluable Asokan
rock edict or precious old coins.
Building
In 1805 the Government gifted to the Society a plot of land at the
corner of Park Street and Chowringhee, the present site of the Asiatic
Society, to which was added later, in 1849, a small portion on the
western side. The construction of the Society's own building on the
plot was completed in 1808, and the books, papers and records that had
accumulated over the years could get a permanent shelter. Years rolled
on, and with the expansion of the activities of the Society the
problem of accommodation was acutely felt. But no solution was
forthcoming till after India's Independence. As late as 1961, with the
generous help extended by the Government of India and the Government
of West Bengal, the construction of a new building was started in the
premises of the Society to solve the problem of space, and the new
four-storeyed building was formally opened by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan,
the then President of India, on 22 February 1965.
Membership
Membership of the Society for many years remained exclusively
European, and only in January 1829, on the suggestion of Dr. Horace
Hayman Wilson, Secretary of the Asiatic Society, Indian members were
for the first time admitted to the Society. The earliest Indian
members of the Society were Prasanna Kumar Tagore, Dwarkanath Tagore,
Russamay Dutt and Ram Camul Sen. It was not until December 1832 that
Radhakanta Deb was invited to become a member. Rajendra Lal Mitra
(1822-1891) assumed responsibility as the first Indian President of
the Society in 1885.
Organisation
In the beginning, the Society was very loosely organised and had no
real Executive Body. It had only two important functionaries: a
President who conducted meetings, and a Secretary who kept the
minutes. After Jones's death the interest of the members declined
considerably and in 1800 a resolution had to be passed urging members
to attend meetings more regularly. Financial conditions were so bad,
and there were so many defaulters among the members, that the first
Treasurer of the Society, Henry Trail resigned in desperation in 1799.
But after the turn of the century things began to look up.
The publication of the Books became assured when Hunter's Hindoostan
Press took up its printing responsibility. Ram Comal Sen, the 'native'
manager of Hunter's Press, later on became the 'native' Secretary of
the Asiatic Society itself. In 1846, two years after Ram Comal Sen's
death, Rajendralal Mitra, then a young man, joined the Asiatic Society
as its Assistant Librarian. The Indian Renaissance was made possible
and in fact was accelerated by the quiet but far-reaching work going
on at the corner of Park Street despite all odds and adverse
circumstances.
In 1808 two Committees were formed, the Physical Committee and the
Library Committee, the former for the promotion of Natural History,
Medicine, Physics etc. and the latter for that of Literature,
Philosophy, History, Antiquities etc. William Carey, J. Leyden, A.
Lockett and W. Hunter were included in both the Committees. Both these
Committees went moribund in no time and the Physical Committee had to
be revived in 1818 by a resolution. A new chapter of the Society
opened when in 1829 its membership was made open to native Indians.
Ram Comal Sen, one of the earliest Indian members of the Society and a
close friend of Wilson, the then Secretary, recalled his twenty nine
years with the Society when he accepted the post of ‘native’
Secretary, and Wilson appointed Ram Comal to his new post only seven
days before the Special Meeting of the Society in which he announced
his departure for England. At this Special Meeting held on 19 December
1833 the President of the Society, Sir Edward Ryan spoke highly of the
services rendered by Wilson to the Society.
In 1837, only four years after Wilson's departure, James Prinsep, the
new Secretary of the Society, deciphered the Brahmi Script and was
able to read the Asokan Edicts. It was a world event that
revolutionised all future Oriental studies and contributed to the
growth of Comparative Philology.
The Transactions of the Asiatic Society were first published under the
title of Asiatick Researches in 1788, the subsequent four volumes
being published in 1790, 1793, 1795 and 1797 respectively. At first
the publication was private, undertaken by Manual Cantopher on the
condition that each member of the Society would purchase one volume at
a price of Rs. 20. Later on, the Society itself undertook the
responsibility of the publication. The publication Asiatick Researches
was so much in demand in the literary and scholarly world that a
pirated edition of the first volume came into circulation in England
in 1798, and some of the volumes of the Asiatick Researches were
translated into German as well as in French. Through its published
Transactions the Society now came in touch with several distinguished
scholarly Associations abroad such as the American Philosophical
Society of Philadelphia, the Linnean Society of London, the Royal
Society of Edinburgh, and the Society of Antiquities of England.
The Society also proved to be a pivotal centre of Oriental studies and
research and extended extended its helping hand to the other two major
centres of activity that paved the way to the Indian Renaissance,
namely, the College at Fort William and the Serampore Mission of
William Carey. In 1805 a proposal came to the Asiatic Society from the
Serampore Mission to publish classical Sanskrit works with their
English translations, and the first book chosen for this was the
Sanskrit epic, Ramayana. For this purpose the Society spent from its
fund five thousand and five hundred rupees. From 1788 till its
cessation in 1839 the journal Asiatic Researches ran into twenty
volumes and was superseded by the Journal of the Asiatic Society,
henceforth the official organ of the Society. The Society also started
in 1905 a new serial entitled the Memoirs which was discontinued in
1933. The nucleus of the Society's own library was formed soon after
the building was completed in 1808. The Fort William College which was
helped a lot academically by the Society, presented books to the
Society from its own collection, and another valuable collection of
books came from the Palace Library of Tipu Sultan in 1808.
The Society also started a public museum under its own auspices in
1814 and its first Superintendent was Dr. Nathaniel Wallich. Some of
the famous contributions of the Asiatic Society during the first
thirty years are as follows:
William Jones's Third Annual Discourse in 1788 on Indo-European
Language and Culture;
Charles Wilkins's 'A Royal Grant of Land on a Copper Plate' in 1788;
S. Davis's 'On Astronomical Calculations of the Hindus' in 1795;
H. T. Colebrooke's 'On the Duties of a Faithful Hindu Widow' in 1795;
J. Duncan's 'Discovery of Two Urns in the Vicinity of Benares' in
1797;
H. T. Colebrooke's 'On the Vedas' in 1805;
J. Malcolm's 'Sketch of the Sikhs' in 1810;
F. Wilford's 'On the Ancient Geography of India' in 1815 and
E. Strachey's 'On Early History of Algebra' in 1816.
It may be mentioned that two decades before Ram Mohan Roy's first
tract on Sati it was H. T. Colebrooke who proved from the early texts
that the practice of Sati was a gross deviation from the authentic
tradition. The founding fathers of the Asiatic Society were
responsible for the rediscovery of India and her past.
Sir Charles Wilkins (1750-1833) translated the Bhagavadgita into
English in 1785, deciphered a number of Sanskrit inscriptions
published a translation of Hitopadesa (1787) and a Grammar of the
Sanskrit Language. Sir William Jones translated Kalidasa's Abhijnana
books (1789), Jayadeva's Gitagovinda (1789) and Manusamhita (1794),
and edited Ritusamhara (1792). Jones also translated a Persian work
Laila Majnu. The works initiated by Wilkins and Jones were continued
by Colebrooke (1765-1837) and Wilson (1786-1860). Colebrooke was the
President of the Society from 1806 to 1815 and contributed nineteen
papers to the Transactions of the Society. He published an English
translation of Jagannath Tarkapanchanan's celebrated work on Hindu
law, the Vivadabhangarnava under the title Digest of Hindu Law on
Contracts and Successions (1798). He also published a critical edition
of the Sanskrit lexicon Amarakosha (1808). Wilson was Secretary of the
Asiatic Society from 1811 to 1832 and published Kalidasa's Meghaduta
(1813) and translated eighteen principal Puranas into English. He also
published an edition of Kalhana's Rajatarangini (1825).Wilson’s work
entitled Select specimen of the Theatre of the Hindus published in 3
big volume in 1827 was translated into German and French languages.
Sir John Shore (1751-1834) who succeeded William Jones as President of
the Society in 1794, published from a Persian version an abridged
English translation of the Yoga Vasistha and contributed six papers to
the Asiatic Researches. Alexander Csoma de Koros’s Grammar of Tibetan
Language was published in 1834. Most of the works of the Society are
research-based and research-oriented, and have not been loudly
spectacular. But its publication, the Books, consisting of a series of
several hundred Oriental texts in Sanskrit, Arabic, Persian, Bengali,
Tibetan and other Asian languages, both in original and translation,
has earned the Society a rare reputation among scholars all over the
world. Its Monographs were supplemented by several new series such as
Public Lectures, Monthly Bulletins, Seminar Proceedings, Memorial
Lectures and Memoirs (1905-33). These are in addition to the Society's
Journal, Journal of the Asiatic Society, formerly, Asiatic Researches
(1788-1849), Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1832-1904),
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society (1865-1904), Journal and the
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society (1905-1934), Journal of the Asiatic
Society of Bengal (1935-1952) and Journal of the Asiatic Society
(since 1953). A cursory glance at the contents of the Books will show
how great many historical Monographs and Oriental studies, all fruits
of original research, were brought out in them. Archaeological and
Geological surveys, census reports, treatises on law and revenue
systems, all these prepared the solid basis for all future researches
on Asia and the Orient.
COPYRIGHT:© 2007 THE ASIATIC SOCIETY, 1 PARK STREET KOLKATA: 700 016,
INDIA ALL RIGHT RESERVED
Sid Harth
SIR WILLIAM JONES contemplated the publication of a volume of 'Asiatic
Miscellany' every year. No attempt was made to bring out such a
periodical during the first three years. Most of the papers received
in the first year were short and not so significant. Besides the
Society had no funds and there was no publisher in Calcutta who could
undertake such work. Ultimately one Mr. Manuel Cantopher of the East
India Company's printing office undertook the job as a private
speculation, on an understanding that every member of the Society
would buy a copy of the publication at Rs. 20/-. The name approved for
the periodical was "Asiatick Researches" and the first volume appeared
in 1788. In 1829, Captain J. D. Herbert, Deputy Surveyor General,
started a monthly publication entitled "Gleanings in Science". James
Princep proposed to change the title as "The Journal of the Asiatic
Society." The sanction was given in March, 1832. The publication of
proceeding started in 1865. The immediate question before the Council
of 1847 was, proper utilisation of the grants. A committee was
appointed for the publication of the Vedas. The plan that was finally
approved was the one suggested by Mr. Laidley, in his minute of
December, 1847. He had suggested the publication of a monthly serial
under the name and style of "Bibliotheca Indica" to be edited by a
competent scholar aided by a staff of Pundits. The work commenced in
early 1848 and Dr. E. Roer was appointed as the Chief Editor on a
salary of Rs. 100/- only per mensem.
His principal duty was to supply English translations of the works
undertaken. The first work selected was the Samhita of the RigVeda.
But before four fasciculi of it could be published, news arrived that
the Court of Directors had made arrangements with Max Muller for
publication of that work, together with an English translation by H.
H. Wilson. The Society's project, had therefore, to be abandoned. Dr.
Roer took up the Upanishads and some other works. Almost 325 titles
have been published under the series till now.
In 1905, a new series "Memoirs of the Asiatic Society" was introduced
to publish specialised transactions both in the fields of Science and
Letters.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
5, 6 AND 7 AUGUST. | LIBRARY OPENING HOURS CHANGING FROM 1 SEPT.
The Royal Asiatic Society was founded in 1823 by the eminent Sanskrit
scholar Henry Colebrooke and a group of likeminded individuals. It
received its Royal Charter from King George IV in the same year 'for
the investigation of subjects connected with and for the encouragement
of science, literature and the arts in relation to Asia'.
Throughout the course of the Society's history many distinguished
scholars have contributed to its work, including Sir Richard Burton
(1821-90) the noted explorer and first translator of the Arabian
Nights and Kama Sutra and Sir Aurel Stein (1862-1943) the renowned
archaeologist and explorer of the 'Silk Road'. The Society is
affiliated to associate societies in India (Calcutta, Bombay,
Bangalore, Madras, and Bihar), Sri Lanka, Hong Kong, Japan, Korea and
Malaysia.
WHAT THE SOCIETY HAS TO OFFER
The Society provides a forum for those who are interested in the
history, languages, cultures and religions of Asia to meet and
exchange ideas. It offers lectures and seminars and it provides
facilities for research and publishing.
The Library. This contains books and journals on a wide variety of
subjects concerning Asia. All collections are on closed access, so
material is brought to visitors in the reading room. Fellows of the
Society are able to borrow books. Students and researchers are welcome
to consult material by prior appointment.
The Collections. These include Persian, Arabic, Pali, Sanskrit, Malay
and Javanese manuscripts. There is also an important collection of
paintings, prints and drawings generously donated by fellows. Loans
are frequently made to exhibitions.
Publications. The Society has an active publication programme in
association with Routledge Curzon and aims to publish four or five
books per year.
The Journal. This has been published since 1834 and is produced three
times a year. It has an international reputation and is published for
the Society by Cambridge University Press.
Lectures and Symposia. The Society organises a monthly lecture series
covering a wide range of topics. Symposia and study days are arranged
from time to time in areas that reflect the interests of the Society
and its fellows.
Membership. The Society welcomes fellowship applications from anyone
with a serious interest in Asian Studies. Fellows receive the journal
four times a year and may make full use of the resources and
facilities of the Society.
Venue Hire. The Society's premises are available for hire for
lectures, meetings and conferences.
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Asiatic Society of Bombay was founded as the Literary Society of
Bombay by Sir James Mackintosh in 1804 on 26th November. Sir James
Mackintosh an eminent lawyer who had become the British monarch's
judge for Bombay, was motivated by Sir William Jones who had
established the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta in 1784.
Asiatic Society of Bombay History
The Bombay Asiatic Society was established with the objective of
encouraging and investing the Sciences, Literature and Arts of the
Orient. The Literary Society of Bombay in 1826 merged with the RAS
(Royal Society of Great Britain and Ireland) to establish itself as an
arm of Royal Asiatic Society in Bombay (BBRAS). The Mumbai Asiatic
Society shifted to the city Town Hall in 1830. Thereafter the
Geographical Society of Bombay, and the Anthropological Society merged
with BBRAS in 1873 and 1896 respectively.
In 1954 the Society broke itself from the Royal Asiatic Society to
form an autonomous body named Asiatic Society of Bombay.
The Mumbai Town Hall
The Mumbai Asiatic Society in now housed in the Town Hall in Bombay
Green in the Fort area. The Doric columns, supporting the pedimented
portico, and the stairway of thirty steps, makes the Town Hall an
architectural marvel. Standing on top of the flight of steps one can
have a panoramic view of the St. Paul's Cathedral, Flora Fountain,
Elphinstone Garden, the Mumbai Samachar Building, and the buildings of
the Fort area.
Asiatic Society of Bombay Activities
The activities of the Asiatic Society of Mumbai can be classified
broadly into the following categories:
Presentation of Medals - The Asiatic Society in Mumbai presents the
Dr. P.V. Kane gold medal for outstanding research in Vedic studies.
The Casmpbell Memorial Gold Medal is awarded to research scholars in
archeology, architecture, epigraphy, and iconography of Asia. The
Asiatic Society's Silver medal is awarded for outstanding research
work or publication on Asian studies. Endowment Lectures - Dr. Mani
Kamerkar Endowment Lecture, the Rustom and Gulistan Billimoria
Memorial Lecture, Justice K. T. Telang Endowment lecture, Smt. Bansari
Sheth Memorial Lecture, Smt. Nabadurga Banerjee Endowment Lecture are
held annually. Kitaab Literary Festival - This festival is held to
give a global platform for budding and established writers. Exhibition
of Rare Books - Exhibition of rare books are held occasionally. The
last such exhibition was held in 2007 between 12th April to 6th June.
It was inaugurated by Italian Conular General of Mumbai, Dr.Giuseppe
Zaccagnino. Sandhi Workshop - A workshop on Sanskrit Grammar was held
on 21st and 22nd March, 2007 for the benefit of post-graduate and
undergraduate Indology students.
Asiatic Society of Bombay Publications
The following are some of the publications of Mumbai Asiatic Society:
Some Jain Canonical Sutras by Dr. B. C. Law An Illustrated Aranyaka
Parvan in the Asiatic Society of Bombay by Dr. Moti Chandra and Shri
Karl Khandalavala Buddhaghosa by Dr. B. C. Law James Darmesteter
Remembered edited by Dr. D. R. Sardesai and Prof. G. Lazard Kavindra
Kalpadruma of Kavindracharya Saraswati edited by Prof. R.B. Athavale
On the Meaning of Mahabharata by V.S. Sukhathankar
In addition to the above books, the Society also publishes journals
and reviews regularly.
Asiatic Society of Bombay is currently in the process of preserving
the Parsi Community heritage. This project titled 'The Parsiana
Project 2006-07' is being undertaken as a mark of reverence to Dr.
Mani Kamerkar.
Sid Harth
Indology
Indian Society, History and Culture: Sources and Resources
The Department of Indology deals with the study of Indian
civilization in its various aspects, both ancient and modern, on the
basis of different kinds of sources (textual, iconographic,
material…). The analysis of the very rich corpus of available texts in
Sanskrit, the scholarly language of India, has traditionally formed
the basis/cornerstone of the research work conducted at the IFP.
A unique character of the IFP has been that of a place where Western
and Indian intellectual traditions, represented by Western researchers
and Indian traditional scholars (pandits), meet and interact.
Another important originality of the department lies in the richness
of its collection of manuscripts and photographs : the manuscript
collection is the largest in the world of manuscripts of the Saiva
Siddhanta, a Hindu religious tradition which has flourished in South
India since more than ten centuries (10,000 bundles, recently
classified as “Memory of the World” by UNESCO), and the most important
available collection of photographs (130000) on the religious art and
architecture of South India.
The research projects of the department may be grouped into three
major axes
1.1. Indian analyses of Sanskrit language and literature
This research axis addresses the need to understand, from within, the
concepts in Sanskrit language and literature developed by Indian
thinkers and philosophers over the centuries. A close cooperation
between Indian scholars and Western researchers (possible at the IFP)
is indeed necessary for the study of texts and their commentaries and
for the detailed analysis of the complexities of Paninian grammars and
of the Indian philosophies of language.
1.2. History of religions
The second axis deals with the sources of the history of Shaivism, the
most important religious tradition of Hinduism in South India, which
grants preeminence to god Shiva. It uses extensively the unique
collections of the IFP. Work is undertaken in two complementary
directions: on the one hand, the cataloguing and digitization of the
manuscripts and photographs, and on the other, edition and analysis of
texts and highlighting of the photo collection.
As a vital tool for the identification of texts and quotations, both
while cataloguing and while preparing critical editions, we have been
putting together a library of Sanskrit electronic texts, particularly
Shaiva ones, some of which may now be downloaded from our site.
In the global framework of this axis, a study is also being conducted
on the origins of Brahmanical culture.
1.3 Tamil Studies
Given the favourable geographical location of the IFP in the heart of
the Tamil country, the Department of Indology endeavours to study
Tamil history and culture in all its diversity : historical geography
of South India from the origins upto 1600 AD, classical Tamil Saiva
hymns, as part of the oldest and most prestigious literature in India
alongside Sanskrit and contemporary Tamil culture.
For more information, please consult the more detailed presentation of
the research underway at the Department of Indology of the IFP.
Sid Harth
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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John Muir (February 5, 1810 – March 7, 1882) was a Scottish Sanskrit
scholar and Indologist .
Biography
Muir was born in Glasgow, Scotland, one of four brothers amongst whom
was William Muir, and educated at the grammar school of Irvine, the
University of Glasgow, and the East India Company College at
Haileybury. He arrived in India in 1829 as a civil servant in Bengal,
and served in various offices, as assistant secretary to the board of
revenue, Allahabad, as collector at Azimgarh and as civil and session
judge at Fatehpur. In 1844, he was appointed to be the first principal
of Victoria College, Benaras, that later evolved into the Sampurnanand
Sanskrit University.[1] He left the Indian Civil Service in 1853 and
returned to Edinburgh. In 1862 he endowed the chair of Sanskrit in the
University of Edinburgh, and was the main agent in founding the Shaw
fellowship in moral philosophy. He was a D.C.L. of Oxford, LL.D. of
Edinburgh and Ph.D. of Bonn, and was one of the first to receive the
distinction of Companion of the Indian Empire.
Work
Muir's main work is Original Sanskrit texts on the origin and history
of the people of India, their religion and institutions (1852-1870), a
study of the most important source texts of Indian cultural and
religious history, with English language translation. In 1858 the
first volume of his Original Sanskrit Texts (2nd ed., 1868) was
published; it was on the origin of caste, an inquiry intended to show
that it did not exist in the Vedic age. The second volume (1st ed.,
1860; 2nd, 1871) was concerned with the origin and racial affinities
of the Hindus, exhibiting all the then available evidences of their
connexion, their linguistic, social and political kinship, with the
other branches of the Indo-European stock. The third volume (1st ed.,
1861; 2nd, 1868) was on the Vedas, a full inquiry as to the ideas of
their origin, authority and inspiration held both by the Vedic and
later Indian writers. Volume four (1st ed., 1863; 2nd, 1873) was a
comparison of the Vedic with the later representations of the
principal Indian deities, an exhibition of the process by which three
gods hardly known to the Vedic hymns became the deities of the former
Hindu Trimurti. The fifth and final volume was published in 1970 and
was on the Vedic mythology. Muir was also the author of a volume of
metrical translations from the Sanskrit, an anonymous work on
inspiration, several works in Sanskrit, and many essays in the Journal
of the Royal Asiatic Society and elsewhere.
In 1839, Muir published Matapariksa: Sketch of the Argument for
Christianity and against Hinduism, a work that, in contrast to the
vitriolic missionary tracts prevalent at that time, presented Hinduism
in empathetic tone and depicted Christianity and Hinduism as more or
less compatible, although Christianity was clearly depicted as
superior. However while sensitive to "Hindu genius" Muir advanced
miracles, moral excellence, and universality as three basic arguments
in favor of Christianity. The work was controversial in India and
helped launch a counter-apologetic movement among Hindu scholars.[2]
Bibliography
Muir, John (1861), Original Sanskrit Texts on the Origin and Progress
of the Religion and Institutions of India, Williams and Norgate,
http://books.google.com/books/pdf/Original_Sanskrit_Texts_on_the_Origin_an.pdf?id=_VCXTBk-PtoC
References
^ History of Sampurnanand Sanskrit University]
^ Podgorski, Frank R. (October 1983). "review of "Resistant Hinduism:
Sanskrit Sources on Anti-Christian Apologetics in Early Nineteenth-
Century India" by Richard Fox Young". Philosophy East and West 33 (4):
417–418. doi:10.2307/1398604.
http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0031-8221%28198310%2933%3A4%3C417%3ARHSSOA%3E2.0.CO%3B2-3.
"Muir, John". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
Sid Harth
Indo-Iranian Journal
Editor-in-Chief: H. T. Bakker
ISSN: 0019-7246 (print version)
ISSN: 1572-8536 (electronic version)
Journal no. 10783
Springer Netherlands
Online version available
Online First articles available
Description
Founded in 1957, the Indo-Iranian Journal publishes papers on ancient
and medieval Indian languages, literature, philosophy, and religion;
ancient and medieval Iran; and papers on Tibet.
Recent issues have included linguistic articles on Sanskrit, Middel
Indian (Prakrit), New-Indo-Aryan, on Munda linguistics (including the
results of field-work), old and modern Dravidian languages (including
new material on little-known Central Dravidian languages).
Indo-Iranian Journal also presents numerous reviews of new
publications, and lists the many more publications received.
Abstracted/Indexed in:
Arts & Humanities Citation Index, ATLA Religion Database,
Bibliographie linguistique/Linguistic bibliography, Bibliography of
Asian Studies, CSA/Proquest, Current Abstracts, ERIH, FRANCIS, Gale,
Google Scholar, Humanities International Index, Index Islamicus,
International Bibliography of Book Reviews (IBR), International
Bibliography of the Social Sciences (IBSS), Linguistics Abstracts, MLA
International Bibliography, OCLC, PASCAL, RILM Abstracts of Music
Literature, SCOPUS, Summon by Serial Solutions, TOC Premier
Sid Harth
Chair of India Studies
Finanziert durch die indische Regierung/ Financed by the Indian
Government (ICCR, Indian Council of Cultural Relations)
Erster Amtsinhaber/ First Holder of the Chair of India Studies in
Mainz (Wintersemester 2007/08):
Prof. Dr. Ravi Kumar "Anu"
Department of Hindi
Punjabi University Patiala
Email: ravi_...@yahoo.co.in
Zweiter Amtsinhaber/ Second Holder of the Chair of India Studies in
Mainz (Wintersemester 2008/09):
Prof. Dr. Sukhwant S. Bindra
Political Science
Guru Nanak Dev University Amritsar
Email: bindras...@yahoo.com
Veröffentlichungen
Beiträge zur Indologie
In der Reihe Beiträge zur Indologie. Monographienreihe bei Otto
Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, herausgegeben von Konrad Meisig (begründet
von Ulrich Schneider als Freiburger Beiträge zur Indologie) sind die
folgenden Bände erschienen:
•Bd. 28 : Bernhard Weber-Brosamer/Dieter M. Back:
Die Philosophie der Leere. Nagarjunas Mulamadhyamaka-Karikas.
Übersetzung des buddhistischen Basistextes mit kommentierenden
Einführungen. 1997.
•
•Bd. 29 : Annemarie Mertens:
Der Daksamythus in der episch-puranischen Literatur.
Beobachtungen zur religionsgeschichtlichen Entwicklung des Gottes
Rudra-Siva im Hinduismus. 1998.
•
•Bd. 30 : Andreas Bigger:
Balarama im Mahabharata:
Seine Darstellung im Rahmen des Textes und seiner Entwicklung. 1998.
•
•Bd. 31 : Orientalische Erzähler der Gegenwart.
Vorträge und Übersetzungen der Mainzer Ringvorlesung im Sommersemester
1998.
•
•Bd. 32 : Choong Mun-keat (Wei-keat):
The Fundamental Teachings of Early Buddhism.
A comparative study based on the Sûtrânga portion of the Pâli Samyutta-
Nikâya and the Chinese Samyuktâgama. 2000.
Informations- und Werbetext, link zur homepage von Choong Mun-keat
•
•Bd. 33 : Phulos Hemdchen. Erzählungen von Yashpal.
Herausgegeben und mit einem Nachwort versehen von Konrad Meisig. Aus
dem Hindi übersetzt von Hannelore Bauhaus-Lötzke, Barbara Börner-
Westphal, Ines Fornell, Margot Gatzlaff, Dieter B. Kapp, Konrad
Meisig, Mechthild Quander-Sunder und Sonja Wengoborski.
•
•Bd. 34 : Andreas Bock-Raming:
Untersuchungen zur Gottesvorstellung in der älteren Anonymliteratur
des Pancaratra. 2002.
•
•Bd. 35 : Martina Jackmuth:
Die Bildersprache Kalidasas im Kumarasambhava. 2002.
•
•Bd. 36 : Die Pockengöttin. Fastenmärchen der Frauen aus Awadh.
Gesammelt von Indu Prakash Pandey. Aus dem Hindi übersetzt von Indu
Prakash und Heidemarie Pandey. Mit einem märchentypologischen Anhang
von Konrad Meisig. 2002.
•
•Bd. 37 : Claudia Weber:
Die Lichtmetaphorik im frühen Mahayana-Buddhismus. 2002.
•
•Bd. 38 : Hugh van Skyhawk:
Burushaski-Texte aus Hispar. Materialien zum Verständnis einer
archaischen Bergkultur in Nordpakistan. 2003.
•
•Bd. 39 : Ulrich Schneider:
Opera minora. Hrsg. von Marion Meisig. 2002.
•
•Bd. 40 : Lars Göhler (Hrsg.):
Indische Kultur im Kontext. Festschrift für Klaus Mylius. 2005.
•
•Bd. 41 : Almuth Degener:
Shina-Texte aus Gilgit (Nord-Pakistan).
Sprichwörter und Materialien zum Volksglauben. Gesammelt von Mohammad
Amin Zia. 2008.
East Asia Intercultural Studies/Interkulturelle Ostasienstudien
Neuerscheinungen des Instituts
Projekt: Hinduismus in der Migration
Publikationen des Mainzer Projekts Hinduismus in der Migration
K. Meisig: Vighneshvara-Tempel in Hamm.
M. Meisig: Minakshi-Tempel in Port Louis.
...and I am Sid harth
Sid Harth
William Carey
by K. L. Kamat
First Online June 22, 2001
Page Last Updated: August 08,2009
We continue our series on the Pioneers of Indology by remembering
William Carey who inspired millions of poor citizens of India to lead
a purposeful life.
William Carey was born in Paulerspury village in England on January
17th, 1761. His cobbler father found it extremely difficult to make
both ends meet, with six children to look after. Hence he could not
afford to provide any of his children with a formal education. At the
age of ten, Carey was taken up with fascinating stories of far-away
countries and made a promise to himself to someday visit India. As a
young man, he had great confidence in himself and in God and became a
missionary.
William Carey
(1761-1834)
After a five-month long sea voyage, he landed at Kolkata (a.k.a.
Calcutta) on January 9th, 1793. He was accompanied by his wife Dorothy
and four children. During his journey Carey kept himself busy in the
study of Bengali. Upon arrival he rented a house in Kolkata, and then
later moved to the Sunderban area, finally settling in Shrirampur (in
the present day state of West Bengal). He worked with a missionary
zeal and attracted like-minded people to his camp. The community first
started a school for boys and later added a school for girls.
During the Moghul rule of India, the Persian language was strongly
encouraged, to the detriment of Sanskrit and other indigenous
languages. Carey was instrumental in the revival of these languages.
In collaboration with Raja Ram Mohan Roy he published pamphlets and
articles denouncing social evils. He educated people about the
problems associated with child-marriage, the neglect of female infants
and the Sati system. This led Lord Bentick, the Governor General of
India, to ban the practice of Sati in 1829 (see The Sati Practice -
The Timeline).
Carey bought a printing press from his personal funds and undertook
the printing of books. His team produced numerous manuscripts and
translations, which were printed on this press. The types for the
press were formulated and manufactured at Shrirampur and printing
began in various Indian languages. After twelve years of research,
Carey's team produced such high quality paper that it was insect-
proof, long-lasting and ideally suited to Indian conditions. The team
received printing orders from far and near. Even the Maharaja of
Mysore (a kingdom far to the south) had some important books printed
at the Shrirampur press. Unfortunately, however, in 1812 a huge fire
broke out in the press, in which most of the paper stored for printing
was reduced to ashes, along with Carey's writings of ten long years.
His year-long work on the translation of the "Ramayana" into English
was also lost. Undaunted by this setback, he began the translation
work all over again.
A cobbler's son by birth, Carey rose by sheer dint of effort to great
heights: he was appointed to teach Sanskrit, Bengali and Marathi at
Fort William College, Kolkata, in 1806. After five years of teaching,
he was promoted to be a full-fledged professor and continued to teach
there for the next thirty years. He introduced the idea of the
"savings bank" to protect local people from the clutches of money-
lenders. He campaigned for better facilities for lepers and for the
aged. He also introduced the use of the steam engine in India.
Carey lived in India for 41 long years. He loved his adopted homeland
so much that he did not return to his own country for a long time.
During this period, he rendered yeoman services to India. He produced
seven grammar books, four dictionaries, thirteen polyglot
vocabularies, translations of the bible in forty Indian languages, 132
books of learning on various subjects such as botany, social-customs
and literature. He was fascinated by the power and beauty of Indian
classics and felt inspired to translate the Ramayana, the Sankhya (a
system of philosophy first propounded by Sage Kapila) and the
Itihaasamaala for the benefit of English readers. Carey undertook the
publication of periodicals such as the monthly Bengali magazine, "Dig-
Darshan," an English monthly called "Friends of India" and "Samachar
Darshan" on a regular basis. He founded the "Agricultural and
Horticultural Society of India" and completed a survey of agriculture
in India.
Dr. William Carey died on June 9th, 1834 while he was still physically
and mentally very active. In 1993, the Government of India brought out
a postal stamp to commemorate the bicentennial of his landing in
India, a fitting memorial to this great scholar and philanthropist.
Sir William Jones
by Dr. K. L. Kamat
Last Updated: August 08,2009
The author pays tribute Sir William Jones, the great scholar and
visionary, who came to India as a judge of the Supreme court, and with
the help of Charles Wilkins, in 1784 started the Asiatic Society of
Bengal and the journal Asiatic Researches. These two institutions
were instrumental in establishing the field of Indology - Ed.
William Jones was born in London on 28th September 1746. His father
died when William was only three years old, But his mother aroused
boundless curiosity in him. At a tender age of twenty he became adept
in French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Greek, Latin and English. His
knowledge of Arabic and Persian made King Christian VII of Denmark
assign him the translation of "Tariq-i-Nadiri" into French. He was
made a fellow of the Royal Society in 1772 and in the following year,
a member of the prestigious Literary Club of Dr. Johnson.
© K. L. Kamat
Sir William Jones (1746-94)
Jones arrived in India in September 1783 a judge in the Supreme Court
in Calcutta. he realized that India had much to offer to the world in
the sciences and the arts, and that the discovery of her rich past and
culture could not be achieved by himself. He discussed with his
colleagues and established the "Asiatic Society" on 15th January 1784,
and this was a revolutionary event in the world of letters. It marked
the restoration of ancient learning in and about India. Jones realized
that it was the East, which held the secrets of early history and
civilization of man; and that unless the East was know, the history of
man could not be written.
Jones invented the system of transliteration and translated the Laws
of Manu (Manusmriti) into English. He was the first westerner to study
and write a paper on Indian Classical Music, the first person to put
forward a plan for classification of Indian plants and animals. He was
instrumental for compilation of books on Botany, Zoology, Astronomy
and Philosophy. He declared that the Sanskrit language is of wonderful
structure, more perfect than Greek, more copious than the Latin and
thus laid foundation for birth of Science of Linguistics. Thereafter,
many western universities began founding chairs in Sanskrit. He
translated Kalidasa's "Abhiknana Shakuntala" and "Ritu Samhara," and
Jayadeva's "Gita Govinda" into English. This lead to study of Indian
dramatic literature and mythology. Further he also encouraged study of
Indian chronology.
On 27th April 1794 has passed away because of an inflammation of
liver. He was only forty eight years old, and a great progress in the
study of India was untimely curtailed.
History of India .
The History of History of India
by Vikas Kamat
First Online: August 15,1997
Last updated: August 08,2009
Sources of Indian History
Professor R.C. Majumdar (portrait - interview), a noted Indian
historian has said that "... although it is difficult to accept, the
Indians totally lacked the historical sense". The ancient Indians made
great inroads into astronomy, physics, mathematics, all kinds of
literature and arts but never seriously took to documenting their
history and their indifference has cost their posterity very dearly.
How we know what we know about this ancient land.
Jones and Wilkins are considered the fathers of Indology [Basham]. Sir
William Jones (1746-94) came to India as a judge of the Supreme Court,
under the governor-generalship of Warren Hastings. Jones was a
linguistic genius (see: The Father of Indology) and with the help of
Charles Wilkins, an officer with the East India Company who had learnt
Sanskrit from elite Bengali Brahmins, in 1784 the Asiatic Society of
Bengal was formed. The first real steps in revealing India's past were
then taken through the publication of the journal Asiatic Researches.
Primary resources available to students of Indology and Indian history
come from three sources: Literature, Archeology, and Foreigner's
Accounts. Rudiments of ancient Indian history have indeed been
available to Indians for thousands of years, but it is impossible to
arrange them in a chronological order or to differentiate history from
mythology and traditions from imaginations. The sculptures and the
inscriptions that are passed on to us tend to glorify the kings or the
donors and it is hard to cross check the validity of some of the
claims found in them. Much of the foreign sources on India, namely the
travelogues of explorers have been assembled through second hand
information and it is difficult to differentiate realities from
hearsay.
How we know what we know
Literature
References to historical events and traditions are scattered in many
ancient Indian texts, even in the mythological Ramayan and Mahabharat,
the Hindu epics believed to be of divine origin. We have to even
consider unlikely resources of grammar books of Panini and Patanjali
for hidden historical references and events. Some biographies are
available. However glorifying is the language, they do provide deep
insights into the great historical persons they illustrate. The
following is a list of biographies available:
In Sanskrit
Harsha-Charita by Banabhatta - Biography of Harshavardhana, the
Emperor of India
Vikramankeva-Charita by Billana - Biography of king Vikramaditya (see
an amusing anecdote about Bilhana)
Prithviraja-Charita by Chand-Bardai
Kumarapala-Charita by Jayasimha
In Tamil
Nandik-Kalambakam by a court poet - Biography of Pallava King
Nandivarman II
Kalingattupparani - semi-historical narration of life of Kulottunga I
Biographies of Vikrama Chola, Kulottunga II, and Rajaraja of by
Ottakkuttan
The oldest Indian linguistic text, Yaska's Nirukta (apprx. 5th Century
B.C.) while a valuable resource, does not contain historical
information [Basham]. But Panini's masterpiece Ashtadhyayi (apprx. 4th
century B.C) profusely illustrates the stability and maturity attained
by Sanskrit among scholars of the time. It tells us when Sanskrit
(meaning reformed) came in to vogue replacing Prakrit, the language of
the Vedas, the holy texts of Hindus.
The Arthashastra of Chanakya (300 B.C.) gives a detailed account of
political system of administration during the Mauryan empire and is a
valuable resource to the researchers.
Archaeology
The archaeological resources for study of Indian history consist of
coins, inscriptions (pictures), sculptures (topics - pictures) and
other artifacts (topics - pictures). The inscriptions have helped the
most; they have provided dates, names of kings, and have recorded
important events. The monuments spread all over India are undying
witnesses of the artistic skill of ancient Indians and testify to
their wealth and grandeur at various epochs of history. They also give
us an illustrated view of the period cultures than it is possible to
cull from works of text. (see Jain monuments, hero-stones, temples,
and memorials)
Excavations at Takshashila, Hampi, Sindhu (Indus) Valley, Saraswati
Valley have revealed extremely worthy information for Indologists.
Foreigner's Accounts
Some of the most stunning accounts of ancient India are provided by
the visiting foreigners (see also: India though the eyes of foreign
travelers):
Greek Accounts
The Greeks who accompanied Alexander the Great in his Indian campaign
recorded their encounters of this mystical, magical land. Although
much of these works are now lost, the details have percolated into
subsequent Greek literature. Special reference is to be made of the
Indica by Megasthenes who lived in the court of Chandragupta Maurya,
of Periplus of the Erythrean Sea by an unknown businessman (second
half of 1st century A.D) and The Geography of India by Ptolemy (about
130 A.D.)
Chinese Accounts
After the spread of Buddhism, Chinese travelers came to India in big
numbers to collect religious books and to visit the holy places of
Buddhism. Works of Fa-Hien (5th century A.D., see Crossing of
Indus), Huen-Tsang (7th century A.D.) and I-Tsing (7th century A.D.)
are important historical accounts.
Islamic Accounts
Islamic traveler Alberuni who accompanied Sultan Mahmud (1017 A.D.),
made a careful study of the social institutions of India and his
memoirs (see: Alberuni's India) are a treasure of historical evidence.
Marco-Polo passed through some parts of southern India on his way from
China to Persia (1292 A.D.) and has left a very interesting narration
of social manners and customs of South India.
Epilogue
By utilizing all these evidence, it has been possible to throw some
light on the civilization and culture that flourished in India, and to
construct a political history from 7th century B.C. onwards. Our
knowledge about India's glorious past was very little till the 19th
century, when the genius and patient industry of a number of scholars,
mostly European, substantially enhanced it. Still many areas of Indian
history, especially cultural history have enormous voids in them. As
we make new discoveries, some established facts may need a second look
as well.
References
[Basham] A. L. Basham, The wonder that was India, 1967
[Majumdar] R.C. Majumdar, Ancient India, Varanasi, 1952
Ancient India, Land of Mystery, Time-Life Books, 1994
Epigraphica Indica
Ronald Letham, Editor, Travels of Marco Polo, 1982
Alberuni's India, 1988
See Also:
A Time-line of India -- the whole 5000 years
Indian History Potpourri -- topics on the history of India
Ancient India, the land of mystery -- topics on Ancient India
Search our Who'sWho Database for ancient writers
Stories the Stones Tell -- examples of tracing history through
archeological sources.
Sid Harth
An Indologist par excellence
BH. KRISHNAMURTI
The death of Professor M.B. Emeneau is a big loss to Indology,
Dravidian studies in particular.
PROFESSOR Murray Barnson Emeneau (1904-2005) was the longest living
Western Indologist of great distinction. In the early hours of August
29, he passed away in his sleep at the age of 101 in his house in
Berkeley, California.
Emeneau's life is a saga of scholarly dedication and prolific writing
on Indology, particularly on Dravidian themes. He taught several
Indian students who have risen to important positions in the Indian
academia and have made significant contributions to Sanskrit and
Indian linguistics, inspired both by his scholarship and by his
example. His Indian students always looked upon him as a guru of the
true Gurukula tradition. The present writer is one of them.
Born on February 28, 1904, in Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, Canada, Emeneau
received his B.A. Honours in Classics from Dalhousie University in
1923. He went to Balliol College at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar to earn
a second bachelor's degree with honours in 1926. He received his Ph.D.
from Yale University in 1931. His dissertation on Jambhaladatta's
version of Vetalapancavimsati was published by the American Oriental
Society in 1934. As a research scholar at Yale he studied classics,
linguistics and anthropology, with great scholars and teachers such as
Franklin Edgerton, E. H. Sturtevant and Edward Sapir.
During 1935-38, he visited India and did extensive fieldwork on the
language and culture of several non-literary Dravidian languages of
South and Central India, such as Toda, Kota, Badaga, Kodagu and
Kolami. On a short visit to northwest India (now Pakistan), he
collected data on Brahui. Since then he published scores of papers,
works on grammar and texts of these languages. Mention should be made
of Kota Texts (volumes 1-4, 1944-6), Kolami, A Dravidian Language
(1955), Toda Songs (1971), a groundbreaking work in ethnopoetics, and
Toda Grammar and Texts (1984). He was the Founder-Chair of the
Department of Linguistics at the University of California in 1940 and
served as Professor of Sanskrit and Linguistics from 1943 to 1971.
When he retired he continued there as Professor Emeritus.
Emeneau's range of scholarship and publications spanned many
disciplines and interdisciplinary areas, involving linguistics,
prehistory, anthropology, ethnology, onomastics, and folklore studies,
with special reference to two major language families of India,
Dravidian and Indo-Aryan. With 285 published items, including 25 books
and 98 reviews, he made a mark on almost every branch of Indology. The
impact of his work on world scholarship is considerable.
However, there are two major areas where his scholarly contribution
has left a lasting imprint. His classic paper, "India as a Linguistic
Area", published in 1956 explored the data and specified the tools to
establish that language and culture had fused for centuries on the
Indian soil to produce an integrated mosaic of structural convergence
of four distinct language families - Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and
Tibeto-Burman.
With his further contributions (published as a book in 1980 by
Stanford University under the title Language and Linguistic Area:
Essays by Murray B. Emeneau), this area has now become a major field
of research in language contact and convergence all over the world. He
thus provided scholarly substance for the underlying Indian-ness of
our apparently divergent cultural and linguistic patterns.
Consequently, South Asia is now recognised not only as a `linguistic
area', but also as a `sociolinguistic area', `a cultural area', and
also `a translation area'.
HIS second monumental contribution is A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary (Oxford 1961, extensively revised 1984), which he co-
authored with the late Professor Thomas Burrow, another great
Indologist, who was Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford University. This
had been a major life-long work of both the authors, representing
cognates collected from 26 Dravidian languages, of which their own
research and fieldwork was the primary source of at least 10 non-
literary languages. Students of Indian languages and linguistics are
eternally indebted to them for this lasting contribution.
Emeneau earned many academic distinctions. He was a member of 14
learned societies across the world: the prestigious American
Philosophical Society (1952), the National Institute of Humanistic
Sciences, Vietnam (honorary member, 1957), the Linguistic Society of
India (honorary member, 1964), the Royal Asiatic Society (honorary
fellow, 1969), the American Academy of Arts and Sciences (1970), and
the British Academy (corresponding fellow, 1993). He was president of
the Linguistic Society of America in 1949 and of the American Oriental
Society in 1964-65. He presided over the Sixth International Sanskrit
Association held in Philadelphia in October 1984. He was awarded
honorary doctorate degrees by at least four universities, including
the University of Chicago (1968), Dalhousie University (1970),
University of Hyderabad (1987) and V.K. Kameshwarsingh Darbhanga
Sanskrit University (1999).
Emeneau and his wife Kitty lived a simple and dedicated life. They had
books all over the house but never had a television set; even in his
later life, he did not use a computer. He used to type up all his
papers and books, including the enormous manuscript of the Dravidian
Etymological Dictionary, on his portable Olympia typewriter, fitted
with special linguistic symbols. They were very hospitable to the
students and frequently invited them for dinner. When any visiting
Indian scholar telephoned to meet him, he would invariably invite him
or her for lunch or dinner.
After Kitty passed away in 1987, Emeneau lived alone in their house
for the next 18 years. The present author had the honour of dedicating
his recent book, The Dravidian Languages (Cambridge, 2003), to
Emeneau, which he acknowledged with great delight.
With his passing away a glorious era of Indological and Dravidian
research has ended. His scholarly output and his personal example will
continue to influence and inspire future generations of scholars in
India and abroad.
Bh. Krishnamurti is retired Professor of Lingusitics, Osmania
University, and former Vice-Chancellor, University of Hyderabad.
Sid Harth
The Founding of the Association
On October 3, 1949, scholars representative of the fields of Indian
and Buddhist Studies gathered in the University of Tokyo's Department
of Indian Philosophy and held a meeting to plan the formation of a
scholarly association. The attending members were MIYAMOTO Shoson,
KANAKURA Ensho, HIGATA Ryusho, HONDA Giei, YAMAGUCHI Susumu, TSUJI
Naoshiro, HANAYAMA Shinsho, NAKAMURA Hajime, SAKAMOTO Yukio, NISHI
Giyu, and MASUNAGA Reiho. The first general meeting was held at the
University of Tokyo on October 15, 1951, bringing about the official
establishment of the Association, with Professor Miyamoto as its first
Chairman of Directors. This year, 2001, marks the 50th anniversary of
the founding. At present the membership of the Japanese Association of
Indian and Buddhist Studies exceeds 2,400, making it one of the
largest scholarly organizations in the fields of the humanities.
In addition to aiming for the scholarly advancement of Indian and
Buddhist Studies, the Association was founded with the purpose of
contributing to the advancement of cultural sciences in general,
through close cooperation with scholars in and outside Japan in
related fields. The Association Office is located in the Department of
Indian Philosophy at the University of Tokyo. The Association has as
its members not only individual researchers and scholars, but also
organizations, namely research institutions, universities, and junior
colleges with departments or lectures relating to Indian Philosophy
and Buddhist Studies.
Indian and Buddhist Studies
The term "Indian Studies," or "Indology," refers broadly to a group
of scholarly fields dealing with the culture and materials (both
literary and physical) of India. Indian Studies has its western
origins in Europe, particularly in Great Britain, in the latter half
of the 18th century. It includes and overlaps into the fields of
philosophy, religion, linguistics, literature, art, history, and
archaeology. Indian Studies more specifically seeks to investigate the
thought and language of a wide range of source texts, including
classical Sanskrit works, Brahmanical scriptures of the Vedas, Jaina
literature, Buddhist documents in Sanskrit, Pali and related
languages, poetry, and narrative literature. The contributions by
members of the Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies can
generally been classified by the term Indian philosophy, which deals
with the various philosophical and religious systems of India, but
have also included language and literature.
"Buddhist Studies," or "Buddhology," refers to the scholarly
investigation of Buddhism. Since India is the birthplace of Buddhism
and, broadly speaking, Buddhism falls under the category of Indian
philosophy and religion, Buddhist Studies can also be regarded as one
part of Indian Studies. Needless to say, however, Buddhism was not
confined to India, and was transmitted to Tibet, Southeast Asia,
China, the Korean Peninsula, Japan, etc., and developed identities and
characteristics wherever it spread. For this reason, Buddhism alone
encompasses an extremely vast area of study, speaking both
geographically and with respect to content. It therefore goes beyond
the regional and cultural framework of India. What is called Buddhist
Studies takes as its object of investigation not only Indian Buddhism,
but the Buddhism of Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia, and the Buddhism of
East Asia, including Tibet, the Korean Peninsula, Japan, etc. The
methodology of Buddhist Studies is the same as that of Indian Studies
in that it focuses on objective and scientific investigation. This
method of research was introduced from Europe in the Meiji Era into
the study of Buddhism in Japan by NANJIO Bunyiu and TAKAKUSU Junjiro.
Even prior to that, however, there existed in Japan a long tradition
of Buddhist scholarship based on texts in Chinese translation, the
fruits of which continue to work as an advantage to Buddhist
scholarship in Japan.
Current Activities of the Association
1. The Annual Conference:
The Academic Conference is a chance for Association members to
present the results of their individual research to other scholars,
and a chance for feedback and discussion on those results. In
addition, it is an opportunity in which scholars of Indian and
Buddhist Studies can gather under one large roof, exchange information
and deepen friendships. At present the Conference is annual, and is
held at one of the member academic institutions in eastern Japan and
western Japan alternately. In addition to the general academic
presentations, up-to-date issues are discussed in special panels and
symposiums every year. There are also various events planned and held
by the hosting school. Although it will mean hosting the Conference
two years in a row in the same region, since this year marks the 50th
anniversary of the founding of the Association, and commemorative
events are being scheduled at the University of Tokyo, it has been
decided that the Conference will also be held at the University of
Tokyo.
2. Scholarly Publications:
The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies publishes a
journal, an online treatise database, and the Text Database of the
Taisho Tripitaka (SAT). The Association's journal, Journal of Indian
and Buddhist Studies is put out bi-annually. There have been 98
volumes published to date.
The Indian and Buddhist Studies Treatise Database is an online
database gathering scholarly articles published in Japan relating to
Indian and Buddhist Studies. Key words from each article are input as
data, making an online search possible based on either a key word or
the author's name. Construction of the Database began in 1984 and
continues to the present. The Database is available to anyone
(provided they agree to the conditions of use) over the Internet at
the homepage of Association's Database Center. (http://
www.inbuds.net/)
The Text Database of the Taisho Tripitaka is the result of an
ongoing effort to convert the entire Taisho Shinshu Daizokyo (Taisho
Tripitaka) into machine-readable text files. The Taisho Shinshu
Daizokyo, which includes nearly every Buddhist work in Chinese
translation extant, is itself a monumental contribution from Japan to
the world. The Database enterprise was begun in 1994 by the
Association for Computerization of Buddhist Texts (ACBUT), an arm of
the Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies. All texts
input and converted to text files to date are available for download
at the ACBUT's homepage.(http://www.l.u-tokyo.ac.jp/~sat/).
3. Commitment to Current Social Issues:
The Japanese Association of Indian and Buddhist Studies has taken
up many problems that have become issues of concern in society at
large. The issues considered, such as the brain death/organ transplant
debate, the ethics of life, environmental issues, are all current
problems common to the entire world. They are also problems for which
adequate solutions have not been found. The Association, as an
organization responsive to the larger society, is not only committed
to working towards academic advancement, but also to responding timely
and positively to urgent societal issues.
Sid Harth
BOOKS
The making of an Indologist
K.M. SHRIMALI
D.D. Kosambi: Combined Methods in Indology and Other Writings;
compiled, edited and introduced by Brajadulal Chattopadhyaya; Oxford
University Press, 2002; pages xxxvii+832; Rs.995.
WITHIN the first decade of India's Independence, studies on early
Indian history moved away from the humdrum style of documenting
political and dynastic events. Interest in the routine melange of
dates and events, wars and conquests, and the "achievements and
failures" of individual potentates started dwindling when two very
significant works came out in the 1950s. A.L. Basham's The Wonder That
Was India (1954) and D.D. Kosambi's An Introduction to the Study of
Indian History (1956) epitomised this shift. The first one is the work
of a professional historian and the second is from an "amateur
Indologist".
A doyen among Indologists, Basham romanticised the vast sweep of
India's history. He pleaded for a new emphasis on the cultural history
of India. The Wonder... was written to interpret ancient Indian
civilisation to the ordinary Western reader who had little knowledge
but some interest in the subject. This kaleidoscope of early India's
social structure, cults and doctrines, and arts and languages was such
an engrossing venture that it won for Basham the love and appreciation
of scholars and laymen alike, both in India and outside. It is
regrettable, however, that his fascination for the inclusive aspects
of Hinduism has been completely distorted and turned upside down to
read like an account of "glorious Hindu India" by some self-appointed
guardians of Indian cultural traditions.
Kosambi's Introduction is an iconoclastic Marxist critique of the
undulating path of historical change. For him "the subtle mystic
philosophies, tortuous religions, ornate literature, monuments teeming
with intricate sculpture, and delicate music of India all derive from
the same historical process that produced the famished apathy of the
villager, senseless opportunism and termite greed of the 'cultured'
strata, sullen un-coordinated discontent among the workers, the
general demoralisation, misery, squalor, and degrading superstition.
The one is the result of the other, the one is the expression of the
other." Such an understanding not only enabled Kosambi to question the
stereotypes of the colonialist-imperialist and the so-called
"nationalist" historiography but also focus on a more positive and
constructive approach to comprehend the prime movers of history.
Since society is held together by bonds of production, answers to the
following questions become rather crucial. Who gathers or produces
things and by what implements? Who lives off the production of others,
and by what right, divine or legal? Who owns the tools, the land,
sometimes the body and soul of the producer? Who were the Aryans - if
any? Why did India never have large-scale chattel slavery as in
classical Greece and Rome? When did regular coinage appear? Why do
Buddhism, Jainism, and so many other contemporary religious sects of
the type arise in Magadha and become prominent at roughly the same
time? Why did the Gupta empire produce great Sanskrit literature when
the Maurya empire did not? Such searching questions had set the agenda
for a new kind of history writing.
It is perhaps not a mere coincidence that two of the most renowned
living historians of early India, Professors R.S. Sharma and Romila
Thapar, received their doctoral blessings from Basham (who had guided
a generation of historians from India at the School of Oriental and
African Studies, London in the 1950s and the 1960s) and were either
closely associated with or inspired by Kosambi.
Known among professionals for his pioneering mathematical research
(his formula for chromosome distance occupies a central place in
classical genetics), Damodar Dharmanand Kosambi had developed serious
interests in Indology, history, archaeology, anthropology and several
other disciplines rather early in his life. He also had an amazing
skill in languages. A polyglot, he knew well more than a dozen
languages, both Indian and foreign, modern and classical. He died
rather young, not quite 60. It is a measure of his intellectual impact
that three commemorative volumes were issued within 10 years of his
death.
While Marxism of all varieties has been marginalised from the
historian's intellectual context, the political context in which the
historian of India finds himself today is dominated by the advance of
the Hindu Right and 'global' capitalism. The reappearance of 52 major
contributions of Kosambi, many of which have been quite inaccessible
for decades, in the form of the volume under review, therefore, could
not have been more timely.
Barring three posthumous publications (Nos 2, 5 and 13) of 1967 and of
the late 1970s, the remaining 49 essays in this anthology were written
between the late 1930s and early 1960s. It seems that Kosambi was
extremely prolific during the 1950s, which account for as many as 22
contributions. Essays have rightly been arranged thematically in five
sections, chronology by and large being retained within themes.
From mathematics to Indology may have been an obstinate transgression.
In his Indological studies, however, Kosambi developed his trademark
methodology through an extremely creative transgression whereby
frontiers of narrow academic disciplines got blurred. His mathematical
precision and training in statistics enlivened literary criticism and
notions of textual transmission and opened phenomenal vistas for
understanding the dynamics of the monetary economy.
When the "Baba", as he was affectionately called by his friend and
critic Basham, went out to trek the Buddhist caves in western India;
collected, identified and explained the functioning of microliths from
the Deccan plateau; explored prehistoric rock engravings and megaliths
in Pune district; looked for historical roots of bloody rites
connected with the cult of Mhatoba (at Pandharpur, the great
pilgrimage centre of Maharashtra); and determined the irrationality of
any links between shape and size of nose and racial hierarchisation -
one sees the archaeologist, the sociologist, the anthropologist, the
historian and other social scientists. He passionately pleaded for
field work even for literary criticism. His writings on Brahmins and
Brahmanism and gotras-pravaras (Nos 6-9) and the critique of John
Brough's translation of the gotra-pravara-manjari underscores this.
This indeed was Kosambi's case for "Combined Methods in Archaeology" -
long before "multi-disciplinary studies" came into vogue in India.
Kosambi dedicated, in 1948, when it was politically risky to do so,
his critical edition of the Shatakas of Bhartrihari to Marx, Engels
and Lenin, "the vanguards of the new human society", in pure Sanskrit.
Although he adopted the Marxist approach to history, he did not accept
the conclusions of Marx himself, not to speak of the views of the
official Marxists in the erstwhile Soviet Union and Indian theologians
of Marxism. Kosambi strongly denied the presence of the "slave mode of
production" in ancient India and was not fully convinced about the
validity of the Marxian characterisation of the "Asiatic mode of
production" being a specificity of "Oriental Societies". He
characterised S.A. Dange's India from Primitive Communism to Slavery
(first published in 1949, reviewed in No.48 in this volume) as a
"painfully disappointing book". And in his critique of another Marxist
formulation, namely, Antonova's writing on the development of
feudalism in India, Kosambi argued that her understanding about "caste
(being) of no importance to the serious materialist historian" is
indeed throwing away what little remains to us of source material in
Indian history.
Given the phenomenal diversity of India, Kosambi completely rejected
any unilinear sequence of "modes of production" and argued for the
simultaneous presence of several modes of production at any given time
in India's long history. This comes out strongly when he questioned
(No.3) D.A. Suleikin's note on periodisation of Indian history and
admonished him thus: "India is not a mathematical point... Neither in
the means of production nor in the stages of social development was
there overall homogeneity in the oldest times." Kosambi's famous
dictum has been: "Marxism is not a substitute for thinking, but a tool
of analysis which must be used, with a certain minimum of skill and
understanding, upon the proper material." No wonder, he was sceptical
about orthodox Marxist Indologists' willingness to accept his
approach; he was apprehensive of the kind of reception his The Culture
and Civilisation of Ancient India in Historical Outline (1965) would
receive because he made "no mention of the great authorities on Indian
history (or anything else), namely Marx, Engels, Lenin"!
WHILE Kosambi is famous for defining history as the "presentation in
chronological order of successive changes in the means and relations
of production", he was also candid in saying: "Our position has also
to be very far from a mechanical determinism, particularly in dealing
with India, where form is given the utmost importance while content is
ignored. Economic determinism will not do." To him, "the complete
historical process" was a uniquely Indian process, to be explained by
the logic of Indian societal developments and in terms of Indian
cultural elements, culture being understood "in the sense of the
ethnographer, to describe the essential way of life of the whole
people".
As early as 1951, when the talk of "Colonial Indology" was not
fashionable, Kosambi wrote: "Indian archaeology is still at the
bourgeois-colonial stage of digging for museum exhibits that look
impressive to foreigners." Similarly, long before professional
archaeologists made a fetish of ethno-archaeology, this "amateur
indologist" was working on ''Living Prehistory in India'' (No.2) and
could venture to suggest the need to distinguish between "field
archaeology" and "site archaeology" even to a reputed archaeologist of
the stature of F.R. Allchin of Cambridge. That he had the phenomenal
foresight to recognise cautiously the technical requirements of
archaeological training is evident in this advice to a young
fieldworker who had been associated with him. "By all means
concentrate upon new techniques like soil analysis. Pollen does very
well in Denmark, with peat bogs for example; but what will work in
India I don't know.... If these could be used in some way for dating,
all the better."
Critics of the so-called "Marxist historians" accuse them of being
insensitive to India's "glorious cultural tradition embodied in the
holy Vedas and Puranas". Only a certain gross insensitivity to the
methods introduced by Kosambi would sustain this attitude. Yes,
Kosambi was disdainful of the "ludicrous 'Indian history' that (was)
still being written, with the Puranas as gospel, dating the Vedas back
several million years, crediting our mythical sages with every modern
scientific discovery down to the electron and the bacteriophage" (page
793). But he also wrote: 'The apparently senseless myths so
illogically put together in our Puranas have a peculiar basis in
reality." He illustrates this by making a case for correlation between
literary works and archaeology: "for the pre-literate period there is
no other source of information (other than archaeology); but it is not
generally recognised that even written records gain their full meaning
only if material objects to which they refer can be examined..." (No.
22)
Kosambi's method in reconstructing early India's history on the basis
of epic-puranic literature casts its lengthy shadow on such burning
issues as the historicity of Ayodhya. The logic of his method (a
combined invocation of literature and archaeology) demanded the prior
presence of settlements before states and empires such as those of
Kosalan kings (supposedly the ancestors of 'Lord' Rama) could emerge.
As is well established, archaeological evidence of settlement at
Ayodhya does not go beyond 800 B.C. This evidently does not suit the
present-day champions of rewriting history.
Kosambi steadfastly argued against all racist constructions of early
India: "I have never believed in an Aryan race, having found
considerable evidence for progressive Aryanisation of people, whose
beliefs were penetrated by Brahmin ritual, with reciprocal influence
upon Brahmanism." (No.8, page 172). And all those who established
links between nose indices, language and health immunity with the
hierarchy of races (white man vs local population, Aryan vs the
aboriginal) were brutally and convincingly put down by Kosambi (No.34
and 45).
Kosambi's numerous writings on textual transmissions and textual
fluidity (mostly written in the 1940s) reflected in his analyses of
the Mahabharata, Vatsyayana's Kamasutra, Kautilya's Arthashastra,
Bhartrihari's three Shatakas, an 11th century astronomical work
Chintamanisaranika (Section IV) have been trendsetters and his editing
of the oldest known Sanskrit anthology (Subhashitaratnakosha) is
acknowledged as a landmark in Indian text-criticism. "Clearly, the
Mahabharata 'war' - as distinct from some stages of the redaction -
cannot represent 'Aryan' or 'Hindu' expansion, a supposedly universal
'epic period' between the 'Vedic' and the 'Buddhist' periods which
appear in our textbooks" (No.19, 1964), he said. Commenting upon
Geldner's German translation of the Rigvedic hymn X.108, Kosambi
refuses to accept that there was any reference to Indra's cows stolen
by the Panis and underlines: "The hymn derives from an earlier period
when the aggressive demand for wealth... had come down to a ritual,
somewhat like the simollanghana and 'looting of gold' at Dasaraa
commemorating the fortunately brief period of Maratha robbery" (No.47,
1949-50). Surely, the 'Hindu' Right today will treat such writings as
blasphemous.
Kosambi does occasionally and loosely use such terms as "Muslim
period", but in his long-distance vision of Indian history, there were
only "main advances", not the replacement of one period of Indian
history by another. In "What Constitutes Indian History" (No.49) he
reviewed the first three volumes of The History and Culture of Indian
People, published by the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan and made this
perceptive comment: "In the preliminary remarks to the first volume,
both K.M. Munshi (who wrote the foreword to each volume) and R.C.
Majumdar (the chief editor) dismiss with contempt the nomenclature of
the 'so-called Muslim period'; it may be correct to eliminate the term
altogether from Indian histories, but the proposal is surprisingly
incongruous when made by two Hindus with good Muslim professional
names, Munshi and Majumdar."
Kosambi made the first serious attempt to apply the theory of the mode
of production to the study of social, economic and other processes in
ancient Indian history. The ideas and insights generated by him are
still being pursued by a host of researchers not only in India but
also in other countries. There is no doubt that the pioneering and
perceptive contribution of Kosambi to early Indian history has stood
the test of time and continues to inspire historians. Hopefully,
Chattopadhyaya's compilation would help the cause of constituting an
authentic history of India.
K.M. Shrimali is Professor of History, Delhi University.
Sid Harth
From a Russian Indologist
Interview of Dr. S.I. Tulaev with His Holiness
Dr. S.I. Tulaev, Russian Indologist of distinction, was visibly moved
when he met His Holiness Sri Sankaracharya Svamigal of Kanchi Kamakoti
Peetha on 24-2-1965 near Sunkuvar Chatram about forty miles from
Madras.
His Holiness at the first instance made kind enquiries about Dr.
Tulaev's studies.
Dr. Tulaev: Sir, I am very much thankful to Your Holiness for having
kindly given me the audience. I will not take much of Your Holiness
time. I shall ask you only two questions. Sir could you kindly oblige
me? The first is this: A man has no belief in religion He does not
adopt any rituals, never goes to the temple or church, does not need
any dogmas. But he always thinks good and does good throughout his
life. Could you kindly tell me, Sir, whether such a man has any
salvation at the end of his life?
His Holiness closed his eyes and was in meditation for a few seconds.
The whole surrounding was absolutely calm, divinely calm. After the
divinely pause, His Holiness replies `Yes'.
At this answer, Dr. Tulaev was overwhelmed with joy, a joy that he
never experienced in life and for which his heart was longing all
these years. He looked as if he has attained the unattainable. He
whispered, `I thank you Sir, I thank you Sir, I thank you. I am
satisfied'
His Holiness : (enlarging His answer) Do not think that I am giving
you this answer after seeing the modern standards of life. No. This is
said in our ancient scripture themselves. There are many aspirants.
The Agnostics, those who enquire into the concept of God and by using
their own brain, come to the conclusion that there is no God. Secondly
there are the Buddhists, especially the Sunyavadins, who believe in
non-existence. Thirdly the Jains, who believe in suffering by putting
their body to various austerities, vratas. Fourthly, Saivaites,
Aishnavites and others who believe in a personal God and spend their
life in devotion; and lastly; the Advaitins who believe that the
entire world, the cosmic reality is the apparent manifestation of one
and the same ultimate Reality. All these aspirants get near the truth.
the difference between them lies in their proximity to God. Step by
step these five aspirants are neared the Reality. If one enquired into
the nature of God by using his own mind, whatever be the conclusion
arrived at, even if it is a total rejection of Godhood, such an
aspirant is far higher than the idler who never worries about the
search after truth. This no my saying but is said in our scriptures.
Dr. Tulaev who was very much satisfied with this answer, asked the
second question.
Dr. Tulaev: Sir, I am able to understand Visishtadvaita to a certain
extent. In Advaita I am puzzled by the word `Maya'. `Maya', you say,
is nothing. it does not exist. They why call it Maya?
His Holiness: Visishta-advaitins are also a particular type of
Advaitins. They are qualified monists. They consider Maya as the body
of God or Brahman. We (Advaitins) believe that Maya is the apparent
manifestation of the Reality. I shall give you an example. One makes
toys in the form of vegetables out of sugar and gives them appropriate
colours. A child who sees them thinks that they re real vegetables.
This knowledge is not a real knowledge. When the child grows old, he
realises that they are all sugar and the forms are only apparent.
In this a knowledge that was not read did exist and on getting the
real knowledge, the previous one disappears. In the same way, a rope
is mistaken for a snake in dim light. It creates all the effects in
spite of being unreal, but when the real knowledge is gained, the
earlier one vanishes. Similar to this is Maya. The supreme Brahman is
real. The universe with its varied forms is nothing but Brahaman. Yet
we see the reality in its manifold forms. The thing that presents this
varied manifestation is Maya. When the real knowledge is attained his
manifold manifestation disappears as in the case of Brahmajnanis. You
can neither say that maya exists nor that it does not exist. You may
equate it with zero. Zero has neither value is it devoid of value. If
you write simple `O' it has no value. If you add any other numeral
before, it gains value. Maya is something like that.
Dr. Tulaev was struck with he answer. He was seen repeating - "like
zero", now I understand", like zero".
The Acharya was seen smiling at this.
Dr. Tulaev: I am completely satisfied, Sir. Now I understand Advaita.
I am very much thankful to you, Sir,
Dr. Tulaev was hesitating to ask further. He asked His Holiness
permission to taking a photograph of His Holiness. His Holiness
smilingly granted the request. Since His Holiness was standing in the
shade. Dr. Tulaev was still hesitant, because of insufficient light.
In a fraction of a second, the great Acharya realising the predicament
of this new devotee, moved to sunlight, whereupon he quickly took a
snap. His Holiness blessed the Russian with an apple.
On his way back Dr. Tulaev remarked: "Here is the true Indian sage who
is living a simple life in the midst of such tiny villages, with
people in such villages carrying the highest philosophy. It is only
such sages that bless you with the answers you seek in a few seconds.
I consider this a fortunate day in my life. I am happy that I have
been able to meet him."
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
India will shape world culture, says Indologist
By Our Staff Reporter
COIMBATORE, JAN. 19. India will be the greatest contributor to the
universal world culture that is likely to develop in the years to
come, the Indologist Koenraad Elst, said here today.
Delivering a special lecture on `India's image in the West' at the
Avinashilingam University, Dr. Elst said, "In future, we are going to
have one universal civilisation in which the most valuable elements of
every culture will have a place. Most of these will be traceable to
India."
Many of the worthwhile elements that the Indian civilisation had
produced over long periods of time would be useful for everyone in the
world.
Some of these universal precepts such as vegetarianism and yoga were
now being practised abroad even by people who had never visited
India.
"At present, the rest of the world is standing in awe of India as a
land of brains and intellect, most conspicuously in computer science.
India is also taking off economically, with many industries that were
destroyed or moved to Britain during British rule, coming back to the
country," he said, and added that this was the result of the inborn
talent and working capacity of Indians.
Dr. Elst said that in the past, India had been identified with poverty
and misery.
People in the developed countries lived under the impression that
these undesirable conditions could be removed only by combating
negative and inhuman practices.
Despite the developmental efforts after Independence, India continued
to be considered a land of "injustice, untouchability and idolatory"
with Indians themselves contributing much to create a negative image
of their own country.
In the 1960s, India gained reputation as the "land of enlightenment",
with accent on yoga and spirituality.
"People from popular culture in the West, such as film stars and
singers, came to India to sit at the feet of gurus and learn
transcendental meditation, Dr. Elst said.
With the resurgence of nationalism in India, there were attempts to
rewrite history recorded under the British rule. However, the tendency
to claim that India was the "origin for everything", was a "form of
greed".
These views had been picked up and highlighted by those who wanted to
project a negative impression of India to the rest of the world.
The Chancellor of Avinashilingam University, K. Kulandaivel, who
presided, observed that Western historians had not brought out the
greatness of India.
There had been "distortions and misinterpretations" that had been
brought to light through current research, he added.
Sid Harth
Hermann Hesse
The Nobel Prize in Literature 1946 Autobiography
I was born in Calw in the Black Forest on July 2, 1877. My father, a
Baltic German, came from Estonia; my mother was the daughter of a
Swabian and a French Swiss. My father's father was a doctor, my
mother's father a missionary and Indologist. My father, too, had been
a missionary in India for a short while, and my mother had spent
several years of her youth in India and had done missionary work
there.
My childhood in Calw was interrupted by several years of living in
Basle (1880-86). My family had been composed of different
nationalities; to this was now added the experience of growing up
among two different peoples, in two countries with their different
dialects.
I spent most of my school years in boarding schools in Wuerttemberg
and some time in the theological seminary of the monastery at
Maulbronn. I was a good learner, good at Latin though only fair at
Greek, but I was not a very manageable boy, and it was only with
difficulty that I fitted into the framework of a pietist education
that aimed at subduing and breaking the individual personality. From
the age of twelve I wanted to be a poet, and since there was no normal
or official road, I had a hard time deciding what to do after leaving
school. I left the seminary and grammar school, became an apprentice
to a mechanic, and at the age of nineteen I worked in book and antique
shops in Tübingen and Basle. Late in 1899 a tiny volume of my poems
appeared in print, followed by other small publications that remained
equally unnoticed, until in 1904 the novel Peter Camenzind, written in
Basle and set in Switzerland, had a quick success. I gave up selling
books, married a woman from Basle, the mother of my sons, and moved to
the country. At that time a rural life, far from the cities and
civilization, was my aim. Since then I have always lived in the
country, first, until 1912, in Gaienhofen on Lake Constance, later
near Bern, and finally in Montagnola near Lugano, where I am still
living.
Soon after I settled in Switzerland in 1912, the First World War broke
out, and each year brought me more and more into conflict with German
nationalism; ever since my first shy protests against mass suggestion
and violence I have been exposed to continuous attacks and floods of
abusive letters from Germany. The hatred of the official Germany,
culminating under Hitler, was compensated for by the following I won
among the young generation that thought in international and pacifist
terms, by the friendship of Romain Rolland, which lasted until his
death, as well as by the sympathy of men who thought like me even in
countries as remote as India and Japan. In Germany I have been
acknowledged again since the fall of Hitler, but my works, partly
suppressed by the Nazis and partly destroyed by the war; have not yet
been republished there.
In 1923, I resigned German and acquired Swiss citizenship. After the
dissolution of my first marriage I lived alone for many years, then I
married again. Faithful friends have put a house in Montagnola at my
disposal.
Until 1914 I loved to travel; I often went to Italy and once spent a
few months in India. Since then I have almost entirely abandoned
travelling, and I have not been outside of Switzerland for over ten
years.
I survived the years of the Hitler regime and the Second World War
through the eleven years of work that I spent on the Glasperlenspiel
(1943) [Magister Ludi], a novel in two volumes. Since the completion
of that long book, an eye disease and increasing sicknesses of old age
have prevented me from engaging in larger projects.
Of the Western philosophers, I have been influenced most by Plato,
Spinoza, Schopenhauer, and Nietzsche as well as the historian Jacob
Burckhardt. But they did not influence me as much as Indian and,
later, Chinese philosophy. I have always been on familiar and friendly
terms with the fine arts, but my relationship to music has been more
intimate and fruitful. It is found in most of my writings. My most
characteristic books in my view are the poems (collected edition,
Zürich, 1942), the stories Knulp (1915), Demian (1919), Siddhartha
(1922), Der Steppenwolf (1927) [Steppenwolf], Narziss und Goldmund.
(1930), Die Morgenlandfahrt (1932) [The Journey to the East], and Das
Glasperlenspiel (1943) [Magister Ludi]. The volume Gedenkblätter
(1937, enlarged ed. 1962) [Reminiscences] contains a good many
autobiographical things. My essays on political topics have recently
been published in Zürich under the title Krieg und Frieden (1946) [War
and Peace].
I ask you, gentlemen, to be contented with this very sketchy outline;
the state of my health does not permit me to be more comprehensive.
Biographical note on Hermann Hesse
Hermann Hesse (1877-1962) received the Goethe Prize of Frankfurt in
1946 and the Peace Prize of the German Booksellers in 1955. A complete
edition of his works in six volumes appeared in 1952; a seventh volume
(1957) contains essays and miscellaneous writings. Beschwörungen
(1955) [Evocations], a volume of late prose, and his correspondence
with Romain Rolland (1954) were published separately.
From Nobel Lectures, Literature 1901-1967, Editor Horst Frenz,
Elsevier Publishing Company, Amsterdam, 1969
This autobiography/biography was written at the time of the award and
first published in the book series Les Prix Nobel. It was later edited
and republished in Nobel Lectures. To cite this document, always state
the source as shown above.
Hermann Hesse died on August 9, 1962.
Copyright © The Nobel Foundation 1946
Sid Harth
Sid Harth
Fyodor Shcherbatskoy
Article ID: 2469690
Fyodor Stcherbatskoy
Fyodor Ippolitovich Shcherbatskoyor Stcherbatsky( 1866 - 1942 ) was a
Russia n Indologist who laid foundations for the scholarly study of
Buddhist philosophy.
He studied in the famous Lyceum of Tsarskoe Selo and later in the
University of Saint Petersburg , where Ivan Minayevand Sergey
Oldenburgwere his teachers. In 1897 , he and Oldenburg inaugurated
Bibliotheca Buddhica, a library of rare Buddhist texts.
In 1903 , returning from a trip to India and Mongolia , Shcherbatskoy
started writing his Theory of Knowledge and Logic According to the
Later Buddhists. In 1928 he established the Institute of Buddhist
Culture in Leningrad . His Conception of Buddhist Nirvana (1927),
written in English , caused sensation in the West. The main work in
English, however, followed suit with the 2 volumes of the Buddhist
Logic(1930-32), which have exerted immense influence on Buddhology.
Shcherbatskoy remained but little known in his country, but his
extraordinary fluency in Sanscrit and Tibetan language s won him the
admiration of Jawaharlal Nehru and Rabindranath Tagore . According to
Debiprasad Chattopadhyaya , "Stcherbatsky did help us - the Indians -
to discover our own past and to restore the right perspective of our
own philosophical heritage." The 2004 Encyclopedia Britannica
acclaimed him as "the foremost Western authority on Buddhist
philosophy".
External links
The Scholarly Activity of Fyodor Stcherbatsky - an Epoch in World
Buddhology(in English)
Bibliotheca Buddhica(in Russian)
Scherbatsky's biography(in Russian)
Sid Harth
M.B.Emeneau : A Bibliography with Citation Index
Remembering a rare Indologist
BH Krishna Murti bemoans the passing away of renowned
academician and a ‘guru of the true Indian Gurukula tradition’,
Murray Barnson Emeneau.
Professor Murray Barnson Emeneau (1904-2005) was the longest
living western Indologist of great distinction. In the early hours of
August 29, he passed away in his sleep at the age of 101 in his house
in Berkeley, California.
His life had been a saga of scholarly dedication and prolific writing
on a variety of indological themes in general, and Dravidian, in
particular. He had several Indian students who have occupied high
positions in the Indian academia and made significant contributions to
Sanskrit and Indian linguistics, inspired both by his scholarship and
by his example. His Indian students always looked upon him as a Guru
of the true Indian Gurukula tradition.
Born on February 28, 1904 in Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, Canada, Emeneau
received his BA Honours in Classics from Dalhousie University in 1923.
He later went to Balliol College at Oxford as a Rhodes Scholar to earn
a second bachelor’s degree with honours in 1926. He received his PhD
from Yale University in 1931.
As a research scholar he studied Classics, Linguistics and
Anthropology, with such great scholars and teachers at Yale as
Franklin Edgerton, E H Sturtevant and Edward Sapir.
During 1935-38 he visited India and did extensive fieldwork on the
language and culture of several non-literary Dravidian languages of
South and Central India, viz. Toda, Kota, Badaga, Kodagu and Kolami.
On a short visit to northwest India (now Pakistan), he collected data
on Brahui. He published scores of papers, grammars, and texts of these
languages since then.
A mention must be made of Kota Texts (vols 1-4, 1944-6), Kolami, A
Dravidian Language (1955), Toda Songs (1971), a groundbreaking piece
of work in ethnopoetics, Toda Grammar and Texts (1984). He was the
Founder-Chair of the Department of Linguistics at the University of
California in 1940 and served as Professor of Sanskrit and Linguistics
from 1943 to 1971, when he retired and accepted the emeritus status.
Professor Emeneau’s range of scholarship and publications spanned many
disciplines and interdisciplinary areas, involving Linguistics,
Prehistory, Anthropology, Ethnology, Onomastics, Folklore Studies,
with special reference to two major language families of India,
Dravidian and Indo-Aryan.
With 285 published items including 25 books and 98 reviews, he made a
mark in almost every branch of Indology. The impact of his work on
world scholarship is considerable. However, there are two major areas
where his scholarly contribution left a lasting imprint.
His classic paper, “India as a Linguistic Area”, published in 1956
explored the data and specified the tools to establish that language
and culture had fused for centuries on the Indian soil to produce an
integrated mosaic of structural convergence of four distinct language
families— Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Munda and Tibeto-Burman. With his
further contributions (published as a book in 1980 by Stanford
University under the title Language and Lingusitic Area: Essays by
Murray B Emeneau), this area has now become a major field of research
in language contact and convergence all over the world.
He thus provided scholarly substance for the underlying Indian-ness of
our apparently divergent cultural and linguistic patterns.
Consequently, South Asia is now recognised not only as a ‘linguistic
area’, but also as a ‘socio-linguistic area’, ‘a cultural area’, and
also as ‘a translation area.’
His second monumental contribution is A Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary (Oxford 1961, extensively revised 1984), which he co-
authored with the late Professor Burrow, another great Indologist, who
was Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford University. This had been a major
life-long work of both the authors, representing cognates collected
from twenty-six Dravidian languages, of which their own research and
fieldwork represented the primary source of at least ten nonliterary
languages. All students of Indian languages and linguistics are
eternally indebted to them for this lasting contribution.
Professor Emeneau earned many academic distinctions. He was a member
of fourteen learned societies throughout the world.
He was President of the Linguistic Society of America in 1949 and of
the American Oriental Society in 1964-65. He presided over the VI
International Sanskrit Association held in Philadelphia in October
1984. He was awarded honourary doctorate degrees by at least four
universities, viz the University of Chicago (1968), Dalhousie
University (1970), University of Hyderabad (1987), V K Kameshwarsingh
Darbhanga Sanskrit University (1999).
Professor and Mrs Emeneau lived a simple and dedicated life. They had
books all over the house, but never had a TV; even in his later life,
he did not use a computer. He used to type up all his papers and books
including the enormous manuscript of the Dravidian Etymological
Dictionary on his portable Olympia typewriter, fitted with special
linguistic symbols. With his passing a glorious era of Indological and
Dravidian research has come to an end.
His scholarly output and his personal example will continue to
influence and inspire future generations of scholars in India and
abroad.
They were very hospitable to students and frequently invited them for
dinner. When any visiting Indian scholar telephoned to meet him, he
would invariably invite him/her for lunch or dinner. After Mrs Kitty
Emeneau passed away in 1987, Professor Emeneau lived alone in their
house for the next eighteen years. The present author had the honour
of dedicating his recent book, The Dravidian Languages (Cambridge,
2003) to Professor Emeneau, which he acknowledged with great delight.
With his passing a glorious era of Indological and Dravidian research
has ended. His scholarly output and his personal example will continue
to influence and inspire future generations of scholars in India and
abroad.
BH. KrishnaMurti, PhD (Pennsylvania), FRSE
(Professor of Lingusitics (Retd), Osmania University
Former Vice-Chancellor, University of Hyderabad)
HNo. 12-13-1233, Street No. 9, Tarnaka
Hyderabad 500017
Telephone: 040-27005665
E-mail: bh...@hotmail.com
bademiyansubhanallah
Maize in Pre-Columbian India
Carl L. Johannessen and Anne Z. Parker, "Maize Ears Sculptured in 12th
and 13th Century A.D. India as Indicators of Pre-Columbian Diffusion,"
Economic Botany 43 , 1989, 164-80, argue that stone carvings of maize
ears exist in at least three pre-Columbian Hoysala stone block temples
near Mysore, Karnataka state, India. Their article provides 16
photographs of a few of the sculptures in question.
Johannessen has now made three large-scale color photographs available
online at http://geography.uoregon.edu/carljohannessen/research.html
(new URL, 10/06), with a brief discussion. These photos reveal
considerable detail that is lost in the reduced scale black and white
reproductions that appeared in the journal article. His photos are the
source of the thumbnails on appearing this site, and may be viewed
full size by clicking below:
Further photographs appear in his 1998 article, "Maize Diffused to
India before Columbus Came to America" (see references below).
In his 1998 article "Pre-Columbian American Sunflower and Maize Images
in Indian Temples: Evidence of Contact between Civilizations in India
and America" (see references below), Johannessen goes on to cite
several appearances of the sunflower, another New World crop, in pre-
Columbian Indian temple sculptures. To view Figure 1 from that
article, enlarged and in color on his website, click on the thumbnail
below:
The following review has been published in the Midwest Epigraphic
Journal, vol. 12/13, 1998-99, pp. 43-44.
An earlier version appeared in 1998 on the newsgroup sci.archaeology.
Indologist Confirms Maize in Ancient Sculptures
by J. Huston McCulloch
Indologist and Ethnobotanist Shakti M. Gupta of Delhi University
confirms the presence of maize and at least five other New World
plants in pre-Columbian temple sculptures in India in her new book,
Plants in Indian Temple Art (B.R. Publishing Corp, Delhi, 1996. ISBN
81-7018-883-0).
Maize had previously been reported in several Hoysala temples by Carl
Johannessen and Anne Z. Parker ("Maize Ears Sculptured in 12th and
13th Century AD India as Indicators of Pre-Columbian Diffusion,"
Economic Botany vol. 43, 1989, pp. 164-180). Photos of a few of these
sculptures are online at http://geography.uoregon.edu/carljohannessen/research.html,
http://econ.ohio-state.edu/jhm/arch/maize.html, and
http://www.globalserve.net/~yuku/dif/wmzpix.htm.
Vocal critics of Johannessen and Parker have argued that it was their
lack of understanding of the intricacies of Hindu iconography that
prevented them from realizing that what is depicted in these
sculptures is in fact not maize, but rather something else - variously
muktaphala (lit. "pearl-fruit", an imaginary fruit made of pearls),
some exotic tropical fruit, or even, by one account, the Kalpavrksha,
a mythical wish-granting tree (!).
Gupta’s earlier books, including Plant Myths and Traditions in India
(1971), Vishnu and His Incarnations (1974), Legends around Shiva
(1979), and Festivals, Fairs, and Fasts of India (1990), establish her
as an authority on Indian mythology and, in particular, the role of
plants in Indian mythology. Now, she has provided a definitive text
identifying some 70 varieties of plants depicted in Hindu, Jain, and
Buddhist temple art in India.
Prof. Gupta writes,
Different varieties of the corn cob [Zea mays Linn.] are extensively
sculpted but only on the Hindu and Jain temples of Karnataka. Various
deities are shown as carrying a corn cob in their hands as on the
Chenna Kesava temple, Belur. The straight rows of the corn grains can
be easily identified. In the Lakshmi Narasimha temple, Nuggehalli, the
eight-armed dancing Vishnu in his female form of Mohini is holding a
corn cob in one of her left hands and the other hands hold the usual
emblems of Vishnu. .... In the Trikuta basti, Mukhamandapa,
Sravanbelgola, Karnataka, a 12th century A.D. sculpture of Ambika
Kushmandini sitting on a lotus seat under a canopy of mangoes holds in
her left hand a corn cob. Plate 223 depicting a Nayika holding a corn
cob in her left hand is from Nuggehalli, Karnataka.
Temples where the sculptures of corn cobs are found are dated 12-13th
century A.D. The common belief [!] is that maize originated in Mexico
and came to India by the 11th-12th century. By the time these temples
were constructed, maize would have been fairly common in India. (p.
176).
Gupta does not stop with maize, but goes on to identify sunflower,
pineapple, cashew, custard apple and monstera, all new world species,
in pre-Columbian temple art.
She finds Sunflower (Helianthus annuus Linn.), a native of Central and
South America, in the Rani Gumpha cave, Udaigiri, 2nd century B.C. (p.
30). Johannessen independently reports sunflower in his article, "Pre-
Columbian American Sunflower and Maize Images in Indian Temples:
Evidence of Contact between Civilizations in India and America" (in
Davis Bitton, ed., Mormons, Scripture and the Ancient World: Studies
in Honor of John L. Sorenson, FARMS, Provo UT, 1998).
Pineapple (Ananas cosmosus [Linn.] Merrill), a plant indigenous to
Brazil, is, according to Gupta, "clearly depicted" in Udayagiri cave
temple, Madhya Pradesh, circa 5th century A.D. (p. 18). Cashew
(Anacardium occidentale Linn.), a native of Brazil, is depicted in a
Bharhut stupa balustrade relief, circa 2nd century B.C. (p. 17). Gupta
finds custard apple (Annona Squamosa Linn.) sculpted at Bharhut, circa
2nd century B.C., and at Kakatiya, Karnataka, 12th century A.D. (pp.
19-20). According to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, this plant is
native to the New World tropics and Florida. And finally, monstera
(Monstera deliciosa Liebm.), also known as split leaf philodendron, a
large evergreen climber native to Central America, appears in Hindu
and Jain temples in Gujarat and Rajastan from the 11th to 13th
centuries (pp. 108-9).
According to Gupta, the chili pepper (Capsicum annuum Linn.) is
mentioned in the Siva and Varmana Puranas, circa 6-8th centuries A.D.
Unfortunately she does not give page references or indicate the term
used for it there, and the only temple carving she has found of it
dates to the 17th century A.D. This very important native of Mexico
and Latin America deserves further investigation.
The naga lingham, the flower of the South American and West Indian
cannonball tree (Couroupita guaianensis Aubl.), was, according to
Gupta, "cultivated in India from very early times." In her timeframe,
this would mean very early pre-Columbian times. She notes that it
figures into the worship of Shiva at several temples. Nevertheless,
the only sculpture of it she shows again dates from the 17th century
A.D. This plant also merits further research.
Gupta’s book contains a wealth of evidence for pre-Columbian contacts
between the New World and the Old, despite the fact that she is not
particularly interested in, or even aware of, the possibility. She
does repeatedly reject reports that such-and-such plant was introduced
by the Portuguese in the 16th century, but in her conclusion suggests
that perhaps plants such as the pineapple and custard apple "were
indigenous to India." Despite the "common belief" (evidently
Johannessen and Parker’s) that maize was brought to India from Mexico
prior to the construction of the Hoysala temples, she reports that
"Maize is also believed to have an Indian origin..." It is my
understanding that this is botanically impossible, although it is
quite conceivable that maize was present in the subcontinent for many
centuries before the Hoysala dynasty, and that distinctively Asian
varieties were developed early on.
Despite Gupta’s confirmation of maize in the Hoysala sculptures
Johannessen and Parker discuss, she argues that the similar but
distinctly squatter objects that appear in earlier sculptures are not
maize but rather Citron (Citrus medica var. Limonum of Watt.) or Lemon
(Citrus limon [Linn.]), both Old World plants (p. 53). Perhaps so, but
it is noteworthy that the "citron" she says is held by a Yaksha in an
8th century A.D. sculpture from Aihole has kernels aligned in maize-
like rows. A citron looks like a large lemon with a deeply puckered
skin, but the puckering is random, and does not simulate maize kernels
as in her very clear photograph.
Unfortunately, Gupta makes no mention of Johannessen and Parker or
their predecessors, or of the lively debate that surrounds the "maize
ears." She also makes no mention of "muktaphala," or "pearl-fruit,"
the Sanskrit name said to be associated with these objects. My own
hunch is that this was actually a name that was used for maize.
Gupta’s book is a little hard to find in the United States. I had to
have the Ohio State University libraries order it specially, and at
present it has one of only two copies in the entire Ohiolink
university library consortium. At $110 it is a little pricey, but it
is informative, attractive and well done. The photos are good but
almost all black and white. All the illustrations are well annotated.
The following comments first appeared in 1998 on the newsgroup
sci.archaeology.
Comments on Andrews (1993)
by J. Huston McCulloch
A 1993 article by Jean Andrews, "Diffusion of Mesoamerican Food
Complex to Southeastern Europe," Geographical Review 83: 194-204, is
pertinent to the issue of the timing of the introduction maize and
other New World crops into the Old World.
Andrews' purpose is to explain how New World maize, capsicum peppers,
beans, squash, and turkeys came to be introduced into Europe in the
16th century from the Turkish domains to the East rather than directly
from Iberia, whose navigators had supposedly just discovered the New
World for the first time in 1492.
A particularly tight squeeze is the Mexican pepper, Capsicum annuum
var annuum. Cortez did not penetrate Mexico until 1519, yet Fuchs'
herbal of 1542 (written as early as 1538) already has it established
in Central Europe, presumably through Turkish influence.
This problem was already described in 1958 by E. Anderson, she says,
as the "Anatolian Mystery": "Oddly, the Ottoman Turkish Empire,
especially Anatolia, rather than Iberia became a center of diversity
for squashes, pumpkins, popcorn, and possibly other American
crops..."
Her solution is that the Portuguese, not the Spanish, introduced these
crops to the Old World, and then not to Portugal but rather to their
African colonies. From there they took them to India, where they
became established and eventually passed through Persia or Arabia to
Turkey, then to the Balkans, and finally to Central and Western
Europe.
She admits this scenario is "improbable" (p. 194, 198, 203), and
requires some "remarkably" fast transmission (200). Indeed, any
quarterback who carried the ball twice the length of the field to make
a touchtown rather than simply step across the line would receive a
double Heisman trophy! (Either that or be penalized for
Unsportsmanlike Conduct...)
A further problem is that the Portuguese were barred by the Treaty of
Tordesillas from the Mesoamerican source of most of these crops. This
limitation she dismisses as "more theoretical than real in the early
sixteenth century."
Her principal area of expertise is capsicum peppers. Her solution to
the early Turkish possession of the Mexican variety C. annuum var
annuum, rather than the West-Indian South American - Brazilian C.
chinese, aka aji, is that, contrary to most opinion on the subject,
the former must have in fact been present in the West Indes when
Columbus arrived.
(Note that early botanists thought that even the aji originated in the
Orient, whence C. chinese.)
It seems to me, at least, that a far simpler solution is Johannessen
and Parker's -- that there was some contact between India and
Mesoamerica before Columbus. This would explain both the sculptured
maize ears in India, and miscellaneous evidence of Oriental influence
in Mesoam as noted by Michael Coe. At the same time, it would give
these crops more time to variegate and spread from Asia into Europe.
If Andrews in 1993 was aware of the 1989 J&P article, she makes no
mention of it. She does cite three papers by M.D.W. Jeffreys, upon
whose suggestions J&P built, but only as an authority for the presence
of maize in Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe as early as 1502. She
makes no mention of the fact that Jeffreys firmly believed that maize
was present in Africa and/or India ten crucial years before that. The
papers she cites do not include his piece in the 1971 Man Across the
Sea volume, where he most forcefully makes his case.
New Evidence on Maize in China
Uchibayashi (2005) reports an illustration of maize in a 1505 Chinese
herbal entitled Bencao Pinhui Jingyao. He deems it unlikely that maize
could have diffused all the way to China in just 13 years after 1492,
and hence interprets this as "clear evidence" that maize must have
been in China "at least a few decades before 1505."
Uchibayashi also reports the use of the word yumi (maize) in the poem
Youwu zashu, written by Xie Yingfan circa 1368. Two additional
references, to yumai-zi or corn-silk, appear in works dating to the
15th century, though it could not be ascertained that these were not
later additions to the original works.
Uchibayashi (2005), which reports the new finds, is in English.
Uchibayashi (2006a) is a Japanese extension of Uchibayashi (2005).
Uchibayashi (2006b), also in Japanese, is a survey of earlier work on
the pre-Columbian maize issue.
REFERENCES
Jean Andrews, "Diffusion of Mesoamerican Food Complex to Southeastern
Europe," Geographical Review 83 (1993): 194-204.
Shakti M. Gupta, Plants in Indian Temple Art, B.R. Publishing Corp,
Delhi, 1996. ISBN 81-7018-883-0. See review above.
Carl L. Johannessen, "Indian Maize in the Twelfth Century [AD],"
Nature 14 April 1988, p. 587.
Carl L. Johannessen, "Distribution of Pre-Columbian Maize and Modern
Maize Names," in Shue Tuck Wong, ed., Person, Place and Thing:
Interpretative and Empirical Essays in Cultural Geography Volume 31 of
Geocience and Man . Geoscience Publications, Louisiana State Univ.
Dept. of Geography and Anthropology, Baton Rouge, 1992.
Carl L. Johannessen, "Maize Diffused to India before Columbus Came to
America," in D.Y. Gilmore and L.S. McElroy, eds., Across Before
Columbus?: Evidence for Transoceanic Contact with the Americas prior
to 1492, New England Antiquities Research Association, Edgecomb,
Maine, 1998, pp. 109-24.
Carl L. Johannessen, "Pre-Columbian American Sunflower and Maize
Images in Indian Temples: Evidence of Contact between Civilizations in
India and America," NEARA Journal vol. 32 #1 (Summer 1998), pp. 4 ff.,
and also in Davis Bitton, ed., Mormons, Scripture and the Ancient
World: Studies in Honor of John L. Sorenson, FARMS, Provo UT, 1998.
Carl L. Johannessen and Anne Z. Parker, "Maize Ears Sculptured in 12th
and 13th Century A.D. India as Indicators of Pre-Columbian Diffusion,"
Economic Botany 43 , 1989, 164-80.
M. Kumar and J.K.S. Sachan, "Antiquity of maize in India", in Maize
Genetics Cooperation Newsletter 1993 (vol. 67), p. 98. Click here for
text.
M.M. Payak and J.K.S. Sachan, "'Maize' in Somnathpur, an Indian
Mediaeval temple," Nature 27 October 1988, pp. 773-4.
M.M. Payak and J.K.S. Sachan, "Maize Ears Not Sculptured in 13th
Century Somnathpur Temple in India," Economic Botany 47 (2), 1993, pp.
202-5.
Uchibayashi, Masao, "Maize in Pre-Columbian China," Yakugaku Zasshi
(Journal of the Pharmaceutical Society of Japan) 125 (7), July 2005,
pp. 583-586. In English.
Uchibayashi, Masao, "Maize in Pre-Columbian China Found in Bencao
Pinhui Jingyao," Yakugaku Zasshi (Journal of the Pharmaceutical
Society of Japan) 126 (1), Jan. 2006a, pp. 27-36. Expanded version, in
Japanese, of Uchibayashi (2005).
Uchibayashi, Masao, "The Presence of Pre-Columbian Maize in the Old
World -- An Overview," Yakugaku Zasshi (Journal of the Pharmaceutical
Society of Japan) 126 (6), June 2006b, pp. 423-427. In Japanese.
T. Veena and N. Sigamani, "Do Objects in Friezes of Somnathpur Temple
(1268 A.D.) in South India Represent Maize Ears?" Current Science 25
Sept. 1991, pp. 395-7. See also fine photo on front cover of issue.
Note that although Sachan's article with Kumar (1993) provides genetic
evidence for the antiquity of maize in India, thus independently
corroborating the Johannessen and Parker hypothesis, the same Sachan
(with Payak, 1988, 1993) curiously remains one of the most outspoken
critics of J&P's identification of the sculptures.
Page maintained and written by J. Huston McCulloch
Send comments to: mccul...@osu.edu
Last revised 2/7/01
Johannessen URLs updated and Uchibayashi references added 10/18/06
bademiyansubhanallah
Hermann Hesse (1877-1962)
German poet and novelist, who has explored in his work the duality of
spirit and nature and individual's spiritual search outside
restrictions of the society. Hesse was awarded the Nobel Prize for
Literature in 1946. Several of Hesse's novels depict the protagonist's
journey into the inner self. A spiritual guide assists the hero in his
quest for self-knowledge and shows the way beyond the world "deluded
by money, number and time."
"Despair is the result of each earnest attempt to go through life with
virtue, justice and understanding and fulfill their requirements.
Children live on one side of despair, the awakened on the other
side." (from The Journey to the East, 1932)
Hermann Hesse was born into a family of Pietist missionaries and
religious publishers in the Black Forest town of Calw, in the German
state of Württemberg. Johannes Hesse, his father, was born a Russian
citizen in Weissenstein, Estonia. Hesse's mother, Marie Gundert, the
daughter of the Pietist Indologist Hermann Gundert, spent her early
years in Talatscheri, India. Hesse's parents, who had served as
missionaries in India, expected him to follow the family tradition in
theology. Hesse entered the Protestant seminary at Maulbronn in 1891,
but he was expelled from the school. After unhappy experiences at a
secular school, Hesse left his studies. He worked as a bookshop clerk,
mechanic, and book dealer in Tübingen, where he joined literary circle
called Le Petit Cénacle. During this period Hesse read voluminously
and determined the become a writer. In 1899 Hesse published his first
works, ROMANTISCHE LIEDER and EINE STUNDE HINTER MITTERNACHT.
Hesse became a freelance writer in 1904 after the publication of his
novel PETER CAMENZIND. In the Rousseauesque 'return to nature' story
the protagonist leaves the big city to live like Saint Francis of
Assisi. The book gained literary success and Hesse married Maria
Bernoulli (1868-1963), a photographer nine years his senior, with whom
he had three children. Like Schopenhauer and Nietzsche, he was
interested in the Orient. However, he did not practice Yoga, although
he used its breathing technique. "Real Yoga can only be practiced in
India", Hesse once said.
A visit in India in 1911 was a disappointment but it gave start to
Hesse's studies of Eastern religions and the novel SIDDHARTHA (1922).
In the story, based on the early life of Gautama Buddha, a Brahman son
rebels against his father's teaching and traditions. Eventually he
finds the ultimate enlightenment. The culture of ancient Hindu and the
ancient Chinese had a great influence on Hesse's works. For several
years in the mid-1910s Hesse underwent psychoanalysis under Carl
Jung's assistant J.B. Lang. In the novel ROSSHALDE (1914) Hesse
explored the question of whether the artist should marry. The author's
replay was negative and reflected the author's own difficulties.
During these years his wife suffered from growing mental instability
and his son was seriously ill.
In 1912 Hesse and his family took a permanent residence in
Switzerland, settling first in Bern. Martin, his third son, who was
born in 1911, became seriously ill. His recuperation was slow and
eventually he was placed as a foster child in Kirchdorf. Hesse
volunteered for service in the German army in 1914, but was rejected
because of poor health. He spent the years of World War I in
Switzerland, where he was in charge of the German Embassy's Central
Office for the Distribution of Books to German Prisoners of War. In
his writings, Hesse attacked the prevailing moods of militarism and
nationalism. By his countrymen, Hesse was called a traitor.
Hesse's breakthrough novel was DEMIAN (1919). It was highly praised by
Thomas Mann, who compared its importance to James Joyce's Ulysses and
André Gide's The Counterfeiters. The novel attracted especially young
veterans of the WW I, and reflected Hesse's personal crisis and
interest in Jungian psychoanalysis. With Aldous Huxley he shared
belief in the need for spiritual self-realization. "There is no
reality except the one contained within us," Hesse once said. "That is
why so many people live such an unreal life. They take the images
outside them for reality and never allow the world within to assert
itself."
Demian was first published under the name of its narrator, Emil
Sinclair, but later Hesse admitted his authorship. In the Faustian
tale the protagonist is torn between his orderly bourgeois existence
and a chaotic world of sensuality. Hesse later admitted that Demian
was a story of "individuation" in the Jungian manner. The author also
praised unreservedly Jung's study Psychological Types, but in 1921 he
suddenly canceled his analysis with Jung and started to consider him
merely one of Freud's most gifted pupils.
Leaving his family in 1919, Hesse moved to Montagnola, a small town
near Lugano. There he had for years an apartment in an old house. On
its balcony Hesse wrote KLINGSORS LETZTER SOMMER (1920). In his latter
years Hesse lived in a house especially built for him by a friend.
Siddharta has been one of Hesse's most widely read work. Its English
translation in the 1950s became a spiritual guide to a number of
American Beat poets. Hesse's short marriage to Ruth Wenger, the
daughter of the Swiss writer Lisa Wenger, was unhappy. He had met her
in 1919 and wrote in 1922 the fairy tale PIKTOR'S VERWANDLUNGEN for
Ruth. In the story a spirit, Piktor, who contains within him in a way
all Hesse's characters, becomes an old tree and finds his youth again
from the love of a young girl.
Hesse divorced from Maria Bernoulli, and married in 1924 Ruth Wenger,
but the marriage ended after a few months. These years produced DER
STEPPENWOLF (1927). Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, who was elected Pope
Benedict XVI, once said that Steppenwolf is among his favorite books
because it "exposes the problem of modernity's isolated and self-
isolating man". The protagonist, Harry Haller, goes through his mid-
life crisis and must chose between life of action and contemplation.
His initials perhaps are not accidentally like the author's. "The few
capacities and pursuits in which I happened to be strong had occupied
all my attention, and I had painted a picture of myself as a person
who was in fact nothing more tan a most refined and educated
specialist in poetry, music and philosophy; and as such I had lived,
leaving all the rest of me to be a chaos of potentialities, instincts
and impulses which I found an encumbrance and gave the label of
Steppenwolf." Haller feels that he has two beings inside him, and
faces his shadow self, named Hermine. This Doppelgänger figure
introduces Harry to drinking, dancing, music, sex, and drugs. Finally
his personality is disassembled and reassembled in the 'Magic Theatre'
- For Madmen Only.
During the Weimar Republic (1919-1933) Hesse stayed aloof from
politics. BETRACHTUNGEN (1928) and KRIEG UND FRIEDEN (1946) were
collections of essays, which reflected his individualism and
opposition to mass movements of the day. NARZISS UND GOLDMUND (1930,
Narcissus and Goldmund) was a pseudomedieval tale about an abbot and
his worldly pupil. The characters represent two contrary tendencies of
the soul, both in search of the Great Mother.
In 1931 Hesse married Ninon Dolbin (1895-1966). Ninon was Jewish. She
had sent Hesse a letter in 1909 when she was 14, and the
correspondence had continued. In 1926 they met accientally. At that
time Ninon was separated - she had married the painter B.F. Doldin and
planned a career as an art historian. Hesse moved with her to Casa
Bodmer, and his restless life became more calm. Hesse's books
continued to be published in Germany during the Nazi regime, and were
defended in a secret circular in 1937 by Joseph Goebbels. When he
wrote for the Frankfurter Zeitung Jewish refugees in France accused
him of supporting the Nazis, whom Hesse did not openly oppose.
However, he helped political refugees and when Narcissus and Goldmund
was reprinted in 1941, he refused to leave out parts which dealt with
pogroms and anti-Semitism. In 1943 he was placed on the Nazi
blacklist.
In 1931 Hesse began to work on his masterpiece DAS GLASPERLENSPIEL,
which was published in 1943. The setting is in the future in the
imaginary province of Castilia, an intellectual, elitist community,
dedicated to mathematics and music. Knecht ('servant') is chosen by
the Old Music Master as a suitable aspirant to the Order. He goes to
the city of Waldzell to study, and there he catches the attention of
the Magister Ludi, Thomas von der Trave (an allusion to Hesse's rival
Thomas Mann). He is the Master of the Games, a system by which wisdom
is communicated. Knecht dedicates himself to the Game, and on the
death of Thomas, he is elected Magister Ludi. After a decade in his
office Knecht tries to leave to start a life devoted to realizing
human rights, but accidentally drowns in a mountain lake. In 1942
Hesse sent the manuscript to Berlin for publication. It was not
accepted by the Nazis and the work appeared in Zürich, Switzerland.
However, during the postwar years, Hesse's last major novel, The Glass
Bead Game, was compulsory reading in German schools.
After receiving the Nobel Prize Hesse published no major works.
Between the years 1945 and 1962 he wrote some 50 poems and about 32
reviews mostly for Swiss newspapers. Hesse died of cerebral hemorrhage
in his sleep on August 9, 1962 at the age of eighty-five. He had
suffered from leukemia for six years, but did not know that the had
it.
Colin Wilson placed Heller in his bestseller, The Outsider (1956),
beside Sartre and Dostoevsky. In the 1960s and 1970s Hesse became a
cult figure for young readers. The interest declined in the 1980s. The
Californian rock group Sparrow changed its name to Steppenwolf after
Hesse's classic, and released 'Born to be Wild' (1968), which was
featured in the film Easy Rider. The name was suggested by the ABC-
Dunhill producer Gabriel Mekler who had read the novel. Hesse's books
have gained readers from the New Age movements and he is still one of
the bestselling German-speaking writers throughout world.
For further reading: Mein Onkel Hermann: Erinnerungen an Alt-Estland
by Monika Hunnius (1921); Herman Hesse by Hugo Ball (1947); The Novels
of Hermann Hesse by T. Ziolkowski (1965); Hermann Hesse by F. Baumer
(1969); Hermann Hesse, His Mind and Art by M. Boulby (1967); C.G. Jung
and Hermann Hesse by M. Serrano (1971); An Outline of the Works of
Hermann Hesse by R. Farquharson (1973); Hesse by T.J. Ziolkowski
(1973); Hermann Hesse: A Collection of Criticism, ed. by J. Liebmann
(1977); Hermann Hesse: Biography and Bibliography by J. Mileck (1977);
Hermann Hesse: Life and Art by Joseph Milek (1981); Hermann Hesse's
Das Glasperlenspiel: A Concealed Defense of the Mother World by Edmund
Remys (1983); The Hero's Quest for the Self by D.G. Richards (1987);
Hermann Hesse's Fictions of the Self by E.L. Satelzig (1988),
Reflection and Action by James N. Hardin (1991) - See: Romain Rolland,
who was interested in Indian philosophy. Hesse's novel Demian was
based on Carl Jung's theories of individuation. James Joyce's daughter
Lucia was among Jung's patients in the 1930s. Suom.: Hesseltä
suomennettu myös valikoima Riikinkukkokehrääjä ja muita kertomuksia
(1989). - See also Zelda Fitzgerald.
Selected works:
ROMANTISCHE LIEDER, 1899
EINE STUNDE HINTER MITTERNACHT, 1899
HINTERLASSENE SCHRIFTEN UND GEDICHTE VON HERMANN LAUSCHER, 1901 -
Hermann Lauscher (suom. Kai Kaila)
GEDICHTE, 1902
BOCCACCIO, 1904 - Boccaccio (suom. Maija Lehtonen)
PETER CAMENZIND, 1904 - Peter Camenzind (translators: W. J. Strachan;
Michael Roloff) - Peter Camenzind / Alppien poika (suom. Eino Railo)
FRANZ VON ASSISI - Assisin Franciscus (suom. Teppo Kulmala)
UNTERM RAD, 1906 - The Prodigy (trans. by W. J. Strachan) / Beneath
the Wheel (trans. by Michael Roloff) - Muuan nuoruus (suom. Kai
Kaila)
DIESSEITS, 1907
NACHBARN, 1908
GERTRUD, 1910 - Gertrude (trans. by Hilda Rosner) / Gertrude and I
(trans. by Adèle Lewisohn) - Taiteilijan tarina (suom. Kaarlo
Nieminen) /Gertrud (suom. Aarno Peromies)
UNTERWEGS, 1911
UMWEGE, 1912
AUS INDIEN, 1913
ROSSHALDE, 1914 - Rosshalde (trans. by R. Manheim) - Rosshalde (suom.
Aarno Peromies)
IN DER ALTEN SONNE, 1914
KNULP, 1915 - Knulp: Three Tales from the Life of Knulp (trans. by
Ralph Manheim) - Knulp (suom. Teppo Kulmala)
MUSIK DES EINSAMEN, 1915
AM WEG, 1915
BRIEF INS FELD, 1916
SCHÖN IST DIE JUGEND, 1916
DEMIAN, 1919 (published under pseudonym Emil Sinclair) - Demian
(translators: N.H. Priday; Michael Roloff and Michael Lebeck; Stanley
Appelbaum) - Demian (suom. Toini Havu)
KLEINER GARTEN, 1919
MÄRCHEN, 1919 - Fairy Tales of Hermann Hesse (trans. by Jack Zipes) /
Strange News from Another Star (trans. by D. Lindley) - Ihmeellinen
viesti toiselta tähdeltä ja muita tarinoita (suom. Aarno Peromies)
ZARATHUSTRAS WIEDERKEHR, 1919
GEDICHTE DES MALERS, 1920
KLINGSORS LETZTER SOMMER, 1920 - Klingsor's Last Summer (trans. by
Richard and Clara Winston) - Pelko (suom. Eeva-Liisa Manner) / Katoava
kesä (suom. Kai Kaila ja Eeva-Liisa Manner)
WANDERUNG, 1920 - Wandering (trans. by James Wright)
BLICK INS CHAOS, 1921 - In Sight of Chaos (trans. by S. Hudson)
AUSGEWÄHLTE GEDICHTE, 1921
SIDDHARTHA, 1922 - Siddhartha (translators: H. Rosner; Joachim
Neugroschel; Stanley Appelbaum; Sherab Chödzin Kohn) - Siddhartha
(suom. Aarno Peromies) - film 1972, dir. by Conrad Rooks, starring
Shashi Kapoor, Simi Garewal, Romesh Shama, Pinchoo Kapoor
ITALIEN, 1923
SINCLAIRS NOTIZBUCH, 1923
KURGAST, 1925 - Kylpylävieraana Badenissa (suom. Aarno Peromies)
PIKTOR'S VERWANDLUNGEN, 1925 - Pictor’s Metamorphoses, and Other
Fantasies (trans. by Rika Lesser)
BILDERBUCH, 1926
DIE NÜRMBERGER REISE, 1927
GESAMMELTE ERZÄHLUNGEN, 1927
DER STEPPENWOLF, 1927 - Steppenwolf (trans. by Basil Creighton) -
Arosusi (suom. Eeva-Liisa Manner) - film 1974, dir. by Fred Haines,
starring Max von Sydow, Dominique Sanda, Pierre Clementi, Carla
Romanelli
BETRACHTUNGEN, 1928
KRISIS, 1928 - Crisis: Pages from a Diary (trans. by Ralph Manheim)
EINE BIBLIOTHEK DER WELTLITERATUR, 1929 - Maailmankirjallisuuden
kirjasto (suom. Teppo Kulmala)
TROST DER NACHT, 1929
DIESSEITS, 1930
NARZISS UND GOLDMUND, 1930 - Death and the Lover (trans. by Geoffrey
Dunlop) / Narcissus and Goldmund (trans. by Ursule Molinaro) -
Narkissos ja Kultasuu (suom. Kai Kaila)
WEG NACH INNEN, 1931
DIE MORGENLANDFAHRT, 1932 - The Journey to the East (trans. by H.
Rossner) - Matka aamun maahan (suom. Kai Kaila)
KLEINE WELT, 1933
FABULIERBUCH, 1935
DAS HAUS DER TRÄUME, 1936
STUNDEN IM GARTEN, 1936
ORGELSPIEL, 1937
DIE GEDICHTE, 1942
DAS GLASPERLENSPIEL, 1943 - Magister Ludi (trans. by M. Savill) / The
Glass Bead Game (trans. by Richard and Clara Winston) - Lasihelmipeli
(suom. Kai Kaila, Elvi Sinervo)
BERTHOLD, 1945
TRAUMFÄHRTE, 1945
KRIEG UND FRIENDEN, 1946 - If the War Goes On (trans. by Ralph
Manheim)
FRÜHE PROSA, 1948
BRIEFE, 1951
SPÄTE PROSA, 1951
DICHTUNGEN, 1952 (6 vols.)
ZWEI IDYLLEN, 1952
DIE GEDICHTE, 1953 - Poems (trans. of 31 poems)
GESAMMELTE SCHRIFTEN, 1957
PROSA AUS DEM NACHLASS, 1965
NEUE DEUTSCHE BÜCHER, 1966
KINDHEIT UND JUGEND VOR 1900, 1966
BRIEFWECHSEL. HERMANN HESSE - THOMAS MANN, 1968 - The Hesse/Mann
Letters (ed. by Anni Carlsson and Volker Michels)
POLITISCHE BETRACHTUNGEN, 1970
Poems, 1970 (trans. by J. Wright)
GESAMMELTE WERKE, 1970 (12 vols.)
Stories of Five Decades, 1974 (trans. by Ralph Manheim, Denver
Lindley)
GESAMMELTE BRIEFE, 1973
My Belief, 1974 (trans. by Denver Lindley)
Hours in the Garden and Other Poems, 1974 (trans. by R. Lesser)
Tales of Student Life, 1975 (trans. by R. Manheim)
Hermann Hesse and Romain Rolland: Correspondence, 1976
DIE ROMANE UND GROSSEN ERZÄHLUNGEN, 1977 (8 vols.)
Six Novels with Other Stories and Essays, 1980 (introduced by Bernard
Levin)
Pictor's Metamorphosis and Other Tales, 1982 (trans. by T.
Zialkowski)
Stories of Five Decades, 1984 (trans. by T. Zialkowski and J.
Palencar)
Soul of the Age, 1991 (trans. by T. Zialkowski)
bademiyansubhanallah
HORSEPLAY IN HARAPPA
The Indus Valley Decipherment Hoax
MICHAEL WITZEL, a Harvard University Indologist, and STEVE FARMER, a
comparative historian, report on media hype, faked data, and Hindutva
propaganda in recent claims that the Indus Valley script has been
decoded.
LAST summer the Indian press carried sensational stories announcing
the final decipherment of the Harappan or Indus Valley script. A
United News of India dispatch on July 11, 1999, picked up throughout
South Asia, reported on new research by "noted histo rian, N.S.
Rajaram, who along with palaeographist Dr. Natwar Jha, has read and
deciphered the messages on more than 2,000 Harappan seals." Discussion
of the messages was promised in Rajaram and Jha's upcoming book, The
Deciphered Indus Script. For nearly a year, the Internet was abuzz
with reports that Rajaram and Jha had decoded the full corpus of Indus
Valley texts.
This was not the first claim that the writing of the Indus Valley
Civilisation (fl. c. 2600-1900 BCE) had been cracked. In a 1996 book,
American archaeologist Gregory Possehl reviewed thirty-five attempted
decipherments, perhaps one-third the actual numb er. But the claims of
Rajaram and Jha went far beyond those of any recent historians. Not
only had the principles of decipherment been discovered, but the
entire corpus of texts could now be read. Even more remarkable were
the historical conclusions that Rajaram and his collaborator said were
backed by the decoded messages.
Harappa, area of the 'parallel walls.' Courtesy of the Archaeological
Survey of India, Punjab Photographic Volume 463/86.
The UNI story was triggered by announcements that Rajaram and Jha had
not only deciphered the Indus Valley seals but had read "pre-Harappan"
texts dating to the mid-fourth millennium BCE. If confirmed, this
meant that they had decoded mankind's earliest literary message. The
"texts" were a handful of symbols scratched on a pottery tablet
recently discovered by Harvard University archaeologist Richard
Meadow. The oldest of these, Rajaram told the UNI, was a text that
could be translated "Ila surrounds th e blessed land" - an oblique but
unmistakable reference to the Rigveda's Saraswati river. The
suggestion was that man's earliest message was linked to India's
oldest religious text.1 The claim was hardly trivial, since this was
over 2,000 year s before Indologists date the Rigveda - and more than
1,000 years before Harappan culture itself reached maturity.
Rajaram's World
After months of media hype, Rajaram and Jha's The Deciphered Indus
Script2 made it to print in New Delhi early this year. By midsummer
the book had reached the West and was being heatedly discussed via the
Internet in Europe, India, and the United States. The book gave credit
for the decipherment method to Jha, a provincial religious scholar,
previously unknown, from Farakka, in West Bengal. The book's publicity
hails him as "one of the world's foremost Vedic scholars and
palaeographer s." Jha had reportedly worked in isolation for twenty
years, publishing a curious 60-page English pamphlet on his work in
1996. Jha's study caught the eye of Rajaram, who was already notorious
in Indological circles. Rajaram took credit for writing most of the
book, which heavily politicised Jha's largely apolitical message.
Rajaram's online biography claims that their joint effort is "the most
important breakthrough of our time in the history of Indian history
and culture."
Rajaram's 'computer enhancement' of Mackay 453, transforming it into a
'horse seal' (From the book The Deciphered Indus Script, p. 177)
(Left) Figure 7.1a: The 'Horse Seal' (Mackay 453)
(Right) Figure 7.1b: The 'Horse Seal' (Artist's reproduction)
Boasts like this do not surprise battle-scarred Indologists familiar
with Rajaram's work. A U.S. engineering professor in the 1980s,
Rajaram re-invented himself in the 1990s as a fiery Hindutva
propagandist and "revisionist" historian. By the mid-1990s, he could
claim a following in India and in ‚migr‚ circles in the U.S. In
manufacturing his public image, Rajaram traded heavily on claims, not
justified by his modest research career, that before turning to
history "he was one of America's best-known wor kers in artificial
intelligence and robotics." Hyperbole abounds in his online biography,
posted at the ironically named "Sword of Truth" website. The Hindutva
propaganda site, located in the United States, pictures Rajaram as a
"world-renowned" expert o n "Vedic mathematics" and an "authority on
the history of Christianity." The last claim is supported by violently
anti-Christian works carrying titles like Christianity's Collapsing
Empire and Its Designs in India. Rajaram's papers include his "Se arch
for the historical Krishna" (found in the Indus Valley c. 3100 BCE);
attack a long list of Hindutva "enemies" including Christian
missionaries, Marxist academics, leftist politicians, Indian Muslims,
and Western Indologists; and glorify the mob dest ruction of the Babri
Mosque in 1992 as a symbol of India's emergence from "the grip of
alien imperialistic forces and their surrogates." All Indian history,
Rajaram writes, can be pictured as a struggle between nationalistic
and imperialistic forces.
In Indology, the imperialistic enemy is the "colonial-missionary
creation known as the Aryan invasion model," which Rajaram ascribes to
Indologists long after crude invasion theories have been replaced by
more sophisticated acculturation models by seriou s researchers.
Rajaram's cartoon image of Indology is to be replaced by "a path of
study that combines ancient learning and modern science." What Rajaram
means by "science" is suggested in one of his papers describing the
knowledge of the Rigveda poets. The Rigveda rishis, we find, packed
their hymns with occult allusions to high-energy physics, anti-matter,
the inflational theory of the universe, calculations of the speed of
light, and gamma-ray bursts striking the earth three times a day. The
l atter is shown in three Rigveda verses (3.56.6, 7.11.3, 9.86.18)
addressed to the god Agni. The second Rajaram translates: "O Agni! We
know you have wealth to give three times a day to mortals."
One of Rajaram's early Hindutva pieces was written in 1995 with David
Frawley, a Western "New Age" writer who likes to find allusions to
American Indians in the Rigveda. Frawley is transformed via the "Sword
of Truth" into a "famous American Vedic scholar and historian." The
book by Rajaram and Frawley proposes the curious thesis that the
Rigveda was the product of a complex urban and maritime civilisation,
not the primitive horse-and-chariot culture seen in the text. The goal
is to link the Rigv eda to the earlier Indus Valley Civilisation,
undercutting any possibility of later "Aryan" migrations or
relocations of the Rigveda to "foreign" soil. Ancient India, working
through a massive (but lost) Harappan literature, was a prime source
of civilis ation to the West.
The Deciphered Indus Script makes similar claims with different
weapons. The Indus-Saraswati Valley again becomes the home of the
Rigveda and a font of higher civilisation: Babylonian and Greek
mathematics, all alphabetical scripts, and even Roman numerals flow
out to the world from the Indus Valley's infinitely fertile cultural
womb. Press releases praise the work for not only "solving the most
significant technical problem in historical research of our time" -
deciphering the Indus script - but for demonstrating as well that "if
any 'cradle of civilisation' existed, it was located not in
Mesopotamia but in the Saraswati Valley." The decoded messages of
Harappa thus confirm the Hindutva propagandist's wildest nationalistic
dreams.
Rajaram's 'Piltdown Horse'
Not unexpectedly, Indologists followed the pre-press publicity for
Rajaram's book with a mix of curiosity and scepticism. Just as the
book hit the West, a lively Internet debate was under way over whether
any substantial texts existed in Harappa - let alone the massive lost
literature claimed by Rajaram. Indus Valley texts are cryptic to
extremes, and the script shows few signs of evolutionary change. Most
inscriptions are no more than four or five characters long; many
contain only two or three characters. Moreover, character shapes in
mature Harappan appear to be strangely "frozen," unlike anything seen
in ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt or China. This suggests that expected
"scribal pressures" for simplifying the script, arising out of the
repeate d copying of long texts, was lacking. And if this is true, the
Indus script may have never evolved beyond a simple proto-writing
system.
Mackay 453 before its 'computer enhancement' by Rajaram. When you look
at the original picture, it is clear that the seal impression is
cracked.
Once Rajaram's book could actually be read, the initial scepticism of
Indologists turned to howls of disbelief - followed by charges of
fraud. It was quickly shown that the methods of Jha and Rajaram were
so flexible that virtually any desired message co uld be read into the
texts. One Indologist claimed that using methods like these he could
show that the inscriptions were written in Old Norse or Old English.
Others pointed to the fact that the decoded messages repeatedly turned
up "missing links" betwe en Harappan and Vedic cultures - supporting
Rajaram's Hindutva revisions of history. The language of Harappa was
declared to be "late Vedic" Sanskrit, some 2,000 years before the
language itself existed. Through the decoded messages, the horseless
Indus Valley Civilisation - distinguishing it sharply from the culture
of the Rigveda - was awash with horses, horse keepers, and even horse
rustlers. To support his claims, Rajaram pointed to a blurry image of
a "horse seal" - the first pictorial evidence eve r claimed of
Harappan horses.
Chaos followed. Within weeks, the two of us demonstrated that
Rajaram's "horse seal" was a fraud, created from a computer distortion
of a broken "unicorn bull" seal. This led Indologist wags to dub it
the Indus Valley "Piltdown horse" - a comic allusion to the "Piltdown
man" hoax of the early twentieth century. The comparison was, in fact,
apt, since the "Piltdown man" was created to fill the missing link
between ape and man - just as Rajaram's "horse seal" was intended to
fill a gap between Harappa and Vedic cultures.
M-1034a
Once the hoax was uncovered, $1000 was offered to anyone who could
find one Harappan researcher who endorsed Rajaram's "horse seal." The
offer found no takers.
The "Piltdown horse" story has its comic side, but it touches on a
central problem in Indian history. Horses were critical to Vedic
civilisation, as we see in Vedic texts describing horse sacrifices,
horse raids, and warfare using horse-drawn chariots. I f Rigvedic
culture (normally dated to the last half of the second millennium BCE)
is identified with Harappa, it is critical to find evidence of
extensive use of domesticated horses in India in the third millennium
BCE. In the case of Hindutva "revisioni sts" like Rajaram, who push
the Rigveda to the fourth or even fifth millennium, the problem is
worse. They must find domesticated horses and chariots in South Asia
thousands of years before either existed anywhere on the planet.
Evidence suggests that the horse (Equus caballus) was absent from
India before around 2000 BCE, or even as late as 1700 BCE, when
archaeology first attests its presence in the Indus plains below the
Bolan pass. The horse, a steppe animal from the semi-temperate zone,
was not referred to in the Middle East until the end of the third
millennium, when it first shows up in Sumerian as anshe.kur (mountain
ass) or anshe.zi.zi (speedy ass). Before horses, the only equids in
the Near East w ere the donkey and the half-ass (hemione, onager). The
nearly untrainable hemiones look a bit like horses and can interbreed
with them, as can donkeys. In India, the hemione or khor (Equus
hemionus khur) was the only equid known before the horse; a few
specimens still survive in the Rann of Kutch.
As shown by their identical archaeological field numbers (DK-6664),
M-772A (published in Vol. II of Corpus of Indus Seals and
Inscriptions, 1991) is the original seal that seven decades ago
created the seal impression (Mackay 453) that Rajaram claims is a
'horse seal.'
M-772A (flipped horizontally) Mackay 453
The appearance of domesticated horses in the Old World was closely
linked to the development of lightweight chariots, which play a
central role in the Rigveda. The oldest archaeological remains of
chariots are from east and west of the Ural mountains, wh ere they
appear c. 2000 BCE. In the Near East, their use is attested in
pictures and writing a little later. A superb fifteenth-century
Egyptian example survives intact (in Florence, Italy); others show up
in twelfth-century Chinese tombs.
Chariots like these were high-tech creations: the poles of the
Egyptian example were made of elm, the wheels' felloes (outer rim) of
ash, its axles and spokes of evergreen oak, and its spoke lashings of
birch bark. None of these trees are found in the Ne ar East south of
Armenia, implying that these materials were imported from the north.
The Egyptian example weighs only 30 kg or so, a tiny fraction of slow
and heavy oxen-drawn wagons, weighing 500 kg or more, which earlier
served as the main wheeled tra nsport. These wagons, known since
around 3000 BCE, are similar to those still seen in parts of the
Indian countryside.
The result of all this is that the claim that horses or chariots were
found in the Indus Valley of the third millennium BCE is quite a
stretch. The problem is impossible for writers like Rajaram who
imagine the Rigveda early in the fourth or even fifth m illennium,
which is long before any wheeled transport - let alone chariots -
existed. Even the late Hungarian palaeontologist S. Bokonyi, who
thought that he recognised horses' bones at one Indus site, Surkotada,
denied that these were indigenous to South Asia. He writes that
"horses reached the Indian subcontinent in an already domesticated
form coming from the Inner Asiatic hors e domestication centres."
Harvard's Richard Meadow, who discovered the earliest known Harappan
text (which Rajaram claims to have deciphered), disputes even the
Surkotada evidence. In a paper written with the young Indian scholar,
Ajita K. Patel, Meadow argues that not one clear example of horse
bones exists in Indus excavations or elsewhere in North India before
c. 2000 BCE.3 All contrary claims arise from evidence from ditches,
erosional deposits, pits or horse graves originating hun dreds or even
thousands of years later than Harappan civilisation. Remains of
"horses" claimed by early Harappan archaeologists in the 1930s were
not documented well enough to let us distinguish between horses,
hemiones, or asses.
All this explains the need for Rajaram's horse inscriptions and "horse
seal." If this evidence were genuine, it would trigger a major
rethinking of all Old World history. Rajaram writes, in his accustomed
polemical style:
The 'horse seal' goes to show that the oft repeated claim of "No horse
at Harappa" is entirely baseless. Horse bones have been found at all
levels at Harappan sites. Also... the word 'as'va' (horse) is a
commonly occuring (sic) word on the seals. The sup posed
'horselessness' of the Harappans is a dogma that has been exploded by
evidence. But like its cousin the Aryan invasion, it persists for
reasons having little to do with evidence or scholarship.
Rajaram's "horse," which looks something like a deer to most people,
is a badly distorted image printed next to an "artist's reproduction"
of a horse, located below a Harappan inscription.4 The original source
of the image, Mackay 453, is a ti ny photo on Plate XCV of Vol. II of
Ernest Mackay's Further Excavations of Mohenjo-Daro (New Delhi,
1937-38). The photo was surprisingly difficult to track down, since
Rajaram's book does not tell you in which of Mackay's archaeological
works, whi ch contain thousands of images, the photo is located.
Finding it and others related to it required coordinating resources in
two of the world's best research libraries, located 3,000 miles apart
in the United States.
M-595a
Once the original was found, and compared over the Internet with his
distorted image, Rajaram let it slip that the "horse seal" was a
"computer enhancement" that he and Jha introduced to "facilitate our
reading." Even now, however, he claims that the sea l depicts a
"horse." To deny it would be disastrous, since to do so would require
rejection of his decipherment of the seal inscription - which
supposedly includes the word "horse."
Once you see Mackay's original photo, it is clear that Rajaram's
"horse seal" is simply a broken "unicorn bull" seal, the most common
seal type found in Mohenjo-daro. In context, its identity is obvious,
since the same page contains photos of more than two dozen unicorn
bulls - any one of which would make a good "horse seal" if it were
cracked in the right place.
What in Rajaram's "computer enhancement" looks like the "neck" and
"head" of a deer is a Rorschach illusion created by distortion of the
crack and top-right part of the inscription. Any suggestion that the
seal represents a whole animal evaporates as soo n as you see the
original. The fact that the seal is broken is not mentioned in
Rajaram's book. You certainly cannot tell it is broken from the
"computer enhancement."
While Rajaram's bogus "horse seal" is crude, because of the relative
rarity of the volume containing the original, which is not properly
referenced in Rajaram's book, only a handful of researchers lucky
enough to have the right sources at hand could trac k it down.
Rajaram's evidence could not be checked by his typical reader in
Ahmedabad, say - or even by Indologists using most university
libraries.
The character of the original seal becomes clearer when you look more
closely at the evidence. Mackay 453, it turns out, is not the photo of
a seal at all, as Rajaram claims, but of a modern clay impression of a
seal (field number DK-6664) dug up in Mohe njo-daro during the 1927-31
excavations. We have located a superb photograph of the original seal
that made the impression (identified again by field number DK-6664) in
the indispensable Corpus of Indus Seals and Inscriptions (Vol. II:
Helsinki 19 91, p. 63). The work was produced by archaeologists from
India and Pakistan, coordinated by the renowned Indologist Asko
Parpola. According to a personal communication from Dr. Parpola, the
original seal was photographed in Pakistan by Jyrki Lyytikk„ spe
cifically for the 1991 publication.
Like everyone else looking at the original, Parpola notes that
Rajaram's "horse seal" is simply a broken "unicorn bull" seal, one of
numerous examples found at Mohenjo-daro. Rajaram has also apparently
been told this by Iravatham Mahadevan, the leading I ndian expert on
the Indus script. Mahadevan is quoted, without name, in Rajaram's book
as a "well known 'Dravidianist"' who pointed out to him the obvious.
But, Rajaram insists, a "comparison of the two creatures [unicorns and
horses], especially in [the ] genital area, shows this to be
fallacious." Rajaram has also claimed on the Internet that the
animal's "bushy tail" shows that it is a horse.
Below, on the left, we have reproduced Lyytikk„'s crisp photo of the
original seal, compared (on the right) with the seven-decade-old photo
(Mackay 453) of the impression Rajaram claims is a "horse seal." We
have flipped the image of the original horizon tally to simplify
comparison of the seal and impression. The tail of the animal is the
typical "rope" tail associated with unicorn bull seals at Mohenjo-daro
(seen in more images below). It is clearly not the "bushy tail" that
Rajaram imagines - although Rajaram's story is certainly a "bushy
horse tale."
Checking Rajaram's claims about the "genital area," we find no
genitals at all in M-772A or Mackay 453 - for the simple reason that
genitals on unicorn bulls are typically located right where the seal
is cracked! This is clear when we look at other unico rn seals or
their impressions. One seal impression, Parpola M-1034a (on the
right), has a lot in common with Rajaram's "horse seal," including the
two characters on the lefthand side of the inscription. The seal is
broken in a different place, wiping out the righthand side of the
inscription but leaving the genitals intact. On this seal impression
we see the distinctive "unicorn" genitals, identified by the long
"tuft" hanging straight down. The genitals are located where we would
find them on Rajaram's "horse seal," if the latter were not broken.
Other unicorn bull seal impressions, like the one seen in Parpola
M-595a, could make terrific "horse seals" if cracked in the same
place. Unfortunately, Parpola M-595a is not broken, revealing the fact
(true of most Harappan seals) that it represents not a real but a
mythological animal. (And, of course, neither this nor any other
unicorn has a bushy tail.)
Rajaram's 'computer enhancement' of Mackay 453 on the left; the arrow
points to an object apparently stuck into the original image. On the
right, pictures of Mohenjo-daro copper plates showing similar
telephone-like 'feeding troughs.'
(Left) Figure 7.1a: The `Horse Seal' (Mackay 453)
A Russian Indologist, Yaroslav Vassilkov, has pointed to a suspicious
detail in Rajaram's "computer enhancement" that is not found on any
photo of the seal or impression. Just in front of the animal, we find
a small object that looks like a partia l image of a common icon in
animal seals: a "feeding trough" that looks a little like an old-style
telephone. Who inserted it into the distorted image of the "horse
seal" is not known. Rajaram has not responded to questions about it.
Below, we show Rajaram's "computer enhancement" next to pictures of
Mohenjo-daro copper plates that contain several versions of the
object.
'Late Vedic' Sanskrit - 2000 Years Before Schedule
The horse seal is only one case of bogus data in Rajaram's book.
Knowledge of Vedic Sanskrit is needed to uncover those involving his
decipherments. That is not knowledge that Rajaram would expect in his
average reader, since (despite its pretensions) th e book is not aimed
at scholars but at a lay Indian audience. The pretence that the book
is addressed to researchers (to whom the fraud is obvious) is a
smokescreen to convince lay readers that Rajaram is a serious
historical scholar.
The decipherment issue explains why Rajaram continues to defend his
"horse seal" long after his own supporters have called on him to
repudiate it. He has little choice, since he has permanently wedded
his "Piltdown horse" to his decipherment method. The inscription over
the horse, he tells us, reads (a bit ungrammatically) "arko-hasva or
arko ha as'va" - "Sun indeed like the horse (sic)." The reading
clearly would be pointless if the image represented a unicorn bull.
Rajaram claims that there are links between this "deciphered" text and
a later Vedic religious document, the Shukla Yajurveda. This again
pushes the Rigveda, which is linguistically much earlier than that
text, to an absurdly early period.
As we have seen, Rajaram claims that the language of Harappa was "late
Vedic" Sanskrit. This conflicts with countless facts from archaeology,
linguistics, and other fields. Indeed, "late Vedic" did not exist
until some two thousand years after the start of mature Harappan
culture!
Let us look at a little linguistic evidence. Some of it is a bit
technical, but it is useful since it shows how dates are assigned to
parts of ancient Indian history.
The Rigveda is full of descriptions of horses (as'va), horse races,
and the swift spoke-wheeled chariot (ratha). We have already seen that
none of these existed anywhere in the Old World until around 2000 BCE
or so. In most places, they did not appear until much later. The
introduction of chariots and horses is one marker for the earliest
possible dates of the Rigveda.
Linguistic evidence provides other markers. In both ancient Iran and
Vedic India, the chariot is called a ratha, from the prehistoric
(reconstructed) Indo-European word for wheel *roth2o- (Latin rota,
German Rad). ( A chariot = "wheels," just as in the modern slang
expression "my wheels" = "my automobile.") We also have shared Iranian
and Vedic words for charioteer - the Vedic ratheSTha or old Iranian
rathaeshta, meaning "standing on the chariot." Indo -European, on the
other hand - the ancestor of Vedic Sanskrit and most European
languages - does not have a word for chariot. This is shown by the
fact that many European languages use different words for the vehicle.
In the case of Greek, for example, a chariot is harmat(-os).
The implication is that the ancient Iranian and Vedic word for chariot
was coined sometime around 2000 BCE - about when chariots first
appeared - but before those languages split into two. A good guess is
that this occurred in the steppe belt of Russia a nd Kazakhstan, which
is where we find the first remains of chariots. That area remained
Iranian-speaking well into the classical period, a fact reflected even
today in northern river names - all the way from the Danube, Don,
Dnyestr, Dnyepr and the Ural (Rahaa = Vedic Rasaa) rivers to the Oxus
(Vakhsh).
These are only a few pieces of evidence confirming what linguists have
known for 150 years: that Vedic Sanskrit was not native to South Asia
but an import, like closely related old Iranian. Their usual assumed
origins are located in the steppe belt to th e north of Iran and
northwest of India.
This view is supported by recent linguistic discoveries. One is that
approximately 4 per cent of the words in the Rigveda do not fit Indo-
Aryan (Sanskrit) word patterns but appear to be loans from a local
language in the Greater Panjab. That language is close to, but not
identical with, the Munda languages of Central and East India and to
Khasi in Meghalaya. A second finding pertains to shared loan words in
the Rigveda and Zoroastrian texts referring to agricultural products,
animals, and domestic goods that we know from archaeology first
appeared in Bactria-Margiana c. 2100-1700 BCE. These include, among
others, words for camel (uSTra/ushtra), donkey (khara/xara), and
bricks (iSTakaa/ishtiia, ishtuua). The evidence suggests that b oth
the Iranians and Indo-Aryans borrowed these words when they migrated
through this region towards their later homelands.5 A third find
relates to Indo-Aryan loan words that show up in the non-Aryan Mitanni
of northern Iraq and Syria c.1400 BCE. These loanwords reflect
slightly older Indo-Aryan forms than those found in the Rigveda. This
evidence is on e reason why Indologists place the composition of the
Rigveda in the last half of the second millennium.
This evidence, and much more like it, shows that the claim by Rajaram
that mature Harappans spoke "late Vedic" Sanskrit - the language of
the Vedic sutras (dating to the second half of the first millennium) -
is off by at least two thousand years! At bes t, a few adventurous
speakers may have existed in Harappa of some early ancestor of old
Vedic Sanskrit - the much later language of the Rigveda - trickling
into the Greater Panjab from migrant "Aryan" tribes. These early Indo-
Aryan speakers could have mi ngled with others in the towns and cities
of Harappan civilisation, which were conceivably just as multilingual
as any modern city in India. (Indeed, Rigvedic loan words seem to
suggest several substrate languages.) But to have all, or even part,
of Hara ppans speaking "late Vedic" is patently absurd.
But this evidence pertains to what Rajaram represents as "the petty
conjectural pseudo-science" called linguistics. By rejecting the
science wholesale, he gives himself the freedom to invent Indian
history at his whim.
Consonants Count Little, Vowels Nothing!
According to Rajaram and Jha, the Indus writing system was a proto-
alphabetical system, supposedly derived from a complex (now lost)
system of pre-Indus "pictorial" signs. Faced with a multitude of
Harappan characters, variously numbered between 400 and 800, they
select a much smaller subset of characters and read them as
alphabetical signs. Their adoption of these signs follows from the
alleged resemblances of these signs to characters in Brahmi, the
ancestor of later Indian scripts. (This was the scri pt adopted c. 250
BCE by Asoka, whom Jha's 1996 book assigns to c. 1500 BCE!) Unlike
Brahmi, which lets you write Indian words phonetically, the alphabet
imagined by Jha and Rajaram is highly defective, made up only of
consonants, a few numbers, and some special-purpose signs. The
hundreds of left-over "pictorial" signs normally stand for single
words. Whenever needed, however - and this goes for numbers as well -
they can also be tapped for their supposed sound values, giving
Rajaram and Jha extraordin ary freedom in making their readings. The
only true "vowel" that Jha and Rajaram allow is a single wildcard sign
that stands for any initial vowel - as in A-gni or I-ndra - or
sometimes for semi-vowels. Vowels inside words can be imagine d at
whim.
Vowels were lacking in some early Semitic scripts, but far fewer
vowels are required in Semitic languages than in vowel-rich Indian
languages like Sanskrit or Munda. In Vedic Sanskrit, any writing
system lacking vowels would be so ambiguous that it would be useless.
In the fictional system invented by Jha and Rajaram, for example, the
supposed Indus ka sign can be read kaa, ki, ku, ke, ko, etc., or can
also represent the isolated consonant k. A script like this opens the
door to an enormou s number of alternate readings.
Supposing with Jha and Rajaram that the language of Harappa was "late
Vedic", we would find that the simple two-letter inscription mn might
be read:
mana "ornament"; manaH"mind" (since Rajaram lets us add the
Visarjaniya or final -H at will); manaa "zeal" or "a weight"; manu
"Manu"; maana "opinion" or "building" or "thinker"; miina "fish";
miine "in a fish"; miinau "two fish"; miinaiH "with fish"; muni
"Muni", "Rishi", "ascetic"; mRn- "made of clay"; menaa "wife"; meni
"revenge"; mene "he has thought"; mauna "silence"; and so on.
There are dozens of other possibilities. How is the poor reader,
presented with our two-character seal, supposed to decide if it refers
to revenge, a sage, the great Manu, a fish, or his wife? The lords of
Harappa or Dholavira, instead of using the scrip t on their seals,
would have undoubtedly sent its inventor off to finish his short and
nasty life in the copper mines of the Aravallis!
If all of this were not enough to drive any reader mad, Rajaram and
Jha introduce a host of other devices that permit even freer readings
of inscriptions. The most ridiculous involves their claim that the
direction of individual inscriptions "follows no hard and fast rules."
This means that if tossing in vowels at will in our mn inscription
does not give you the reading you want, you can restart your reading
(again, with unlimited vowel wildcards) from the opposite direction -
yielding further al ternatives like namaH or namo "honour to...,"
naama "name," and so on.
There are other "principles" like this. A number of signs represent
the same sound, while - conversely - the same sign can represent
different sounds. With some 400-800 signs to choose from, this gives
you unlimited creative freedom. As Raj aram puts it deadpan, Harappan
is a "rough and ready script." Principles like this "gave its scribes
several ways in which to express the same sounds, and write words in
different ways." All this is stated in such a matter-of-fact and
"scientific" manner that the non-specialist gets hardly a clue that he
is being had.
In other words, figure out what reading you want and fill in the
blanks! As Voltaire supposedly said of similar linguistic tricks:
"Consonants count little, and vowels nothing."
A little guidance on writing direction comes from the wildcard vowel
sign, which Rajaram tells us usually comes at the start of
inscriptions. This is "why such a large number of messages on the
Indus seals have this vowel symbol as the first letter." Wha t Jha and
Rajaram refer to as a vowel (or semi-vowel) sign is the Harappan
"rimmed vessel" or U-shaped symbol. This is the most common sign in
the script, occurring by some counts some 1,400 times in known texts.
It is most commonly seen on the left side of inscriptions.
Back in the 1960s, B.B. Lal, former Director-General of the
Archaeological Survey of India, convincingly showed, partly by
studying how overlapping characters were inscribed on pottery, that
the Harappan script was normally read from right to left. Much other
hard evidence confirming this view has been known since the early
1930s. This means that in the vast majority of cases the U-sign is the
last sign of an inscription. But here, as so often elsewhere, Rajaram
and Jha simply ignore well-establi shed facts, since they are intent
on reading Harappan left to right to conform to "late Vedic" Sanskrit.
(In times of interpretive need, however, any direction goes -
including reading inscriptions vertically or in zig-zag fashion on
alternate lines.)
The remarkable flexibility of their system is summarised in statements
like this:
First, if the word begins with a vowel then the genetic sign has to be
given the proper vowel value. Next the intermediate consonants have to
be shaped properly by assigning the correct vowel combinations.
Finally, the terminal letter may also have to be modified according to
context. In the last case, a missing visarga or anusvaara may have to
be supplied, though this is often indicated.
How, the sceptic might ask, can you choose the right words from the
infinite possibilities? The problem calls for a little Vedic
ingenuity:
In resolving ambiguities, one is forced to fall back on one's
knowledge of the Vedic language and the literary context. For example:
when the common composite letter r + k is employed, the context
determines if it is to be pronounced as rka (as in arka) or as kra as
in kruura.
The context Rajaram wants you to use to fill in the blanks is the one
that he wants to prove: any reading is proper that illustrates the
(imaginary) links between "late Vedic" culture and Indus Civilisation.
Once you toss in wildcard vowels, for example, any rk or kr
combination provides instant Harappan horseplay - giving you a Vedic-
Harappan horse (recalling their equation that arka "sun" = "horse")
long before the word (or animal) appeared in India.
Why did the Indus genius who invented the alphabet not include all
basic vowel signs - like those in Asoka's script - which would have
made things unambiguous? It certainly could not be because of a lack
of linguistic knowledge, since Rajaram claims that the Harappans had
an "advanced state of knowledge of grammar, phonetics, and etymology,"
just as they had modern scientific knowledge of all other kinds. But
vowels, of course, would rob Rajaram of his chances to find Vedic
treasure in Harappan inscript ions - where he discovers everything
from horse thieves to Rigvedic kings and advanced mathematical
formulae.
Peculiarly, in contrast to the lack of vowel signs, Jha and Rajaram
give us a profusion of special signs that stand for fine grammatical
details including word-final -H and -M (Visarjaniya and Anusvaara; if
these are missing, you can just toss them in); special verb endings
like -te; and noun endings such as -su. All of these are derived from
Paninian grammar more than two thousand years before Panini! They even
find special phonological signs for Paninian gu Na and vRddhi (that
is, u becomes o or au) and for Vedic pitch accents (svara).
Although the scribes lacked vowels, they thus had signs applicable
only to vowel combination (sandhi) - which is remarkable indeed, given
the absence of the vowels themselves.
A Hundred Noisy Crows
It is clear that the method of Rajaram and Jha is so flexible that you
can squeeze some pseudo-Vedic reading out of any inscription. But,
with all this freedom, what a motley set of readings they hand us!
Moreover, few of their readings have anything to do with Harappan
civilisation.
What were Indus seals used for? We know that some (a minority) were
stamped on bales of merchandise; many were carried around on strings,
perhaps as amulets or ID cards. Many of them were lost in the street
or were thrown out as rubbish when no longer ne eded. Sometimes a
whole set of identical inscriptions has been found tossed over
Harappan embankment walls.
In their usual cavalier way, Rajaram and Jha ignore all the well-known
archaeological evidence and claim that the inscriptions represent
repositories of Vedic works like the ancient Nighantu word lists, or
even the mathematical formulae of the Shulbasutras. The main object of
Harappan seals, they tell us, was the "preservation of Vedic knowledge
and related subjects."
How many merchants in the 5000-odd year history of writing would have
thought to put mathematical formulae or geometric slogans on their
seals and tokens? Or who would be likely to wear slogans like the
following around their necks?
"It is the rainy season"; "House in the grip of cold"; "A dog that
stays home and does nothing is useless" - which Rajaram and Jha
alternately read as: "There is raw meat on the face of the dog";
"Birds of the eastern country"; "One who drinks barley wat er"; "A
hundred noisy crows"; "Mosquito"; "The breathing of an angry person";
"Rama threatened to use agni-vaaNa (a fire missile)"; "A short
tempered mother-in-law"; "Those about to kill themselves with
sinfulness say"; or, best of all, the refreshingly populist: "O!
Moneylender, eat (your interest)!"
By now, we expect lots of horse readings, and we are not disappointed.
What use, we wonder, would the Harappans have for seal inscriptions
like these?
"Water fit for drinking by horses"; "A keeper of horses (paidva) by
name of VarSaraata"; "A horsekeeper by name of As'ra-gaura wishes to
groom the horses"; "Food for the owner of two horses"; "Arci who
brought under control eight loose horses"; an d so on.
The most elaborate horse reading shows up in the most famous of Indus
inscriptions - the giant "signboard" hung on the walls of the Harappan
city of Dholavira. The "deciphered" inscription is another attack on
the "no horse in Harappa" argument:
"I was a thousand times victorious over avaricious raiders desirous of
my wealth of horses!"
In the end, readers of Jha and Rajaram are likely to agree with only
one "deciphered" message in the whole book: apa-yas'o ha mahaat "A
great disgrace indeed!"
Vedic Sanskrit?
Before concluding, we would like to point out that the line we just
quoted contains an elementary grammatical error - a reading of mahaat
for mahat. The frequency of mistakes like this says a lot about the
level of Vedic knowledge (or lack thereof) of the authors. A few
examples at random:
- on p. 227 of their book we find adma "eat!" But what form is adma?
admaH "we eat? At best, adma "food," not "eat!"
- on p. 235, we find tuurNa ugra s'vasruuH. No feminine adjectives
appear in the expression (tuurNaa, ugraa), as required by the angry
"mother-in-law" (read: s'vas'ruuH!).
- on p. 230, we read apvaa-hataa-tmaahuH, where hataatma might mean
"one whose self is slain," or the "self of a slain (person)," but not
"those about to kill themselves." In the same sentence, apvaa does not
mean "sinfulness" (whic h is, in any case, a non-Vedic concept) but
"mortal fear."
- on p. 232, we have amas'aityaarpaa, supposedly meaning "House in the
grip of cold." But amaa (apparently what they want, not ama "force")
is not a word for "house," but an adverb meaning "at home." The word
s'aitya "cold" is not "late Vedic" but post-Vedic, making the reading
even more anachronistic than the other readings in the book.
- on p. 226, we find paidva for "horses," in a passage referring to
horse keepers. But in Vedic literature this word does not refer to an
ordinary but a mythological horse.
Many similar errors are found in the 1996 pamphlet by Jha, billed by
Rajaram as "one of the world's foremost Vedic scholars and
palaeographers."
None of those errors can be blamed on ignorant Harappan scribes.
History and Hindutva Propaganda
It might be tempting to laugh off the Indus script hoax as the
harmless fantasy of an ex-engineer who pretends to be a world expert
on everything from artificial intelligence to Christianity to Harappan
culture.
What belies this reading is the ugly subtext of Rajaram's message,
which is aimed at millions of Indian readers. That message is anti-
Muslim, anti-Christian, anti-Indological, and (despite claims to the
opposite) intensely anti-scientific. Those views pr esent twisted
images of India's past capable of inflicting severe damage in the
present.
Rajaram's work is only one example of a broader reactionary trend in
Indian history. Movements like this can sometimes be seen more clearly
from afar than nearby, and we conclude with a few comments on it from
our outside but interested perspective.
In the past few decades, a new kind of history has been propagated by
a vocal group of Indian writers, few of them trained historians, who
lavishly praise and support each other's works. Their aim is to
rewrite Indian history from a nationalistic and rel igious point of
view. Their writings have special appeal to a new middle class
confused by modern threats to traditional values. With alarming
frequency their movement is backed by powerful political forces,
lending it a mask of respectability that it do es not deserve.
Unquestionably, all sides of Indian history must be repeatedly re-
examined. But any massive revisions must arise from the discovery of
new evidence, not from desires to boost national or sectarian pride at
any cost. Any new historical models must be cons istent with all
available data judged apart from parochial concerns.
The current "revisionist" models contradict well-known facts: they
introduce horse-drawn chariots thousands of years before their
invention; imagine massive lost literatures filled with "scientific"
knowledge unimaginable anywhere in the ancient world; p roject the
Rigveda into impossibly distant eras, compiled in urban or maritime
settings suggested nowhere in the text; and imagine Vedic Sanskrit or
even Proto Indo-European rising in the Panjab or elsewhere in northern
India, ignoring 150 years of evide nce fixing their origins to the
northwest. Extreme "out-of-India" proponents even fanaticise an India
that is the cradle of all civilisation, angrily rejecting all
suggestions that peoples, languages, or technologies ever entered
prehistoric India from f oreign soil - as if modern concepts of
"foreign" had any meaning in prehistoric times.
Ironically, many of those expressing these anti-migrational views are
emigrants themselves, engineers or technocrats like N.S. Rajaram, S.
Kak, and S. Kalyanaraman, who ship their ideas to India from U.S.
shores. They find allies in a broader assortment of home-grown
nationalists including university professors, bank employees, and
politicians (S. S. Misra, S. Talageri, K.D. Sethna, S.P. Gupta, Bh.
Singh, M. Shendge, Bh. Gidwani, P. Chaudhuri, A. Shourie, S.R. Goel).
They have even gained a small but vo cal following in the West among
"New Age" writers or researchers outside mainstream scholarship,
including D. Frawley, G. Feuerstein, K. Klostermaier, and K. Elst.
Whole publishing firms, such as the Voice of India and Aditya
Prakashan, are devoted to pr opagating their ideas.
There are admittedly no universal standards for rewriting history. But
a few demands must be made of anyone expecting his or her scholarship
to be taken seriously. A short list might include: (1) openness in the
use of evidence; (2) a respect for well-es tablished facts; (3) a
willingness to confront data in all relevant fields; and (4)
independence in making conclusions from religious and political
agendas.
N.S. Rajaram typifies the worst of the "revisionist" movement, and
obviously fails on all counts. The Deciphered Indus Script is based on
blatantly fake data (the "horse seal," the free-form "decipherments");
disregards numerous well-known facts ( the dates of horses and
chariots, the uses of Harappan seals, etc.); rejects evidence from
whole scientific fields, including linguistics (a strange exclusion
for a would-be decipherer!); and is driven by obvious religious and
political motives in claimi ng impossible links between Harappan and
Vedic cultures.
Whatever their pretensions, Hindutva propagandists like Rajaram do not
belong to the realm of legitimate historical discourse. They
perpetuate, in twisted half-modern ways, medieval tendencies to use
every means possible to support the authority of relig ious texts. In
the political sphere, they falsify history to bolster national pride.
In the ethnic realm, they glorify one sector of India to the detriment
of others.
It is the responsibility of every serious researcher to oppose these
tendencies with the only sure weapon available - hard evidence. If
reactionary trends in Indian history find further political support,
we risk seeing violent repeats in the coming deca des of the fascist
extremes of the past.
The historical fantasies of writers like Rajaram must be exposed for
what they are: propaganda issuing from the ugliest corners of the pre-
scientific mind. The fact that many of the most unbelievable of these
fantasies are the product of highly trained e ngineers should give
Indian educational planners deep concern.
In a recent online exchange, Rajaram dismissed criticisms of his faked
"horse seal" and pointed to political friends in high places, boasting
that the Union government had recently "advised" the "National Book
Trust to bring out my popular book, From Sarasvati River to the Indus
Script, in English and thirteen other languages."
We fear for India and for objective scholarship. To quote Rajaram's
Harappan-Vedic one last time: "A great disgrace indeed!"
© Michael Witzel & Steve Farmer, 2000
Michael Witzel is Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard University
and the author of many publications, including the recent monograph
Early Sources for South Asian Substrate Languages, Boston: ASLIP/
Mother Tongue 1999. A collecti on of his Vedic studies will be
published in India by Orient Longman later this year. He is also
editor of The Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies, accessible through
his home page at http://www.fas.harvard.edu/~witzel/mwpage.htm.
Steve Farmer, who received his doctorate from Stanford University, has
held a number of academic posts in premodern history and the history
of science. Among his recent works is his book Syncretism in the West,
which develops a cross-cultural m odel of the evolution of traditional
religious and philosophical systems. He is currently finishing a new
book on brain and the evolution of culture. He can be contacted at
in...@safarmer.com.
For the UNI dispatch, see http://www.indiaserver.com/thehindu/1999/07/12/stories/0212000l.htm.
Typically enough, in light of what we show below, Rajaram
misidentified the early text discovered by Meadow, working o ff a
photo of a different potsherd published in error by a BBC reporter.
For the story of this Rajaram fiasco, with links, see
http://www.safarmer.com/meadow.html.
N. Jha and N.S. Rajaram, The Deciphered Indus Script: Methodology,
readings, interpretations, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 2000; pages
xxvii + 269, Rs. 950.
See the comment by Meadow and Patel on Bknyi's work in South Asian
Studies 13, 1997, pp. 308-315.
For the original story of the debunking of the "horse seal," with
links to other evidence, see http://www.safarmer.com/horseseal/update.html.
For linguistic details, see M. Witzel, "Substrate Languages in Old
Indo-Aryan (Rigvedic, Middle and Late Vedic)," Electronic Journal of
Vedic Sanskrit, Vol. 5 (1999), Issue 1 (September), available in PDF
format from http://www1.shore.net/~india/ejvs/ejvs0501/ejvs0501article.pdf.
See also F. Staal in The Book Review, Vol. XXIV, Jan.-Feb., 2000, p.
17-20.
bademiyansubhanallah
Lord Murugan – “The Hindu God of War”
The story of the war god of Hindu Mythology is fascinating for many
reasons. He has many nicknames but his most common would be Skanda,
although it has been almost forgotten today after having been in
worship for over two millennia. Skanda was most popular because of
his absorption into the official pantheon as opposed to his previous
folk status, and the sudden decline in his all-India popularity to
once again being a local area god are all typical stages of this
sheltering process.
Click here to to view all available Murugan (Skanda) statues
As far as Indian history goes Skanda began his existence basically
from the beginning. He was a popular war god who lived on forested
hills, was fond of hunting and fighting and with an appetite for blood
sacrifices. He was young, handsome and a fire-eating, spear-wielding
bravo. This basic template went by many names in different parts of
the country. In Maharashtra he was called Khandoba and in vast areas
of the south of India the god was known as Malai Kilavan, the Lord of
the hills in ancient Tamil. His other name was Murugan. This is the
name that he is most recognized as today in places of worship. The
Indologist Hardy had a theory that Murugan worship under different
names was popular in the folk religion of the North of India too. He
was supported in this by Parpola who spent a long time attempting to
decipher the script of the Indus valley. Parpola came to the
conclusion that Murugan was a deity of the Indus valley culture and
that the very name Murugan is to be found in the language. While this
is not a popularly accepted view, the reason it could be put forward
is the uncontested antiquity of Skanda worship. If the Indus
civilization theory proves true then Skanda is at least five thousand
years old. In Maharashtra the assimilative forces of High Culture
could not force Khandoba out so easily and he remained an independent
god, although he is recognized as an avatar of Shiva.
It is interesting that most of the myths of Skanda deal with the
vexed question of his parentage. No other figure in mythology has so
many claimants for that status. Success indeed has many fathers, and
in Skanda's case mothers too - eight in the most popular version the
origin story! The many claimants for his parentage indicate his
immense importance for rival sects who needed the hill warrior's
popularity to bolster their numbers. The Ganapati worshippers alone
took an antagonistic stand when it was their time to bask in the sun,
they never could forgive Skanda his head start in popularity. The
Jains and Buddhists had no stories about Skanda as they did about the
Vedic deities; he was too violent for them. The Mahabharata seems to
have the first version of his origin though the Ramayana has a little
section that covers familiar ground too.
With time Skanda worship began to trial off and it is only in Tamil
Nadu that he has any significant presence. The most important temple
there is on the shores of the sea and is called Tirucchentur. Other
temples lie scattered about the state too and in the rest of South
India. This retreat of Skanda from the other quarters of India into
the south is documented in the myth that says he was infuriated with
his parents for preferring his younger brother Ganapati when it came
to who should get married first. A contest designed to solve this
issue came to naught - for Skanda made the trip round the universe
physically while Ganapati merely went round his parents stating that
they are the world. At a metaphysical level he was right but Skanda
went off in a rage that has still not abated. In many south Indian
temples they have an annual ritual where his Himalayan dwelling
parents come to visit their still sulking son! The myth also
accurately potrays an increasing Indian reference for Ganapati,
something that shows no sign of receding as yet.
Skanda rides a peacock called Paravani. His preferred weapon is the
Vel or spear hence the popular name Velâyudhan - he whose weapon is a
spear. He is called Yuddharanga or the wisdom of war too. He is
represented with six heads and twelve hands. He is popularly known as
Subramaniam too which is a common South Indian name.
bademiyansubhanallah
Robert Antoine: The Indologist
J Felix Raj, SJ
Life Sketch
Fr. Robert Antoine, SJ, was born on August 11, 1914, in Dolhain,
Belgium, joined the Society of Jesus in 1932, came to India in 1939
and became and Indian citizen in 1950. In 1951 he joined St. Xavier’s
Collegiate School as a full-time Sanskrit teacher. In 1956, he joined
the newly started department of Comparative Literature of Jadavpur
University and remained connected with this Department (of which he
became a reader) till his death on October 17, 1981.
Inspired by the De Nobili-Britto-Beschi example, and also by the
example of Abbe Godin and the French Worker-priests, Fr. Antoine
founded Shanti Bhavan, the apostolic centre of spiritual and cultural
life and dialogue in 1951 in Hindu locality of South Calcutta. There,
he lived in full Bengali fashion and devoted himself to the competent
pursuit of his chief interests: Sanskrit, Indian classical and
religious music, vernacular Christian liturgy and inter-religious and
inter-cultural dialogue.
His scholarly achievements were considerable to say the least. Besides
several articles and monographs, he had published a number of books.
During the 42 years he spent in India, most of the time in Calcutta,
he contributed a lot to the development of Bengali culture, to the
enrichment of the Bengali and Sanskrit languages, and to the growth of
the Church in West Bengal. His untimely death, caused by cancer of the
liver, shocked and deeply grieved the countless friends he had in West
Bengal. Antoine was an eminent priest, a scholar, an accomplished
teacher, a gifted musician, singer and a dear friend.
Fr. Antoine, the Indologist, the philosopher, the theologian, the
lover of music, art and literature, the pioneer of inculturation,
belonged to the school of Frs. Johanns, Dandoy, Bayart and Fallon who
had become enamoured of the rich religious and cultural heritage of
India and Bengal, made profound contributions to the dialogue between
Hinduism and Christianity and added a whole new dimension to apostolic
work. Their only ambition was to serve to the best of their abilities
the two causes that they cherished most in their hearts: the cause of
Christ and the cause of India. The two causes were inseparable: on the
one hand, India would find herself fully only when she had found
Christ, and on the other the mystic Christ would not be complete until
it had gathered to itself the most representative of the children of
India. It was not to be a one way traffic where the Church would only
give to India. She had also to receive from India the riches which God
had planted there. In this, they were pioneers who prepared through
many years the teaching of Vatican II on the church’s relationship
with non-Christian religions:1 (1. D’Souza, J, Fr. Julian Bayart, SJ –
A tribute”, God’s word among Men (ed G Gispert-Sauch), Vidyajoti, p
xvi)
The Church has this exhortation for her sons: prudently and lovingly,
through dialogue and collaboration with the followers of other
religions, and in witness of the Christian faith and life, let them
acknowledge, preserve and promote the spiritual and moral goods found
among these men, as well as the values in their society and culture.
(NA 2)
Fr. Antoine was a scholar in ancient Indian and western literatures,
and Indian religions, and one of the few priests who had mastered
Sanskrit and Bengali. He knew the people among whom he worked and
established long-lasting contacts with them. He shared in their
cultural and social life. He was familiar with their national and
religious traditions. His unequivocal fidelity to Christ as the
fullness of God’s revelation made him recognize and honour every spark
of truth and goodness wherever it was found. He exemplified the
paradox of Simone Weil that we must love truth more than Christ,
because before he was Christ, he was Truth. Speaking of his influence
on the fields of inculturation, inter-religious dialogue, on the
intelligentsia of Calcutta, on the students of Jadavpur University,
one cannot help comparing it to that of the devoted and self-effacing
Indian mother who wields a pervading influence on her family and is
the power behind the scenes.
He spent 42 years India, mostly in Calcutta. And Calcutta had become
his true home; he had so deeply rooted himself in this land of Bengal,
its culture, its way of life, that it became difficult to recall that
he had once been a foreigner. While paying his tribute to Fr. Antoine,
one of his students said: “With his Khurta, Pyjama, slippered feet and
sun tanned complexion, it would be incongruous to refer to him as a
foreign missionary. He was virtually the established Guru of the Hindu
Bengali youth of Jadavpur University and the much-esteemed guide,
philosopher and friend of many orthodox and influential Hindu Bengali
families.” 2 (2. From a speech given at the funeral ceremony.)
An Accomplished Teacher:
Sanskrit was introduced in St. Xavier’s School in 1938 at the
suggestion of the late Nilratan Sircar, a renowned Sanskrit scholar.
Fr. P Fallon was the first teacher. In 1939, Fr. Antoine, still a
Scholastic, took over from Fr. Fallon and taught Sanskrit for over a
year. Then in 1951, he joined the School as a full-time Sanskrit
teacher. Two years later, he wrote his first book in two parts, a
Sanskrit Manual and Book of Exercises for High School students. The
book has seen three editions and has been widely used at the high
school level all over the country.
In 1956, Fr. Antoine joined the newly started Department of
Comparative Literature of Jadavpur University, where he worked in
close collaboration with Buddhadev Bose, Sudhindranath Datta and other
eminent Bengali scholars. He remained connected with this department
(of which he had become a Reader) till his death. Besides these
regular teaching assignments, he gave at various times, courses on
Religion and Ethics at St. Xavier’s and Loretto Colleges. He even
found time to teach Greek and Latin to small groups of friends who
would regularly gather in his Shanti Bhavan residence.
All his former students remember him as an inspiring teacher, a friend
and a guide more than a mere class-room lecturer; he had a gift to
make them, not just know but love Homer and Valmiki, Virgil and
Kalidasa, Dante, Racine, Valery; “when reading with them the book of
Job he made them live personally the drama of Job’s anguished and yet
unshaken hope. 3 In truth he was a born teacher. To quote one of his
former students, “Fr. Antoine, who brought into teaching the zest
which characterised everything he did, was the first to make us relies
that Sanskrit wasn’t such a whopping bore, after all”.4 Reminiscing
about Fr. Antoine, Mathew Jaynath who was Fr. Antoine’s student in
Shanti Bhawan wrote: ‘First it was a teacher-student relationship,
soon it became a friendship, and finally, it became transformed into a
relationship of guru and sishya, he, the spiritual guide and I, the
seeker”.5 Fr. Antoine, free-thinking Jesuit and scholar in Sanskrit,
Bengali, Greek, Latin and five other languages, introduced his
students to the mysteries and joys of literature and was equally at
home with the Upanisads and the Bible.6
3. Fallon P, “Man of God who made his home in Kalighat”, Amrita Bazar
Patrika, Calcutta, Oct 19, 1981.
4. The Statesman, Calcutta, Oct 26, 1981.
5. Jaynath Mathew, “Fr. Antoine and the life I shared with him”, The
Herald, Calcutta, Nov 27, 1981.
6. Sen Pradip, “A Man of God”, Business Standard, Calcutta, Oct 25,
1981.
Shanti Bhawan Experiment:
From the very start of his teaching career Fr. Antoine had felt the
wish to share the life of those he taught and to identify himself, as
much as he could, with their cultural and social milieu. This led him
to go and live in a Hindu-Bengali locality of South Calcutta; together
with Fr. Fallon, he first lived for a year (1951) in the house of a
Bengali Family. Not satisfied with this experiment, in the following
year, he established his own little residence-cum-hostel, Shanti
Bhawan, in Prince Golam Mohamed Road, and this remained his family
home till he died. “This was a unique venture and constituted a major
departure form the established life-style of Jesuits in this part of
the world. Admittedly, in Post-War Europe various experiments were in
progress such as Catholic worker-priests and the winds of change were
slowly gathering momentum, but it must be remembered that Vatican II
was a long way off. Nevertheless there were the beginnings of a
ferment”7 (7 Ibid)
In West Bengal, the Church was, to say the least, tradition-bound at
the time. For Jesuits there were two main life-style – either being
attached to an educational institution or being attached to a parish.
Breaking away from this tradition was a major advance. The idea was a
daring one. Not only would they live the life of Bengali middle-class
gentlemen in a Bengali community but they would also work in their own
right in a non-Christian organization like any other layman. That the
experiment was a success goes without saying. As a Patrika journalist
put it, ‘the Shanti Bhawan brought there two great Jesuits who had
left the sanctuary of St. Xavier’s College closer to the Bengal they
had chosen to make their home’.8 Shanti Bhawan has been in existence
for almost 55 years. After a couple of years or so, Fr. Fallon moved
to North Calcutta where he set up a similar establishment “Shanti Nir”
and taught at Calcutta University. (8. Datta Jyotirmoy, “Last Battle
of a Sceptical Jesuit”, Amrita Bazar Patrika, Oct 17, 1981.)
Life at Shanti Bhawan had many facets. It housed about a dozen
students and working men who had considerable freedom but the overall
guidance was given by Fr. Antoine. It was, successful experiment in
community living. It soon became also the center where an ever-
increasing number of friends could come together. Some came for
spiritual guidance and religious inquiry; some loved to participate in
the liturgical worship, which Christian Bengali worshippers found so
authentically expressive of both their Christian faith and their own
cultural traditions; the students living there would bring their
friends.
Fr. Antoine had also started a Darsana Chakra, which brought together
month after month teachers and students of philosophy for an exchange
of views between thinkers belonging to Eastern and Western
metaphysical traditions (Sankara and Ramanuja, Thomas Aquinas and
Blondel, Bergson and Teilhard, Manabendra Ray and many others). At
these cordial “dialogues” many philosophical ideas came in for lively
and friendly reflection in the homely circle of Shanti Bhawan’s
learned visitors. And these “dialogues” were pursued from day today on
even more personal themes between Fr. Antoine and the many young and
old people who came to him, knowing they would meet a “man of God” and
a true friend always busy and yet always available, smiling and
welcoming them at any time, whether they came to confide in him a
hopeful dream or a depressing failure, religious doubts or moral
crises, or simply to ask his help and guidance in some thesis or book
they were planning to write.
Fr. Antoine used to have bantering exchanges with his great
colleagues, the poets Sudhindranath Datta and Buddhadev Bose, over the
Dantesque notion of Paradise from which heathens like Kalidasa and
Tagore were barred. He used to say that he did not know about that but
after he died he would like to enjoy the company of Datta and Bose. He
was fluent and powerful speaker and was often invited to give lectures
by educational institutions, religious and secular organizations, and
over the Radio and Television, on various topics, particularly the
Gita and the Bible. His eighteen discourses on the Gita, which he gave
to different organisations still remain unpublished.
From Shanti Bhavan originated other ‘conversions’ as well: the manner
of celebrating the Eucharistic service, of blessing marriages, the way
he dressed for liturgical ceremonies, inspired many in their efforts
at ‘inculturation’. He was a pioneer in the line of inculturation. To
him inculturation never was a policy, it was but the practical
expression of his faith in the incarnation.
Much more important was the contribution he made to bring about a
change in the attitude of many in the Catholic Church towards non-
Christian religions. His sincerely ‘dialogical’ and spiritually
respectful approach coupled with his positive and appreciative
understanding of the religious traditions and beliefs of those whom he
esteemed and loved, never lessened his own faith in Christ and loyalty
to the Church, but freed his zeal from any kind of aggressive
fanaticism or impatient proselytism. He came more and more to
understand the reality of the divine workings of God’s grace in the
hearts of his many non-Christian friends. He knew that these could
help him to probe ever deeper the Mystery of God, that he had a
precious message to communicate but also much to learn and receive
through his communion with them.9 (9. see Fallon.)
One of his Hindu friends wrote in a newspaper: “the more he discarded
the trappings of religion, the more spiritual beauty he seemed to
radiate. Non-conformed couples would have him solemnized their
marriage, and he would be called upon to deliver the oration at many a
Hindu Sradh, where he would read passages from the Bible and the
Upanisads”10 At Shanti Bhavan he was a rare combination of scholar,
parish priest, University professor, social and cultural figure and
good friend. To each of these roles he brought a passion and an
intensity that was truly extraordinary. His Novel but authentic
attitude to life, existentially lived through the years, did more than
many theoretical discourse and treatises to bring about a new
orientation and a more “Catholic” vision in the life of the Church in
recent times. 10 See Jyotirmoy Datta
Musical Revolution:
In his small gurukul-like Shanti Bhavan he had adopted an altogether
Bengali way of life, and his students and friends were the teachers
who initiated their foreign guru into the homely Indianness of his new
life, Indian music and Rabindra Sangita. Shanti Bhavan soon filled
with song. Fr. Antoine became an able singer and even composer of
genuinely Bengali music. He composed a number of hymns which are sung
in prayer meetings and Eucharistic celebrations. In 1963 he published
a Bengali Hymn Book and a Liturgy of the Holy Week.
He brought about a musical conversion and revolution in the Christian
churches and chapels of the Christian Bengali community. He
encouraged, at times personally trained, young and gifted exponents of
genuinely Bengali religious music. Former Latin and other Western
tunes gave place to Indian ragas and raginis under his inspiring
guidance. He was at home with the scale, the technique and the ‘tal’
of Indian music. He was secretary of the Music section of Sarat Bose
Academy for several years; in that capacity, he demonstrated, on many
occasions, hymns and songs of the East and West. He had also made a
comparative study of Indian and Western music. In one of his well-
appreciated articles on Music Indian and Western he says:
Besides technical differences, it would appear that one of the main
divergences between Indian and Western music is the Indian emphasis on
the display of skill. The achievement of the great Indian artists
essentially consists in being so skilful as to make the audience
forget their skill and transport them beyond the realm of mere
admiration for musical acrobatics into that of pure aesthetic joy,
from the realm of ‘citra’ into that of ‘rasa’11 (11 Antoine R, “Music
Indian and Western”, Annual Souvenir of 1958 of Sarat Bose Academy,
Calcutta.)
His Literary Contributions:
Over the years Fr. Antoine published several monographs and articles
as well as a number of books. It would be worthwhile exercise to bring
out a collection of his published work. I hope the Jesuit Province of
Calcutta will do something about it.
As a scholar, well-versed in the Greek and Latin Classics and even
more familiar with the Sanskrit Classics, Fr. Antoine in collaboration
with Dr. Hrishikesh Bose, made a Bengali translation of the Aeneid of
Virgil in 1972 and of the Seven Theban Tragedies in 1974. An English
translation of Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa was published in 1972. He had
already published in 1957 Where We All Meet – A Dialogue. This book
was the echo of a real dialogue and the fruit of the unique experience
of the common quest shared by many of his friends. It contains
stimulating discussions on philosophical and theological questions –
God, evil, suffering, man, world, religion and so on. It was his
sincere effort to see things from the other’s point of view and to
broaden and enrich one’s own approach. He says in this book: “mutual
understanding is more fruitful than controversy … It makes the meeting
of friends a source of immense joy. Rivalry is transformed into
collaboration and the fear of humiliation replaced by the exhilarating
feeling that we are seeking together our common liberation in the one
Truth which embraces us all”12 (12 Where We All Meet – A Dialogue,
Light of the East series, Calcutta, No 51, 1957, p1.)
For many years, Fr. Antoine had reflected on the religious
significance of ancient myths, especially those that gave the Sanskrit
Epics their supra-temporal value and spiritual dimension.
Consequently, he published in 1975 Rama and the Bards, a critical
study of the ‘epic memory” in the Ramayana, while yet to be published
is the unfinished type-script of a second book on The Technique of
Oral Composition in the Ramayana, a sequel to Rama and the Bards. It
is a thesis in which he continued his research into the more-than
literary origins of the Songs of Rama. He had just one chapter left
and it was a cruel irony of fate that cancer took him away before he
could finish it. The Jadavpur University has been generous enough to
publish in two parts all the eight chapters of this unfinished book in
the Jadavpur Journal of Comparative Literature (Vols. 21 and 22, 1983
and 1984).
From August 1957 to June 1959, a team of Jesuit scholars published
“Hinduism – a Course by Letter”, a series of 24 monthly articles. This
was an introduction giving busy people the main practical aspects of
Hinduism. Fr. Antoine and Fr. Fallon contributed the greater number of
those letters. These were later published in book form in 1961 under
the title of “Religious Hinduism” Fr. Antoine had himself contributed
nine of the essays gathered together in this book, especially those on
the Mahabharata, the sacred books and religious literature on
Hinduism, Hindu rituals and Samskaras, its Ethics and Worship. German
and French translations have been published and the book has seen four
English editions.
Fr. Antoine has published many articles in the Jadavpur Journal of
Comparative Literature, the Visvabharati Quarterly and other learned
reviews. All the articles reflect his indepth comparative study of
ancient Indian and Western literature. Prominent among then are: “Homo
Viator” and “The Curse in Oedipus Rex and Abhijnanasakuntalam’. Any
knowledgeable Indian, reading his articles, must feel proud of this
great Jesuit for his successful scholarly treatment of the superiority
of the Eastern cultures over the West. His articles clearly show how
deeply he had been attracted by the treasures hidden in ancient
cultures, a world of extraordinary spiritual vitality.13 (13 Pradip
Sen)
Inspired by Baudelaire’s poem “Le Voyage” he wrote the article “Homo
Viator” – ‘Man on the Way’. In this article the makes a profound
analysis of a number of Mythical “Men on the Way” in the whole range
of Western civilization – Ulysses, Jason, Alexander and Aeneas; the
wandering Jew and the knights of the Grail, followed by the Crusaders;
great expeditions to the New World floated across the scene, and,
finally, the cosmonauts who took their flights towards other planets.
In vain did he look for a parallel mythic image in Indian culture:
I thought of the Parivrajaka, the wandering mendicant who has no home
here below. But I felt immediately that the parallel would not work.
There was a radical difference between the restlessness of the Western
traveler and the serenity of the Indian mendicant. The Indian
Parivrajaka is homeless because he has found his true home ‘in the
cave of his heart’ whereas the Western traveler, in the words of
Baudelaire, is a prisoner who can never escape the receding walls of
his prison. 14 (14 Antoine R, “Homo Viator”, Visvabharati Quarterly,
Calcutta, Vol 41, Nos 1-4 (1975-76), p1)
In the same article he brings out a point in the contrast between
Tantalus and Buddha as mythical symbols of Western and Eastern
cultures, and quotes Jean Brun: “The West is primarily Tantalus.
Tantalus is a prisoner of the ‘here’ … The East, on the contrary, is
Buddha with folded hands. He has found wisdom in the extinction of
desires …”15 Is Fr. Antoine’s Homo Viator’ a pilgrim or a vagabond? He
is “a potential pilgrim who chose to be a vagabond” because “the West
has found it increasingly difficult to accept the impermanence of its
a achievements and has clung to the hope that man alone will
eventually solve the riddle of human existence. Any reliance on a
Transcendent has been branded as a shameful abdication.” 16
15 Ibid, p 2 (Jean Brun’s “Les Vagabonds de l’Occident”, Paris 1976.
16 Ibid, p 27.
In the article “The Curse in Oedipus Rex and Abhijnanasakuntalam,” Fr.
Antoine makes a parallel study of Kalidasa’s and Sophocles’ approaches
to the world ‘Curse’ which, in ancient cultures, like its
counterparts: oaths, boon and oracle, had a great respect and
possessed a power which bound gods and man alike. The most interesting
feature of the article is the difference in the nature of a curse in
the ancient Indian and Greek traditions:
In the Indian tradition a good number of curses are conditional.
Either in the formulation of the curse itself or as a result of a
prayer for mercy, a condition is attached to the curse, which, once
fulfilled, puts an end to the ineluctability of the punishment … In
the Greek tradition, on the contrary, there are no conditional curses.
There may be a condition previous to the curse, as in the case of
Laius…17 (17 Ibid “The Curse in Oedipus Rex and Abhijnanasakuntalam”,
Jadavpur Journal of Comparative Literature, Vol 18-19 (1980-81), pp
1-2.)
For Example:
In Kalidasa’s play it is the curse which is the mainspring of the
dramatic action: the curse cause the king to forget and explains the
estrangement of the two lovers who, ignorant of Durvasa’s malediction,
fail to understand what is happening to them. Because the curse is
conditional, it loses its power once the ring is placed before
Dusyanta … In Oedipus Rex, precisely because Sophocles deliberately
keeps the curse outside the dramatic action, it is Oedipus’ initiative
which sets the dramatic action moving … the dramatic action is the
passage from ignorance to knowledge. Sophocles has deliberately shorn
his play of all ethical undertones in order to present man in the
stark precariousness of his condition. Sophocles has great respect for
man (one may remember here his Ode to Man in Antigone), but man is not
fully the master of his destiny. There are hidden powers which shape
his life…18 (18 Ibid, pp 11-12)
Scholar, Fr. Antoine certainly was. And yet, literature was not as
important as life to him. There was a deep inner connection between
Antoine the scholar and Antoine the man. He believed in the
importance, as he unsed to say, of “being” rather than “having”. To
quote his own words, ‘living in God is like soft music which brings
internal harmony and peace. As soon as you try to rationalise it, the
music stops.”
His zest for life combined with the need for inner tranquility meant a
constant struggle, the inevitable predicament of a sensitive soul in
today’s mindless acquisitive world. Such peace and inner composure
that he acquired was hard won. His life-style bears ample testimony to
this – he was no ivory tower intellectual, but a vibrant person who
felt, thought and suffered to the core. He was genuinely concerned
about people and life around him and what is more, capable of being
disturbed. His vulnerability was the measure of his concern. To
Bengalis, this non-conformist ‘sanyasin,’ by his gentle nature,
erudite scholarship and catholic vision, had become one of their very
own.
Fr. Antoine’s Literary works
Books
1953: A Sanskrit Manual for High Schools, 2 parts, Calcutta, St.
Xavier’s College.
1957: Where We All Meet – A Dialogue, Calcutta, Light of the East
Series No. 51, COP.
1963: Gan Kara Nava Git, A Bengali Hymn book, Calcutta, Shanti
Bhavan.
1964: Religious Hinduism, A Presentation and appraisal by Jesuit
Scholars, Allahabad, St. Paul’s Publications. (Fr. Antoine, with some
other Jesuit friends, had planned this book, first as a series of 24
monthly letters which appeared from June 1957 to June 1959, then, with
Frs. J Neuner and R De Smet as editors, as an enlarged book in 1964.
Fr. Antoine contributed himself nine of the chapters of this book)
1965: Introduction to Upanisads, Monograph, Pune, Papal Seminary.
1967: The Mystery of Man, Calcutta, Xavier Publication.
1972: Virgil’s Aeneid, translated into Bengali, Calcutta, Jadavpur
University.
1972: Kalidasa’s Raghuvamsa, translated into English, Calcutta,
Writer’s Workshop.
1974: Seven Theban Tragedies, translated from the Greek to Bengali,
Calcutta, Jadavpur University.
1975: Rama and the Bards, Epic Memory in the Ramayana, Calcutta,
Writer’s Workshop.
Articles
“Music Indian and Western”, The Annual Souvenir of 1958, Sarat Bose
Academy (Calcutta)
“A Pioneer of Neo-Hinduism” Bankim C Chatterjee”, Indica, IHRI
Commemoration Volume, St. Xavier’s College, Bombay 1953.
“Indian and Greek Epic”, Quest, April 1958.
“The Gospel and Modern Indian Thought”, Lumen Vitae (Brussels), 1953.
“Religious Symbolism in the Kausitaki Upanisad”, Baroda Journal of the
Oriental Institute, 1951.
“The Eucharist and the Industrialization”, India and the Eucharist, pp
61-70.
“Homo Viator”, The Visvabharati Quarterly (Calcutta), Vol 41, Nos 1-4,
1975-76, pp 1-17.
“The Curse in Oedipus Rex and Abhijnanasakuntalam”, Jadavpur Journal
of Comparative Literature, Vol 18-19, 1880-81, pp 1-12.
“The Technique of Oral composition in the Ramayana”, Jadavpur Journal
of Comparative Literature, Vol 21, 1983, pp 1-21.
The Technique of Oral Composition in the Ramayana” (cont) JJCL, Vol
22, 1984.
bademiyansubhanallah
THE FIRST SCHOLARS OF INDOLOGY by Satsvarupa das Goswami
by Divya on Mon 29 Jun 2009 03:59 PM
First Vedic scholars did not form a unified political or academic
party; they were variously conservative, liberal, and radical. Sir
William Jones, the first Britisher to master Sanskrit and study the
Vedas, drew fire from the eminent British historian James Mill for his
"hypothesis of a high state of civilization."1 Typically, Mill
believed that the people of India never had been advanced and that
therefore their claim to a glorious past (which some of the early
Indologists supported) was historical fantasy. At any rate, by
translating the Vedas for the Western reader and thus evincing the
ancient Vedic genius, the scholars increased India's prestige in the
West. On the other hand, as Aubrey Menen has said, "It should be
remembered that they [the English of the seventeenth century] were not
the almost pagan English of today. Every man was a Christian, and it
was a Christian's duty to wash the heathen in the blood of the lamb."2
Nonetheless, some of the early scholars rather admired the Vedic
culture they were investigating, even though they initially conceived
of themselves as bearers of Christian light to the sacred darkness of
the heathens.
Sir William Jones (1746-1794), Charles Wilkins (1749-1836), and Thomas
Colebrooke (1765-1837) are considered the fathers of Indology.3 Jones
was educated at Oxford and there began his studies in Oriental and
other languages; he is said to have mastered a total of sixteen. In
addition, he wrote a Persian grammar, translated various Oriental
literatures, and also practiced law. After his appointment as judge of
the Supreme Court, Sir William went to Calcutta, in 1783. There he
founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal and was its president throughout
his life. He translated a number of Sanskrit works into English, and
his investigations into languages mark him as one of the most
brilliant minds of the eighteenth century. Sir William was not prone
to invective against another's religion, particularly the Vedic, which
he admired. In his view the narratives of the East, like those of
Greece and Rome, could enrich both the English tradition and the human
mind. Notwithstanding, Sir William's stance was that of "a devout and
convinced Christian."4 Thus, he described the Bhagavata Purana as "a
motley story,"5 and he speculated that the Bhagavata came from the
Christian gospels, which had been brought to India and "repeated to
the Hindus, who ingrafted them on the old fable of Ce'sava [Kesava, a
name for Krsna], the Apollo of Greece."6 Of course, this theory has
been discredited since records of Krsna worship predate Christ by
centuries.7
H. H. Wilson ( 1786-1860), described as "the greatest Sanskrit scholar
of his time,"8 received his education in London and journeyed to India
in the East India Company's medical service. He became secretary of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1811-1833), and medical duties
notwithstanding, he published a Sanskrit-English dictionary. He became
Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford in 1833, librarian of the India
House in 1836, and director of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1837.
Titles credited to his name include Visnu Purana, Lectures on the
Religious and Philosophical Systems of the Hindus, and Rg Veda, among
others. Also, he helped Mill's History of India and edited several
other translations of Eastern literatures. He also proposed that
Britain restrain herself from forcing the Hindus to give up their
religious traditions. Compared to the evangelists, he appears to have
been a champion of the preservation of Vedic ideas. Yet we may be a
little startled by his stated motives:
From the survey which has been submitted to you, you will perceive
that the practical religion of the Hindus is by no means a
concentrated and compact system, but a heterogeneous compound made up
of various and not infrequently incompatible ingredients, and that to
a few ancient fragments it has made large and unauthorized additions,
most of which are of an exceedingly mischievous and disgraceful
nature. It is, however, of little avail yet to attempt to undeceive
the multitude; their superstition is based upon ignorance, and until
the foundation is taken away, the superstructure, however crazy and
rotten, will hold together.9
Ultimately, Wilson felt that the Christian culture should simply
replace the Vedic culture, and he believed that full knowledge of the
Indian tradition would help effect that conversion. In his modulated
conservatism he seemed to echo the East India Company. Aware that the
people of India would not easily give up their tradition, he made this
shrewd commentary:
The whole tendency of brahminical education is to enforce dependence
upon authority-in the first instance upon the guru, in the next upon
the books. A learned brahmana trusts solely to his learning; he never
ventures upon independent thought; he appeals to memory; he quotes
texts without measure and in unquestioning trust. It will be difficult
to persuade him that the Vedas are human and very ordinary writings,
that the Puranas are modern and unauthentic, or even that the tantras
are not entitled to respect. As long as he opposes authority to
reason, and stifles the workings of conviction by the dicta of a
reputed sage, little impression can be made upon his understanding.
Certain it is, therefore, that he will have recourse to his
authorities, and it is therefore important to show that his
authorities are worthless.10
Wilson also warned that the Vedic adherents were likely to show
"tenacious obstinacy" about their "speculative tenets ... particularly
those regarding the nature and condition of the soul."11 But he was
hopeful that by inspired, diligent effort the "specious" system of
Vedic thought would be "shown to be fallacious and false by the
Ithuriel spear of Christian truth."12 As the first holder of Oxford's
Boden Chair for Sanskrit, H. H. Wilson delivered public lectures to
promote his cause. He intended that the lectures "help candidates for
a prize of two hundred pounds ... for the best refutation of the Hindu
religious system."13 Wilson's writings are full of similar passages,
including a detailed method for exploiting the native Vedic psychology
by use of a counterfeit guru-disciple relationship. Now, in Wilson's
case, the charge of bias has become aggravated by charges of invalid
scholarship. Recently, Natalie P. R. Sirkin presented documented
evidence that betrays Wilson as a plagiarist: his most important
publications were collected manuscripts by deceased authors whose
works he credited to himself, as well as works done without research.
"He wrote an analysis of the Puranas without reading them."14
Another renowned pioneer Indologist was F. Max Muller (1823-1900),
born at Dessau and educated in Leipzig. He learned Sanskrit and
translated the ancient Hitopadesa before coming to England, in 1846.
Comissioned by the East India Company to translate the Rg Veda, he
lived at Oxford and wrote many books on mythology and comparative
religion. Muller is best known for his series Sacred Books of the
East, a fifty-volume work which he devoted himself to editing in 1875.
In 1876, Muller wrote to a friend, "India is much riper for
Christianity than Rome or Greece were at the time of Saint Paul."15 He
added that he would not like to go to India as a missionary, because
that would make him dependent on the government. His preference was
this: "I should like to live for ten years quite quietly and learn the
language, try to make friends, and then see whether I was fit to take
part in a work, by means of which the old mischief of Indian
priestcraft could be overthrown and the way opened for the entrance of
simple Christian teaching."16 Muller regarded Vedic philosophy as
"Aryan legend" and "myth," and he believed that Aryan civilizations
had simply helped bring about the evolution of Christianity. "History
seems to think that the whole human race required gradual education
before, in the fullness of time, it could be admitted to the truths of
Christianity."17 Muller added, "The ancient religions of the world may
have but served to prepare the way of Christ by helping through its
very errors."18
H. H. Wilson's successor in Oxford's Boden Chair was Sir Monier Monier-
Williams (1819-1899). Born in Bombay, Monier-Williams attended the
East India Company's college and later taught there. After his
appointment as a professor of Sanskrit at Oxford, in 1870, he
delivered an inaugural lecture entitled "The Study of Sanskrit in
Relation to Missionary Work in India." Monier-Williams also wrote a
book called Hinduism (1894), which was published and distributed by
the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. He is best known to
twentieth-century Indology students for his Sanskrit-English
Dictionary. Also, he dedicated twenty-five years to founding an
institution at Oxford for disseminating information about Indian
literature and culture. He succeeded, and the Indian Institute
formally opened in 1896. Monier-Williams disapproved of Muller's
evolution-to-Christianity view of the Vedic sastra:
There can be no doubt of a greater mistake than to force these non-
Christian bibles into conformity with some scientific theory of
development and then point to the Christian's Holy Bible as the
crowning product of religious evolution. So far from this, these non-
Christian bibles are all developments in the wrong direction. They all
begin with some flashes of true light and end in utter darkness.19
Monier-Williams further wrote, "It seems to me that our missionaries
are already sufficiently convinced of the necessity of studying these
works, and of making themselves conversant with the false creeds they
have to fight against. How could an army of invaders have any chance
of success in an enemy's country without a knowledge of the position
and strength of its fortresses, and without knowing how to turn the
batteries they may capture against the foe?"20
Another early Indologist was Theodore Goldstucker (1821-1872), born at
Konigsberg and educated there and at Bonn, where he studied Sanskrit,
philosophy, and Oriental languages. After settling in England, in
1850, he received appointment as a professor of Sanskrit at London's
University College; he held this post until his death. Goldstucker
wrote a number of books on Sanskrit literature and founded the Society
for the Publication of Sanskrit Texts. He also participated in many
writing and research projects concerning India. The Dictionary of
Indian Biography describes him as an authority on ancient Hindu
literature.21 Goldstucker regarded the people of India as being
burdened by Vedic religion, which had only brought them worldwide
"contempt and ridicule." Thus, he proposed to reeducate them with
European values. Goldstucker wrote, "The means for combating that
enemy is as simple as it is irresistible: a proper instruction of the
growing generation in its ancient literature."22 In his book Inspired
Writings of Hinduism, Goldstucker assailed the validity of Vedic
literature. His aim was to demonstrate to the new generation of Vedic
followers that he had scholastically annihilated their scripture and
that they should show their appreciation by adopting European values
and improving their character.
It is lamentable that this sectarian raison d'etre clouded the early
study of Vedic literature. At any rate, when reading the theories or
analyses of these early Indologists, the student would do well to bear
in mind the bias behind the brilliant scholarship.
1- Majumdar, History and Culture, p. 338.
2 - Aubrey Menen, The Mystics, p. 118.
3 - A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, p. 5.
4 - "Jones Tradition in British Orientalism," Indian Arts and Letters
20 (1946): 10.
5 - Sir William Jones, The Works of Sir William Jones, p. 395.
6 - Ibid.
7 - Richard Garbe, India and Christendom: The Historical Connection
Between Their Religions, trans. Lydia J. Robinson, pp. 214-217.
8 - C.E. Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, p. 455.
9 - H.H. Wilson, Works, vol. 2, pp. 79-80.
10 - Ibid., pp. 80-81.
11 - Ibid., p. 114.
12 - Ibid., p. 115.
13 - "Horace Hayman Wilson," Emminent Orientalists, pp. 71-72.
14 - " H.H. Wilson and Gamesmanship in Indology," Asian Studies 3
(1965): 303.
15 - Nirad C. Chaudhuri, Scholar Extraordinary, p. 325.
16 - Ibid.
17 - Vivekenanda Rock Memorial Committee, India's Contribution to
World Thought and Culture, pp. 167-168.
18 - Ibid.
19 - Sir Monier Monier-Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India,
p. 10.
20 - Ibid.
21 - Buckland, Dictionary, p. 169.
22 - Theodore Goldstucker, Inspired Writings of Hinduism, p. 115.
bademiyansubhanallah
Sunday, September 18, 2005
Macaulays, Muellers exposed
Satish Misra
Lies with Long Legs
by Prodosh Aich. Samskriti. Pages 404. Rs 650.
IN his painstakingly long academic journey through mountains of source
material available in Europe, Prof Prodosh Aich establishes that the
entire understanding of India developed by self-claimed scholars from
West is erroneous, since the initial attempt to comprehend ancient
India through the Vedas was itself faulty.
He questions the validity of the works of the famous western scholars
who translated the Vedic literature from Sanskrit into Italian,
English and German. A vast majority of them did not even set foot on
the Indian soil and those who came here did not learn the ancient
language in an organised manner, even though translation needs an
equal command of both languages. Since Sanskrit was not a spoken
language, it was all the more difficult for them to develop language
skills required for translation.
Colonialist Imperial England had prepared a concerted design to
establish the superiority of white, blue eyed, blond, Christian
culture over other cultures that they opted to define as "primitive",
particularly in case of India.
Prof Aich uses juxtaposition to drive home a point and leaves
judgement to readers. He frames a question and then answers it by
using the primary source material. The book is bound to trigger an
academic debate in the West also and would go a long way to establish
once for all that the much-trumpeted and self-championed discipline of
Indology in the West has in fact been based on falsehood.
It must have been a design that none of the scholars so far bothered
to use the existing material, so abundantly available, which could
have helped to unravel the truth about the colonial powers and
imperial administration and bureaucracy. Scholars after scholars, even
after the end of colonial empire, have continued to overlook the
material that would have removed the well-laid myths about Indian
society, polity and culture.
It would raise questions on popularly accepted theories on India, such
as did the Aryans come to this part of the world from the north or
they emigrated and then pushed back the original inhabitants to south.
The book also puts a serious question mark on the anthropological
understanding of the ancient Indian society as sought to be explained
on the basis of the colour of the skin.
Prof Aich has dissects the methods adopted by famous Indologists for
collecting material for their renowned works and made rightful
inquires into their sources. A Jesuit father, Roberto de Nobili, in
his missionary zeal, went to the extent of claiming that he had been
able to find the lost Yajur Veda, which in fact was a copy that he had
written to establish that there was indeed a relationship between
Christianity and ancient Indian practices preserved and followed by
Brahmins. In order to win the confidence of the local Brahmin
community, he even called himself a Brahmin from Rome.
The author has put every Indologist under the microscope and exposed
the majority. Comparing their descriptions with the writings of
Megasthenes and others, the author shows how the 18 and 19th century
Indologists did irreparable damage to the people of India.
Sir William Jones, celebrated as the Father of Indology in the UK,
befooled not only his superiors but also the entire academic community
by claiming that he knew 32 languages, including Sanskrit. He came to
India as one of the Judges and went on to set up the Asiatic Society
of Bengal, which closed its doors to the Asians, on January 15, 1784.
He disseminated so much false information about India that an entirely
wrong image of this ancient society was painted in the popular mind.
German Indologist, Friedrich Maximilian Mueller, known here as Max
Mueller, despite never visiting India, came to be known as the most
authoritative Sanskrit expert.
It’s now beyond doubt that it was an English conspiracy hatched by
none other than Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay, who wanted to control
Indian minds by ensuring that they should know, comprehend and
understand India through books written in English. Mueller became an
instrument in Macaulay’s plan to convince the majority of the local
population that the English alien rule was better for them.
Macaulay had written in 1835 in absolutely clear terms: "We are not
content to leave the natives to the influence of their own heredity
prejudices..."
Till the l6th century, social studies, including historical studies,
did not use racial terminology.
It was used later, by the British, to create a conscious divide
between the ruled and the ruling classes, by bringing in words like
"us" and "them" alien and local, Aryans and non-Aryans, Indo-European
or Indo-German, so much so that a new discipline, "ethnography" came
to be established at the European academic institutions.
Even physical descriptions like skin colour and types of lips, etc.
were consciously used to drive a wedge between people. Stories of
conquests were designed as the "historical justification" for looting,
building strongholds, colonising foreign lands with the purpose of
sustained exploitation and presented as an inherent law of evolution.
The conquerors, the deliberate killers, the occupants, the exploiters
were hailed for having brought culture and "civilization" into the
"colonies". They were just following the pattern of the nomads on
grazing grounds who came in some "pre-historic" period and brought
"civilization" into India. "What could be wrong with that?
The book has exposed the western scholars who are never tired of
claiming their objectivity and impartiality.
bademiyansubhanallah
Vol:23 Iss:25 URL: http://www.flonnet.com/fl2325/stories/20061229001709400.htm
INDOLOGY
Tamil scholar from France
T.S. SUBRAMANIAN
A look at the work and achievements of Dr. Francois Gros and the
French Institute of Pondicherry.
PICTURES: T. SINGARAVELOU
A front view of the French Institute of Pondicherry.
THE "Navarathiri" or Durga Puja holidays were around the corner. This
is a time when women in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry arrange exhibitions
of dolls called "golu" and invite their friends home. We were in Dr.
Francois Gros' elegant flat, close to the beachfront in Puducherry.
"This is my `golu'," he said, smiling and pointing to a short wooden
cupboard with glass doors that had rows of painted dolls arranged
neatly on the shelves. They were made by artisans in Andhra Pradesh.
"I bought them 18 years ago. They belonged to the family of a
Chettiar," said Gros. The Chettiar's family was relocating and wanted
to sell off the dolls piece by piece. "I bought all of them. But there
is no Saraswathi [goddess of learning] here. They kept the Saraswathi
doll with them. You cannot sell Saraswathi, can you?" said Gros.
The seventy-three-year-old Gros, an Indologist from France, is a Tamil
scholar. He is as much at home with classical Tamil literature such as
Silappadhikaram, Paripadal and Pathupattu as with contemporary Tamil
literature, including Dalit literature.
For sheer depth of scholarship, he is ranked with foreign scholars
such as George L. Hart and Kamil Zvelibil. Today, Gros is Professor of
South Indian History and Philology, L'Ecole Pratique des Hautes
Etudes, the Sorbonne University of Paris, France.
Gros has translated into French Tamil classics such as Paripadal and
Tirukkural and devotional Saiva literature such as the verses of
Karaikaal Ammaiyar. He has also translated several Tamil short
stories. He has published books on medieval South Indian history and
archaeology, including deeply researched volumes on the history of
temple towns such as Uttiramerur. These volumes also deal with the
inscriptions of the temples in Uttiramerur and Thiruvannamalai. M.
Kannan, a researcher in the Contemporary Tamil Studies section of the
Indology Department, French Institute of Pondicherry (IFP),
Puducherry, and Gros are now engaged in translating contemporary Tamil
poems into French. They are going to cover a wide range of poems,
beginning with those of the great Tamil nationalist poet Subramaniya
Bharathi. They will also cover 200 poems of Atmanaam (S.K. Madu),
Pramil (Dharmu Sivaramu) and S. Vilvaratnam, a Sri Lankan Tamil poet,
and those belonging to the Tamil diaspora and others. Gros and Kannan
have translated 20 Tamil short stories into French and published them
in the form of a book. The book is dedicated to the late Munuswamy
Naidu, who was the first person to teach Tamil to Gros. Gros and
Kannan have brought out a research article on Dalit literature in
Tamil.
If Gros is fascinated by great academic scholars such as T.P.
Meenakshisundaram Pillai, Ca. Vaiyapuri Pillai, M. Varadarajan
(Mu.Va., as he is popularly known) and V.I. Subramonian, he praises
the contribution made to the study of Tamil literature by non-academic
scholars such as P.N. Appuswamy, N. Kandasamy Pillai and Ku.Pa.
Sethuraman. "They were not faculty members of universities but were
outstanding figures in their devotion to Tamil literature although
they had different occupations... ," he said. They were advocates,
zamindars and industrialists.
Appuswamy was a lawyer by profession and was closely associated with
Vaiyapuri Pillai, editor of Tamil Lexicon, Madras University.
Appuswamy worked towards popularising science in Tamil, and he
published in magazines such as Manjari and Kalaimagal and in the Tamil
daily Dinamani.
Kandasamy Pillai was a zamindar, a lawyer and a film-producer. Gros
called him "a multi-faceted scholar", who worked on the history of
Siddha medicine. He was associated with Karanthai Tamil Sangam. It was
Kandasamy Pillai who made it possible for the IFP to have an index of
ancient Tamil literature. This was published in three volumes, and "it
is an essential tool for anyone who wants to seriously study Tamil
literature," said Gros. The IFP is planning to publish Kandasamy
Pillai's English translations of Tamil Sangam classics.
S. Rajan, an industrialist, published ancient Tamil classics, at Rs.1
a volume with "santhi" split, that is, splitting syncopated words to
enable beginners to relish the poems. The New Century Book House has
republished these volumes. Rajan worked with a team of scholars to
compile an index of the Tamil inscriptions found in Tamil Nadu into a
dictionary. This dictionary was published by Dr. Y. Subbarayalu, who
is now the coordinator of the project in the IFP on the Historical
Atlas of South India. Sethuraman, an industrialist from Kumbakonam,
made his mark in epigraphy.
Gros recalled his association with Tamil scholars such as V.N.
Subramania Iyer and Ki. Va. Ja (Ki.Va. Jagannathan). "V.N. Subramania
Iyer and Ki. Va. Ja were the two eyes of U.V. Swaminatha Iyer," he
said. While Subramania Iyer was a quiet man, Ki.Va.Ja became popular
because he lectured a lot on classical Tamil literature. U.V.
Swaminatha Iyer was a great Tamil scholar and discovered many texts of
Tamil Sangam literature in palm-leaf manuscripts.
"These are some of the examples we can give of people who wanted to do
something for classical Tamil. I want to highlight the true devotion
of these people, who were not academics and who contributed greatly to
get Tamil recognised as a classical language."
The Indologist has a flair for Dalit literature in Tamil. In his essay
"Why Dalit literature on the premises of the French Institute" in the
book titled Dalit Literature: My Experience, edited by Kannan, Gros
says with remarkable insight, "... In fact, today, a majority of non-
Dalit critics go to the extent of saying that Dalit literature is a
literature of frustration, revolt and/or lament and agony... There is,
truly, much more to discover. Dalit communities have a very rich and
deep cultural heritage, a folk tradition of tales, songs and
performing arts, an amazing variety of practices and usages in their
daily life, martial arts, popular medicine, entertainments and
craftsmanship and a wonderful world of gods, goddesses and devils, and
all elements that contribute to the creation of an original imaginary
world that is in no way less important or less fascinating than
classical mythology or orthodox manners and customs. Dalit writers
have often, in the quest for their identity, paid a high price for
mastering such an inheritance."
Gros is one of the founders of an ambitious project to prepare the
Historical Atlas of South India, which will depict the history of
South India in maps from prehistory to A.D. 1600. A bibliophile, he
has one of the finest collections of books on India and Tamil
literature in his home in Lyons, France. Kannan calls it "one of the
best collections in the world and a rare collection".
Dr. Francois Gros with his "golu".
Gros never fails to pay a tribute to Dr. Jean Filliozat, an eminent
Indologist, who was the first Director of the IFP when it was founded
in 1955. Dr. Filliozat was simultaneously the Director of the Ecole
francaise d'Extreme-Orient (EFEO), which is also located in
Puducherry. A medical doctor by training, Dr. Filliozat was a
Sankritist who was deeply interested in Saiva Siddhantha and Ayurveda.
"It was Dr. Filliozat who opened the doors of modern India to me,"
Gros said.
It is not Tamil literature alone that fascinates Gros but Indian
history and culture as well. He is a friend of Romesh Thapar, founder
and editor of Seminar; his sister Romila Thapar, an eminent historian;
Bipin Chandra, also an historian and one who has written on India's
freedom movement; and Lokesh Chandra, whom he describes as an
eipgraphist and a historian "with a very broad outlook". He cherishes
his friendship with Kapila Vatsayayan, historian of the arts. She and
Gros have commissioned books on the Brihadiswara temples of Thanjavur
and Gangaikondacholapuram, both situated in Tamil Nadu. "Kapila is one
of the persons in the cultural itinerary whom I met most often with
pleasure and some usefulness," he said.
Gros graduated in classical humanities in French, Sanskrit, Latin and
Greek; obtained M.A. degrees in social anthropology; and then received
a D.Litt. in Ancient Greek, all from Lyons University. How was he
attracted to India and Tamil studies? After learning Greek, Latin and
Sanskrit in Lyons, he came to Paris to study Hindi and Tamil in the
School of Oriental Studies. Initially, he was better in Hindi than in
Tamil, and he was also learning sociology, and economic history from
Daniel Thorner. He learnt prehistory from Andre Lerois Gouran, whom he
calls "an outstanding personality". All the while, anthropology
remained his "real private interest". In Paris, Gros became president
of the Society of Friends of India, which organised dance and music
programmes by artistes from India. "We were the first to develop
cultural tourism in a systematic way," he said. He was receiving
lessons from Louis Dumont, an eminent anthropologist, and listening to
Filliozat's lectures. "For Filliozat, India was very much alive", and
he regularly came to India, unlike other professionals who "sat in
their rooms and had no direct approach to this country," Gros said.
He came into Tamil studies when a professor in Paris who was teaching
a course in Tamil invited him to study Tamil. "There was a good, old
tradition of teaching Tamil in Paris," he said. But the lessons were
too elementary for research purposes. "This was unfortunate because we
were more interested in Tamil as a classical language than in spoken
Tamil", he said.
Translation of paripadal
Filliozat asked him to choose a classical Tamil text and concentrate
on it. He suggested that Gros concentrate on Paripadal. Gros said,
"So, I struggled for many years to make a translation of Paripadal
[into French], which remains a landmark on my curriculum vitae". He
cherishes the memory of the translation receiving an award in 1969
from the Academie des Inscription et Belles-Lettres, Paris. The
translation took eight years to complete, and he accomplished it when
he was on the faculty of the FIP.
Except for the one held in 1974 in Jaffna, Sri Lanka, Gros has
attended all the international Tamil conferences organised by the
World Tamil Conference, from the first one held in 1966 in Kuala
Lumpur to the last one held in 1995 in Thanjavur. Although these
conferences had serious academic sessions, he wished that they would
evolve better teaching methods in Tamil and come up with educational
tools in the language. Besides, more research should be conducted in
Tamil linguistics.
On Tamil being recognised as a classical language, he did not mince
words. "Announcing Tamil as a classical language is not enough," he
said. "You have classics [artefacts] in the museum, which are dead.
You have to take them out of the museum and bring them into the
mainstream of general culture. To do this, you need all the tools
[research, better teaching methods and educational tools in Tamil]
that I have enumerated. It would make sense for Tamil Nadu to
contribute to the teaching of Tamil abroad," he said. Gros is a
passionate advocate of the holistic approach to studying literature or
studying anything on India. Study of any literature should involve not
only classics and epics but also epigraphy, archaeology, anthropology,
philology and contemporary literature.
"The holistic approach has helped me. It is still helping me with a
vision. He imbibed the importance of the holistic approach from the
teachers who taught him Greek in Lyons University. They were not
satisfied with just reading the texts. They had a variety of
interests. One of them was an epigraphist who conducted archaeological
excavations as well. He had a deep understanding of Plato. Another was
a specialist on Napoleon Bonaparte. "It was just the pressure of place
that made me take to the holistic approach," he said. "We were
solicited by so many things at the same time. You open a newspaper and
you find that new inscriptions had been found. You could not ignore
them." He regretted that there was no holistic curriculum for students
to undergo now. He called it "a big lacuna", which is true of
classical studies. The dearth of holistic approaches has become "a
world phenomenon now". A recent book, Negotiations with the Past:
Classical Tamil in Contemporary Tamil, edited by Kannan and Carlos
Mena and published by the IFP and the Tamil Chair, University of
California, Berkeley, United States, is an attempt to fill this
lacuna.
bademiyansubhanallah
The First Indologists
Satsvarupa Dasa Goswami
This article first appeared as a chapter in the 1977 book 'Readings in
Vedic Literature: the tradition speaks for itself', which was
published for use as a college textbook. This extract is an example of
the depth of research and mode of presentation that is necessary if
ISKCON wants to effectively communicate with an academic audience. The
perspectives and conclusions presented show how Gaudiya Vaishnavism
can find its voice and learn to speak for itself in the contemporary
world.
The first Westerners to investigate the Vedic literatures were the
British, in the last half of the eighteenth century. It is best to
understand their work in the larger historical context of the British
rule of India.
A brief history of the British in India
Early invaders of India included the Persians (600 BC) and the Greeks
under Alexander the Great (300 BC). India's first great Hindu empire,
the Maurya Empire founded by Candragupta (300 BC), expanded under
Emperor Asoka to embrace the whole sub-continent, and it also fostered
Buddhism. After Asoka, assorted northern tribes invaded India, until
the reign of another Gupta dynasty, which united a section of the
country for centuries. In the seventh century the Arab Muslims began
conquering India, and various Muslim leaders developed empires up
until the Mogul Empire, whose chief ruler was Akbar. During the reign
of Akbar's son Jahangir (1605-1627), the British established their
first trading station in India. The Portuguese had been the first
Europeans to arrive, and they competed with the French and English for
commercial control of port cities. Through treaties with local rulers,
the trading companies became more powerful than the Mogul Empire. The
companies received official monopolies from their governments and held
huge armies of mercenaries. By defeating an Indian army at the Battle
of Plassey in 1757, the British East India Company finally gained
supremacy. Throughout the eighteenth century, the company made
treaties or annexed areas by military campaigns; at last in full
control of India, it ceded the country to the British government.
At first, the British government was careful not to force any change
in religion upon the Indian people. This policy had always seemed most
judicious for ruling the several hundred million Indian citizens
without precipitating rebellion. Thus, under Lord Cornwallis
(1786-1793, 1805) laissez-faire had dominated the East India Company's
attitude toward the Indian way of life. Through the East India
Company's regulations of 1793, the governor general had promised to
'preserve the laws of the Shaster and the Koran, and to protect the
natives of India in the free exercise of their religion'. However, a
year before these regulations went into effect, Charles Grant had
written, 'The company manifested a laudable zeal for extending, as far
as its means went, the knowledge of the Gospel to the pagan tribes
among whom its factories were placed'. In 1808, the same author
described openings of Christian schools and translations of the Bible
into Indian dialects as 'principal efforts made under the patronage of
the British government in India, to impart to the natives a knowledge
of Christianity'.
Historian Vincent Smith describes three broad tendencies in Britain's
policy at the start of the 1800s. The conservatives were interested in
improving the Indian way of life, but recommended extreme caution for
fear of violent reaction; they saw no easy overthrow of Indian
tradition. The liberals felt the need to introduce Western ideas and
values, but they hoped to integrate gradually. The rationalists, led
by George Berkeley and David Hume, had a more radical approach. They
trusted that reason could abolish all human ignorance. And since the
West was the champion of reason, the East could only profit by the
acquaintance.
To most eighteenth-century Englishmen (whether at home or abroad),
religion meant Christianity. Naturally, racism played its part also.
This attitude of Europeans toward Indians was due to a sense of racial
superiority - a cherished conviction which was shared by every
Englishman in India, from the highest to the lowest. Thus, upon
arriving in India in 1813, the governor general, the Marquis of
Hastings wrote, 'The Hindoo appears a being merely limited to mere
animal functions, and even in them indifferent . with no higher
intellect than a dog.'
Without governmental sanction or license, the Christian evangelists
came to India and proselytised to undermine the 'superstitions of the
country'. Alexander Duff (1806-1878) founded Scots College, in
Calcutta, which he envisioned as a 'headquarters for a great campaign
against Hinduism'. Duff sought to convert the natives by enrolling
them in English-run schools and colleges, and he placed emphasis on
learning Christianity through the English language. Another leading
missionary, a Baptist, William Carey (1761-1834), smuggled himself
into India and propagandised against the Vedic culture so zealously
that the British government in Bengal curbed him as a political
danger. On confiscating a batch of Bengali-language pamphlets produced
by Carey, India's Governor General Lord Minto described them as
'scurrilous invective . without arguments of any kind, they were
filled with hell fire and still hotter fire, denounced against a whole
race of men merely for believing in the religion they were taught by
their fathers.' Duff, Carey, and other missionaries gradually gained
strength and became more aggressive; finally, they gained permission
to conduct their campaigns without governmental license. The
missionaries actively opposed the British government's attempt to take
a neutral stand toward Indian culture and worked with optimism for the
complete conversion of the natives. They did not hesitate to denounce
the Vedic literatures as 'absurdities' meant 'for the amusement of
children'.
Historian Arthur D. Innes writes, 'The educators had hardly concealed
their expectations that with Western knowledge the sacred fairy tales
of the East would be dissolved and the basis of popularly cherished
creeds would be swept away.' The suspicion of religious coercion
disrupted British-Indian relations and in 1857 helped touch off the
Sepoy Rebellion (of Indian mercenaries).
The first scholars
Such was the setting in which the first Indologists appeared. These
first Vedic scholars did not form a unified political or academic
party; they were variously conservative, liberal and radical. Sir
William Jones, the first Englishman to master Sanskrit and study the
Vedas, drew fire from the eminent British historian James Mill for his
'hypothesis of a high state of Civilisation'. Typically, Mill believed
that the people of India never had been advanced and that therefore
their claim to a glorious past (which some of the early Indologists
supported) was historical fantasy. However, by translating the Vedas
for the Western reader and thus evincing the ancient Vedic genius, the
scholars increased India's prestige in the West. On the other hand, as
Aubrey Menen has said, 'It should be remembered that they (the English
of the seventeenth century) were not the almost pagan English of
today. Every man was a Christian, and it was a Christian's duty to
wash the heathen in the blood of the lamb.' Nonetheless, some of the
early scholars rather admired the Vedic culture they were
investigating, even though they initially conceived of themselves as
bearers of Christian light to the sacred darkness of the heathens.
Sir William Jones (1746-1794), Charles Wilkins (1749-1836), and Thomas
Colebrooke (1765-1837) are considered the fathers of Indology. Jones
was educated at Oxford and there began his studies in Oriental and
other languages; he is said to have mastered a total of sixteen. In
addition, he wrote a Persian grammar, translated various Oriental
literatures and practised law. After his appointment as judge of the
Supreme Court, Sir William went to Calcutta in 1783. There he founded
the Asiatic Society of Bengal and was its president throughout his
life. He translated a number of Sanskrit works into English, and his
investigations into languages mark him as one of the most brilliant
minds of the eighteenth century. Sir William was not prone to
invective against another's religion, particularly the Vedic, which he
admired. In his view the narratives of the East, like those of Greece
and Rome, could enrich both the English tradition and the human mind.
Notwithstanding, Sir William's stance was that of 'a devout and
convinced Christian'. Thus, he described the Bhagavata Purana as 'a
motley story', and he speculated that the Bhagavata came from the
Christian gospels, which had been brought to India and 'repeated to
the Hindus, who ingrafted them on the old fable of Cesava (Kesava, a
name for Krsna), the Apollo of Greece'. This theory has since been
discredited since records of Krsna worship pre-date Christ by
centuries. H. H. Wilson (1786-1860), described as 'the greatest
Sanskrit scholar of his time', received his education in London and
journeyed to India in the East India Company's medical service. He
became secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1811-1833), and
medical duties notwithstanding, he published a Sanskrit-English
dictionary. He became Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford in 1833,
librarian of the India House in 1836 and director of the Royal Asiatic
Society in 1837. Titles credited to his name include Vishnu Purana,
Lectures on the Religious and Philosophical Systems of the Hindus and
Rig Veda, among others. He also contributed to Mill's History of India
and edited several other translations of Eastern literatures. In
addition, he proposed that Britain restrain herself from forcing the
Hindus to give up their religious traditions. Compared to the
evangelists, he appears to have been a champion of the preservation of
Vedic ideas.
Yet we may be a little startled by his stated motives:
From the survey which has been submitted to you, you will perceive
that the practical religion of the Hindus is by no means a
concentrated and compact system, but a heterogeneous compound made up
of various and not infrequently incompatible ingredients, and that to
a few ancient fragments it has made large and unauthorised additions,
most of which are of an exceedingly mischievous and disgraceful
nature. It is, however, of little avail yet to attempt to undeceive
the multitude; their superstition is based upon ignorance, and until
the foundation is taken away, the superstructure, however crazy and
rotten, will hold together.
Ultimately, Wilson felt that the Christian culture should simply
replace the Vedic culture, and he believed that full knowledge of the
Indian tradition would help effect that conversion. In his modulated
conservatism he seemed to echo the East India Company. Aware that the
people of India would not easily give up their tradition, he made this
shrewd commentary:
The whole tendency of brahminical education is to enforce dependence
upon authority - in the first instance upon the guru, in the next upon
the books. A learned brahmana trusts solely to his learning, he never
ventures upon independent thought; he appeals to memory; he quotes
texts without measure and in unquestioning trust. It will be difficult
to persuade him that the Vedas are human and very ordinary writings,
that the Puranas are modern and inauthentic, or even that the tantras
are not entitled to respect. As long as he opposed authority to
reason, and stifles the workings of conviction by the dicta of a
reputed sage, little impression can be made upon his understanding.
Certain it is, therefore, that he will have recourse to his
authorities, and it is therefore important to show that his
authorities are worthless.
Wilson also warned that the Vedic adherents were likely to show
'tenacious obstinacy' about their 'speculative tenets . particularly
those regarding the nature and condition of the soul'. But he was
hopeful that by inspired, diligent effort the 'specious' system of
Vedic thought would be 'shown to be fallacious and false by the
Ithuriel spear of Christian truth'. As the first holder of Oxford's
Boden Chair for Sanskrit, H. H. Wilson delivered public lectures to
promote his cause. He intended that the lectures 'help candidates for
a prize of two hundred pounds . for the best refutation of the Hindu
religious system'. Wilson's writings are full of similar passages,
including a detailed method for exploiting the native Vedic psychology
by use of a counterfeit guru-disciple relationship. Now, in Wilson's
case, the charge of bias has become aggravated by charges of invalid
scholarship. Recently, Natalie P. R. Sirkin presented documented
evidence that betrays Wilson as a plagiarist: his most important
publications were collected manuscripts by deceased authors whose
works he credited to himself, as well as works completed without
research (such as writing an analysis of the Puranas without reading
them).
Another renowned pioneer Indologist was F. Max Muller (1823-1900),
born in Dessau and educated in Leipzig. He learned Sanskrit and
translated the ancient Hitopadesa before coming to England, in 1846.
Commissioned by the East India Company to translate the Rig Veda, he
lived in Oxford and wrote many books on mythology and comparative
religion. Muller is best known for his series Sacred Books of the
East, a fifty-volume work which he devoted himself to editing in 1875.
In 1876, Muller wrote to a friend, 'India is much riper for
Christianity than Rome or Greece were at the time of Saint Paul'. He
added that he would not like to go to India as a missionary because
that would make him dependent on the government. His preference was:
'I should like to live for ten years quite quietly and learn the
language, try to make friends, and then see whether I was fit to take
part in a work, by means of which the old mischief of Indian
priestcraft could be overthrown and the way opened for the entrance of
simple Christian teaching.' Muller regarded Vedic philosophy as 'Aryan
legend' and 'myth', and he believed that Aryan civilisations had
simply helped bring about the evolution of Christianity: 'History
seems to think that the whole human race required gradual education
before, in the fullness of time, it could be admitted to the truths of
Christianity' adding, 'The ancient religions of the world may have but
served to prepare the way of Christ by helping through its very
errors.'
H. H. Wilson's successor in Oxford's Boden Chair was Sir Monier Monier-
Williams (1819-1899). Born in Bombay, Monier-Williams attended the
East India Company's college and later taught there. After his
appointment as a professor of Sanskrit at Oxford, in 1870, he
delivered an inaugural lecture entitled The Study of Sanskrit in
Relation to Missionary Work in India. Monier-Williams also wrote a
book called Hinduism (1894), which was published and distributed by
the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. He is best known to
twentieth-century Indology students for his Sanskrit-English
Dictionary. In addition, he spent twenty-five years founding an
institution at Oxford for disseminating information about Indian
literature and culture. He succeeded, and the Indian Institute
formally opened in 1896. Monier-Williams disapproved of Muller's
evolution-to-Christianity view of the Vedic sastra:
There can be no doubt of a greater mistake than to force these non-
Christian bibles into conformity with some scientific theory of
development and then point to the Christian's Holy Bible as the
crowning product of religious evolution. So far from this, these non-
Christian bibles are all developments in the wrong direction. They all
begin with some flashes of true light and end in utter darkness.
Monier-Williams further wrote,
It seems to me that our missionaries are already sufficiently
convinced of the necessity of studying these works, and of making
themselves conversant with the false creeds they have to fight
against. How could an army of invaders have any chance of success in
an enemy's country without a knowledge of the position and strength of
its fortresses, and without knowing how to turn the batteries they may
capture against the foe?
Another early Indologist was Theodore Goldstucker (1821-1872), born in
Konigsberg and educated there and in Bonn, where he studied Sanskrit,
philosophy and Oriental languages. After settling in England, in 1850,
he received appointment as a professor of Sanskrit at London's
University College, a post he held until his death. Goldstucker wrote
a number of books on Sanskrit literature and founded the Society for
the Publication of Sanskrit Texts. He also participated in a number of
writing and research projects concerning India. The Dictionary of
Indian Biography describes him as 'an authority on ancient Hindu
literature'. Goldstucker regarded the people of India as being
burdened by Vedic religion, which had only brought them worldwide
'contempt and ridicule'. Thus, he proposed to re-educate them with
European values. Goldstucker wrote, 'The means for combating that
enemy is as simple as it is irresistible: a proper instruction of the
growing generation in its ancient literature.' In his book Inspired
Writings of Hinduism, Goldstucker assailed the validity of Vedic
literature. His aim was to demonstrate to the new generation of Vedic
followers that he had scholastically annihilated their scripture and
that they should show their appreciation by adopting European values
and improving their character.
It is lamentable that this sectarian raison d'etre clouded the early
study of Vedic literature. When reading the theories or analyses of
these early Indologists, therefore, the student would do well to bear
in mind the bias behind the brilliant scholarship.
Their influence on modern scholarship
College Sanskrit departments no longer award prizes for 'the best
refutation of Hinduism'. Indeed, in the current selection of books by
Vedic scholars, the authors describe themselves as 'sympathetic
outsiders', 'friends of India' and 'admirers of the tradition of
tolerance in Indian religion'.
Nonetheless, some of the missionary Indologists' main theses still
crop up as time-honoured facts. Simply by being pioneers, Wilson,
Monier-Williams, Muller and others have left a lasting impression of
how one should study the sastras. 'The foundations for the recovery of
India's past were laid by certain eminent classical scholars,
including Sir William Jones, James Prinsep, H. T. Colebrooke and H. H.
Wilson . the debt owed these men is great.'
Modern Vedic scholars are hardly missionaries; however, largely from
academic habit, they give tacit approval to many of the first
Indologists' conclusions. For instance, the early researchers
portrayed Vedic literature as a hodgepodge of disharmonious texts. Sir
Monier Monier-Williams wrote, ' . after a lifelong study of the
religious books of the Hindus, I feel compelled to publicly express my
opinion of them. They begin with much promise amid scintillations of
truth and light and occasional sublime thoughts from the source of all
truth and light, but end in sad corruptions and lamentable
impurities.' Like their predecessors, today's scholars discredit the
Puranas, although the Vedic acaryas themselves have accepted the
Puranas as equal to the other Vedic sastras. One scholar recently
commented that Muller attempted to change Hinduism to a 'new and purer
form' and failed, but that 'his conception of the history of Hinduism,
which presented an antithesis between its Vedic form and the so-called
Puranic form . still survives in a modified version'.
In addition, many of today's scholars still teach that the Vedas are
essentially mythological and that the Puranas are not even consonant
with the Vedic mythology. In other words, they disavow what the
acaryas affirm - namely, that the Vedic literatures form a coherent
whole, and that the Puranas are the culmination. But since it is the
Puranas that substantiate monotheism, if these are dismissed we ignore
part of the Vedic picture of the Absolute Truth.
As might be expected, many of today's students see Vedic literature as
lacking clarity and conclusiveness. More often than not, as one begins
his Indological studies, he hears that Vedic authority is dubious,
that eternal existence is simply a wish for self-perpetuation and that
God and the demigods are ipso-facto myths. Indeed, the compiler of the
Vedas, Vyasadeva, often receives no mention. Moriz Winternitz writes
that the names of the authors of Vedic literature are unknown to us
and that sometimes 'a mythical seer of primitive times is named as
author'.
Yet Vedic evidence confirms Vyasadeva as the literature's actual
compiler: 'Thereafter, in the seventeenth incarnation of Godhead, Sri
Vyasadeva appeared in the womb of Satyavati, wife of Parasara Muni,
and he divided the one Veda into several branches and sub-branches..
Winternitz comments: 'The orthodox . believe the same Vyasa who
compiled the Vedas and composed the Mahabharata, who also in the
beginning of Kali-yuga, the present age of the world, was the author
of the eighteen Puranas. But this Vyasadeva is a form of the exalted
God Visnu Himself.' Thus, without further ado, Winternitz rejects the
possibility of Vyasadeva's authorship and goes on to discuss other
possible authors: since the Puranas present Vyasadeva as an avatara,
he obviously could never have existed. In this way, Vedic
personalities and statements become suspect, even 'mythological',
simply because they are supra-mundane.
The student of the Vedas should understand plainly that they do
describe the supra-mundane, and that to reject their statements on
this basis is really self-defeating. One should approach the Vedas
with an open mind and let them speak for themselves. Otherwise, they
will remain a hodgepodge of 'sad corruptions and lamentable
impurities'.
For the most part, modern scholars continue to minimise the
existential and transcendental validity of the Vedas, often without so
much as an explanation why empiric knowledge should take precedence
over sabda, knowledge from authority. Thus, subtly but surely, the
indological scholars of the present day have inherited the pioneers'
bias, and though today's bias is not 'evangelist' but 'empiricist', it
slants just the same. With all deference to the laudable efforts of
the empiricists, we suggest that the student try to take a fresh look
at Vedic literature, through the eyes of the Vedas themselves.
Momentarily setting aside the legacy of the British Indological
pioneers, the new student of Vedic literature will benefit from
returning to the primary sources - the original sastras and the
commentaries of the acaryas. In this way, without preconceived
notions, the student may better appreciate the coherent and many-
faceted knowledge that the Vedas offer.
1. W.H. Moreland et. al., A Shorter History of Indian Tradition.
2. J. Allan et al., The Cambridge Shorter History of India, p. 557.
3. H.H. Dodwell, ed., The Cambridge History of the British Empire,
vol. five, p. 122.
4. House of Commons, ed., Observations on the State of Society, p. 1.
5. Robert Chatfield, The Rise and Progress of Christianity in the
East, p 367.
6. Vincent A. Smith, The Oxford History of 1ndia, p. 579.
7. R.C. Majumdar et al., eds., History and Culture of the Indian
People, vol. 10, p. 348.
8. Ibid., p. 337.
9. George Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, vol. 6, p. 126.
10. Ibid.
11. H.G. Rawlinson, The British Achievement in India, p. 53.
12. Christian Literature Society for India, Idu Series: Epic Poetry
incl. Puranas, pp. 140, 142.
13. Arthur D. Innes, Shorter History of The British in India, p. 303.
14. T. Walter Wallbank, India: A Survey of the Heritage and Growth of
Indian Nationalism, p. 27.
15. Majumdar, History and Culture, p. 33.
16. Aubrey Menen, The Mystics, p. 118.
17. A.L. Basham, The Wonder That Was India, p. 5.
18. 'Jones Tradition in British Orientalism', Indian Arts and Letters
20 (1946): 10.
19. Sir William Jones, The Works of Sir William Jones, p. 395.
20. Ibid.
21. Richard Garbe, India and Christendom: The Historical Connection
Between Their Religions, trans. Lydia J. Robinson, pp. 214-7.
22. C.E. Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, p. 455.
23. H.H. Wilson, Works, vol. 2, pp. 79-80.
24. Ibid., pp. 80-1.
25. Ibid., p. 114.
26. Ibid., p. 115.
27. 'Horace Hayman Wilson', Eminent Orientalists, pp. 71-2.
28. 'H.H. Wilson and Gamesmanship in Indology', Asian Studies 3
(1965): 303.
29. Nirad C. Chaudhuri, Scholar Extraordinary, p. 325.
30. Ibid.
31. Vivekenanda Rock Memorial Committee, India's Contribution to World
Thought and Culture, pp. 167-8.
32. Ibid.
33. Sir Monier Monier-Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India,
p. 10.
34. Ibid.
35. Buckland, Dictionary of Indian Biography, p. 169.
36. Theodore Goldstucker, Inspired Writings of Hinduism, p. 115.
37. Wm. Theodore de Bary et al., eds., Approaches to Asian
Civilisations, p. 29.
38. Monier-Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India, pp. 34-5.
39. Nirad C. Chaudhuri, Scholar Extraordinary, p. 327.
40. Moriz Winternitz, A History of Indian Literatures, vol. 1, trans.
S. Ketkar, p. 26.
41. A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, Srimad-Bhagavatam, First
Canto, vol. 3, p. 57.
42.42. Moriz Winternitz, A History of Indian Literatures, vol. 1,
trans. S. Ketkar, p. 527.
bademiyansubhanallah
Michigan-Lausanne Seminar abstracts / Madhav Deshpande
From mmd...@umich.edu Fri Nov 1 10:40:20 1996
Date: Thu, 31 Oct 1996 23:03:42 GMT
From: Madhav Deshpande <mmd...@umich.edu>
Reply-To: indo...@liverpool.ac.uk
To: Members of the list <indo...@liverpool.ac.uk>
Subject: note on the abstracts
Dear Indologists,
Here I wish to post a Note in relation to the abstracts of the papers
presented at the recent Michigan-Lausanne International Seminar on the
theme of "Aryan and Non-Aryan in South Asia: Evidence, Interpretation,
and Ideology". The reservations included in my Note are necessary in
order to make a proper use of these abstracts and avoid their misuse.
All the best,
Madhav Deshpande
NOTE ON THE POSTED ABSTRACTS:
The abstracts represent pre-seminar statements. The actual
presentations at the seminar were indeed often more complex,
extensive, and often significantly differed from the abstracts.
Similarly, the presentations were followed by very intensive open
discussions of individual papers and of general issues raised. The
final papers, revised in view of the extensive discussions at the
seminar, will appear in the 1998 volume of the Swiss journal Etudes
Asiatiques/ Asiatische Studien. The abstracts should not be taken to
represent the final views of any given author and should not be cited
as statements of claims by any of the authors.
Madhav Deshpande
Organizer of the Michigan-Lausanne Seminar
For any further questions in relation to the seminar, please contact
me personally at [mmd...@umich.edu]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Thu, 31 Oct 1996 14:02:28 -0500 (EST)
From: Madhav Deshpande
Subject: Re: Aryan-non-Aryan Conference Program
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII
Dear Indology Members,
In response to recent queries about the Michigan-Lausanne
International Seminar, I am posting the abstracts of papers presented
at this seminar.
Madhav Deshpande
MICHIGAN-LAUSANNE INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR "ARYANS AND NON-ARYANS IN
SOUTH ASIA : EVIDENCE, INTERPRETATION, AND IDEOLOGY"
October 25-27, 1996 University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan
Coordinated by: Johannes Bronkhorst (University of Lausanne)
Madhav Deshpande (University of Michigan)
Thomas Trautmann (University of Michigan)
Titles and Abstracts of Papers (in alphabetical order)
__________________________________________
HINDUISM AS AN INDO-EUROPEAN IDEOLOGY: CULTURAL COMPARATIVISM AND
POLITICAL SENSITIVITIES
Nicholas Allen (Oxford University, UK)
The study of Sanskrit as one branch of the Indo-European language
family is far better established than the study of the Hindu tradition
as one branch of Indo-European culture, but the second undertaking,
already envisaged by Sir William Jones, has remained an obvious
intellectual challenge. Any contemporary response to the challenge
must refer to the work of Dumezil, which the author has elsewhere
tried to emend and elaborate (and thereby defend), by exploring the
idea of a fourth function.
But what political dimensions are there to such an undertaking? On the
one hand questions can be raised about the presuppositions and
motivations of Dumezil and of those who continue his work. On the
other, one wonders how the results of the work will be perceived
outside academia (if and when they make the transition). Two
possibilities are discussed. Nationalist sentiment might be offended
by any claim that what has previously been thought of as 'Indian' has
its roots outside India before the immigration of the Aryans; and
whereas right-wing parties might welcome evidence for the importance
of the Sanskritic tradition, speakers of non-IE languages might feel
that their contribution to the development of Hinduism was being
slighted. What precautions, if any, should be taken by the
comparativist?
IS THERE AN INNER CONFLICT OF TRADITION?
Johannes Bronkhorst (University of Lausanne)
The question I wish to address in this paper is the following. Does
the opposition which the early Indian tradition itself introduce by
distinguishing Aryans from non-Aryans help us to understand later
developments of Indian culture? Put more generally: Do we have to
assume any kind of opposition in order to understand some of the later
developments, whether or not the parties concerned referred to
themselves as Aryans? I will limit the discussion of this question to
a few examples, representing the views of some chosen scholars.
LINGUISTIC SUBSTRATA AND THE INDO-ARYAN MIGRATION DEBATE
Edwin Bryant (Columbia University, New York)
There has been considerable and increasing controversy, of late, about
the origins of the Indo-Aryan speakers. A significant body of
scholarship has developed, in India, which can be termed the
'Indigenous Aryan' school, which claims that the Indo-Aryans were
autochthonous to thesubcontinent and not invaders or immigrants as is
generally held. This group, which consists predominantly of
philologists, historians and archaeologists, draws particular
attention to the impossibility of definitively identifying Aryan
speakers with any intrusive element in the archaeological record.
The external origin of the Aryans, however, was a theory predicated on
linguistic evidence. Irrespective of the status of the archaeological
debate surrounding the Aryan presence on the subcontinent, most
detractors of the Indigenous Aryan school ultimately refer to the
linguistic evidence as conclusive in this regard. The Indigenous Aryan
school has not critiqued the linguistic dimension of this problem with
the same gusto with which it has reconsidered the archaeological and
philological evidence.
This paper, which is based on a section of my dissertation examining
the whole Aryan 'invasion' debate from the perspective of the
Indigenous Aryan school, examines the most compelling feature of the
linguistic evidence, namely, that of a non-Indo-Aryan linguistic
substratum in Sanskrit texts. I will first outline the major strands
of scholarship that have dealt with this area. In assessing them as a
group, I will be forced to conclude that they are not internally
consistent, since the opinions of the principal linguists in this area
have differed quite considerably. This problematizes the value of this
method as a significant determinant in the Indo-Aryan debate and
raises the question as to whether the position being advanced by the
Indigenous Aryan school survives this particular linguistic challenge
intact.
WHOSE GODDESS? KALI AS CULTURAL CHAMPION IN KERALA ORAL NARRATIVES
Sarah Lee Caldwell (University of Michigan)
Abstract: ???
WHAT TO DO WITH THE ANARYAS? DHARMIC DISCOURSES OF INCLUSION AND
EXCLUSION
Madhav M. Deshpande (University of Michigan)
The discussion of the terms Arya and non-Arya is normally dominated on
the one hand by the discussions in linguistics and archaeology, and,
now more increasingly in the context of politics of knowledge as
reflected in colonial and post-colonial histories of South Asia.
However, there is a middle period which is dominated by the discourses
of the Hindu Dharmashastras and epics on the one hand and the
contesting traditions of Buddhism and Jainism, where these terms
played an equally significant role. When we deal with the vast
literature covered by these traditions, we certainly need to move away
both from the archaeological and linguistic studies of South Asian
prehistory, which was too remote and unknown to the classical authors
in these traditions, and from the politics of knowledge as reflected
in the colonial and post-colonial developments which have yet to come
into being in a distant future. However, in the period we are
concerned with, the religious traditions are indeed not without their
own politics of knowledge, and indeed they have their own conceptions
of linguistic, ethnic, moral and spiritual purity and superiority. In
this paper, I shall study the use of these terms in these traditions
in the context of the underlying politics between these traditions.
CHINESE BUDDHIST UNDERSTANDINGS OF "ARYA"
Luis O. Gomez (University of Michigan)
In this paper I consider some Chinese translations and explanations of
Buddhist uses of the term "a-rya." The sources are primarily sutras,
commentaries and glossaries in which we find the Buddhist terms "a-
rya=s'ra-vaka," "a-rya=satya," and "a-rya=as.th.a-nggika=ma-rga." I
discuss the ways in which the Chinese translators on the one hand
continued the task of "spiritualizing" and emptying the terms of their
social connotations, and on the other, found new parallels between
spiritual status and social prestige and power.
THROUGH A GLASS DARKLY: MODERN COLONIALIST ATTITUDES VS. TEXTUAL AND
GENERAL PREHISTORIC EVIDENCE ON "RACE" AND "CASTE" IN VEDIC INDO-ARYAN
SOCIETY
Hans Henrich Hock (University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign)
Since at least the time of Zimmer (1879), the conflict between arya
and dasa/dasyu portrayed in the earliest Vedic texts has tended to be
interpreted tantamount to conflict between two racially distinct
groups, whose differences are characterized especially in terms of
white/light vs. black/dark skin color. (See for instance Macdonnell &
Keith 1912: s.vv. d7asa and var na; Chatterji 1960: 7 (with the
qualification that the Indo-Europeans were of 'unknown racial
characteristic (though it is not unlikely that they were Nordic
originally [!])') and 32; Elizarenkova 1995: 36; Gonda 1975: 129; Hale
1986: 147 (see also 154); Kuiper 1991: 17 (vs. ibid. 3-4); Kulke &
Rothermund 1986: 35; Mansion 1931: 6; Rau 1957: 16; Parpola 1988:
104-106, 120-121, 125. This racial interpretation of the Vedic textual
evidence overlaps, and in many cases closely agrees with, an
interpretation of the conflict between arya and dasa as comparable
that between the British and India in (early) modern times. The aryas
are seen as conquering invaders who subjugate the indigenous popula
tion (often identified as Dravidian) who, in turn, subvert the
language of the conquerors in a way similar to the Indianization of
English. It has further been assumed that the conflict between
colonialist/imperialist aryas and the indigenous dasas is responsible
for the Indian caste system, especially (but not exclusively) the
establishment of the shudra caste as the social group appropriate for
subjugated and unassimilated dasas.
It is the purpose of this paper to question the "orthodox" position
(or positions) just outlined, in terms both of a reexamination of
textual evidence and linguistic evidence and of a reconsideration of
the basic assumptions made about the arya/dasa contact specifically
and the nature of such contacts in prehistoric contexts in general.
As I show in Hock 1996, the textual evidence for interpreting words
meaning 'dark, black' and 'light, white' as referring to skin color is
quite uncertain. At least equally possible is an "ideolog ical"
interpretation of the terms somewhat along the lines of the black hats
of the 'good guys' and the white hats of the 'bad guys' in Western
movies. In fact, such an interpretation provides a plausible explana
tion of why a word originally meaning 'light' came to designate the
world, loka, if we assume that it first meant the 'light world' of the
aryas. Moreover, there is good reason for believing that such notions
as "race", defined in terms of skin color, are an invention of (early)
modern European colonial ism and imperialism (see e.g. Appiah 1987)
and thus are inappropriate for the prehistoric arya/dasa contact.
Hock 1996 presents similar arguments against identifying prehistoric
conflicts between different ethnic groups with modern colonialist/
indigenous conflicts: ' both "civilized" empires (such as the Roman
one) and "barbarian" ones (such as that of the Huns) were truly
multiethnic, multilin gual, and mul ticultural. War-time alliances
might pit members of the same linguistic and ethnic group against each
other (such as the Germanic allies of the Huns and of the Romans).'
This view is supported by such evidence as the fact that the Rig-Vedic
'battle of the ten kings' arrays aryas and dasas on both sides of the
fight. Further support that the contact situation was less one-sided
than commonly assumed is found in the thesis of Hock MS that early
Dravidian and Indo-Aryan, and to a lesser degree even Iranian,
participated in convergent changes that presuppose a situation of
stable bi- or multilingualism.
Time permitting, I also adress the issue of caste. While specifics of
the Indian caste system no doubt reflect an uneven relationship in
terms of power (see especially the 'outer groups' of the Sunahsepa
story in the Aitereya-Brahmana), the antecedents of the system can be
traced to Indo-Iranian, even Indo-European origins. The Dumezilian
tripartite "ideology" of the Indo-Europeans at best reflects the
stratification of the "in-group"; there is ample evidence for at least
two "out-groups" that play an im portant, even if socially marginal,
role in society artisans (see the fourth caste of Avestan) and slaves/
prisoners of war. What appears to be specifically Indian is the
explicit consolidation of these two out-groups into the fourth,
shudra, caste but it is not at all clear that this consolidation must
be attributed to a special relationship between aryas and dasa,
different from the relationship between, say, early Iranian "in-group"
and "out-group" strata.
SANSKRIT KIMPURUSA AND KINNARA: AN EARLY MIXTURE OF ARYAN AND
DRAVIDIAN
Asko Parpola (University of Helsinki)
At the Fourth World Sanskrit Conference held in Weimar in 1979 I
presented a paper on this very same theme, and a one-page abstract was
published in the proceedings. A more extended outline of the argument
was included in a paper that came out four years later with the title
"The pre-Vedic Indian background of the Zrauta rituals" (pp. 41-75 in:
Frits Staal ed., Agni: The Vedic ritual of the fire altar, vol. II,
Berkeley: Asian Humanities Press, 1983). I am returning to this
subject for three reasons. Firstly, the documentation of those earlier
outlines is defective; secondly, my contentions have escaped the
notice of scholars writing on kiMpuruSa / kinnara (cf. M. Mayrhofter,
Etymologisches Woerterbuch des Altindoarischen I, Heidelberg 1992, p.
348; and A. Wayman's paper on kinnara read at the meeting of the AOS
in 1994); and thirdly, some striking new material pertinent to this
topic has come to light in the meantime. I have also continued my work
on the prehistory of early Indian religions, which I find necessary
for understanding the mixture of early Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, as
represented by these words.
The structure of the paper is as follows: 1. The meaning of kiMpuruSa
and kinnara in classical Sanskrit, Prakrit and Neo-Indo-Aryan. 2. The
meaning of kiMpuruSa in Vedic texts. 3. The ritual context of Vedic
kiMpuruSa and its Proto-Aryan background. 4. Etymology of kiMpuruSa
and kinnara: Proto-Dravidian *kinnaram and its occurrence in the Near
East (Semitic *kinnAru) since the last quarter of the third millennium
BC --- if accepted, this is by far the earliest attestation of any
Dravidian word. 5. Hypotheses concerning the contexts of *kinnaram in
the Harappan / Dravidian religion.
DOES ARCHAEOLOGY HOLD THE ANSWERS?
Shereen Ratnagar (Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi)
This paper will investigate the ways in which archaeological data have
been used to support interregional migration and the presence of Aryan
speakers in Central Asia, Iran and northwestern India-Pakistan. What
are the categories of evidence used, and how does this vary? What
about the rest of material culture residues? Considering the nature of
that entity we call 'culture' in archaeology, is the conceptual leap
from artefact-distributions to migration-of-a-group-speaking-a-
particular-language justified?
ORIENTALISM AND CULTURAL CONTINUITY IN SOUTH ASIAN ARCHAEOLOGY
Jim G. Shaffer (Case Western University, Cleveland)
South Asian archaeology remains significantly influenced by
interpretations proposed by prominent European scholars (e.g.,
Marshall and Wheeler) that developed this area's archaeological record
into one of international importance during the first half of the
twentieth century. However, seldom is it recognized that these
scholarly interpretations significantly reflect eighteenth and
nineteenth century European perceptions of history, language,
ethnicity, and what is today referred to as orientalism. These
interpretations continue to influence our understanding of South Asian
cultural history including recent archaeological discoveries. This
historical background will be critically examined here as well as how
recent developments in the archaeological record argue for a
fundamental restructuring of the region's cultural history prior to
the Early Historic Period.
REVISITING THE ARYA-SAMAJ MOVEMENT
Pashaura Singh (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor)
This paper will address the issue of how the ancient Vedic term "Arya"
was employed successfully by a late nineteenth-century movement, the
Arya-Samaj, and how it underwent a radical change in its meaning and
application in a new historical context. Although the Arya-Samaj
claimed to restore the pristine ancient glory of Vedic religion
following the Orientalist perspective, it was in fact involved in the
process of redefining Hinduism in the colonial context. In that
process, the Arya-Samaj had to meet the challenges offered by the
other competing religious organizations. We will try to assess the
role of this movement in presenting a model of unified and monolithic
Arya Dharam in contrast to the prevalent diversity of the Hindu
tradition. We will also examine the role of the terms, Arya and Non-
Arya, in the growth of the politics of religious nationalism in South
Asia, particularly in India, as a result of the legacy of the Arya-
Samaj movement.
DRAVIDIAN PLACE NAMES IN MAHARASHTRA
F. C. Southworth (University of Pennsylvania)
In their book _The_Rise_of_Civilization_in_India_and_Pakistan_ (1982),
the Allchins state that there is a substratum of Dravidian place names
in Maharashtra. This statement, based probably on the ideas of H. D.
Sankalia, has never been properly investigated. Fortunately there
exist two lists of Maharashtrian village names which provide the data
for such a study. My investigation of these names turned up a number
of candidates for Dravidian origin among the suffixes of Marathi place
names. Among these suffixes, the most promising is -vali/oli, both
because of its high frequency and because its Dravidian origin is not
questioned (< Drav. paLLi 'hamlet, camp, place to lie down' < paT-
'lie,fall').
A study of the spatial distribution of village names with the suffix -
vali/oli shows 90% or more of them concentrated in the coastal region
known as Konkan. In the remainder of the Marahi-speaking area, the
greatest concentration is in the southern part of the Desh, i.e. in
the districts of Kolhapur and Solapur. A number of other suffixes of
probable Dravidian origin are also found in these areas, though they
are of lower frequency of occurrence. Thus these suffixes of Dravidian
origin are in a continuous distribution with the Dravidian paLLi, as
well as with similar suffixes in the state of Gujarat (discussed in
Sankalia's doctoral thesis, which is based on early inscriptions in
Gujarat). Thus there can be little doubt that these areas were
previously inhabited by speakers of some Dravidian language(s).
The paper will also discuss reflexes of Dravidian paLLi in place names
in Sindh and Pakistani Panjab, where the evidence is somewhat less
clear.
CONSTRUCTING THE RACIAL THEORY OF INDIAN CIVILIZATION
Thomas R. Trautmann (University of Michigan)
Accepting that knowledge and politics are mutually entailed, it by no
means follows that the constructions of Orientalism have stable
meanings or unitary politics attaching to them. The Aryan or Indo-
European idea has at least three different readings belonging to
different political contexts. (1) The exclusionary sense is the one
associated with Nazism and other modern racial-hate doctrines, while
(2) for the orientalists of British India the Aryan idea had always an
inclusionary sense, as a sign of the kinship of Britons and Indians,
related to Orientalist policy positions; and (3) for Indians, the
Aryan idea tends to be equated with the celebration of Hinduism. This
multiplicity of political tendencies is a capital fact, showing the
historically contigent character of the conjecture. The Dravidian idea
had its own politics, to do with the growing assertiveness of Madras
vis-a-vis the Calcutta establishment, different again from political
uses made of it in the twentieth century in South India and Sri Lanka.
In the course of the nineteenth century, the growing tension between
an emergent "race science" and the Sanskritists was compromised in the
racial theory of Indian civilization, that is, the notion that Indian
civilization was formed by conquest and the intermingling of white,
Aryan, Sanskrit-speaking civilized invaders and dark savages native to
India. The paper closes with a critique of this theory, which has
proved remarkably durable and resistant to the appearance of new
evidence against it.
A NOTE ON AIRYAMAN AND FRIENDSHIP
Gernot Windfuhr (University of Michigan)
Some notes on the functional range of Airyaman in Iranian tradition,
compared with Indian Aryaman, and a possible new etymology that fits
the description.
THE LINGUISTIC SITUATION IN NORTHERN INDIA DURING THE VEDIC PERIOD
Michael Witzel (Harvard University)
Our means for reconstructing the prehistory of India are limited:
apart from the testimony of the Vedic texts and of archaeology,
including the Indus inscriptions, there are only the materials
provided by the languages that have been spoken in South Asia for the
past four thousand years. However, the evidence of them that appears
in the early texts needs to be re-investigated and re-evaluated,
especially the loan words and names of persons, localities and rivers.
In this paper attention is limited to the northern part of South Asia
for which the evidence is earliest and most copious.
A brief overview is presented of the languages known or discernable in
the Vedic texts, with stress on their ancient geographical location,
and can discern various dialects of Indo-Iranian: Old Indo-Aryan
(Vedic and local dialects), some East Iranian dialects close to Young
Avestan (Bactrian, Arachosian Kamboja) and a predecessor of Nuristani
(Kafiri). Secondly, early forms of Dravidian and Munda as loans in the
Rgveda. This is confronted with a study of the personal and place
names found in the post-Rgvedic texts, again establishing traces of
Dravidian, Munda, but also of Tibeto-Burmese.
Further evidence for a wide-spread cultural network of exchange of
goods, products, plants and domesticated animals can be established
through the study of certain loan words, especiallly those designating
wheat (from W. Asia), rice (from S.E. Asia), horse (from Central
Asia). -- To this is added a brief discussion of the layering and the
substrates of the various languages that were successively introduced
into South Asia.
This allows to posit mutual linguistic influence in Northern South
Asia of Munda, Dravidian, Indo-Iranian, perhaps also Tibeto-Burmese,
since at least the end of the Indus civilization, c. 1900 B.C.E. Even
the hieratic Rgveda bears witness to acculturation and substrate
influence in the form of loan words, calques or in its syntax.
All of this indicates that the linguistic (and ethnic) situation in S.
Asia was quite varied from early on and further, that S. Asia was not
isolated from developments in other parts of Asia but took part in the
transmission of new techniques and economies along with the words
designating them.
The study of much of these data has been fairly cursory so far.
Especially (northern) place names are in need of (re-) evaluation. The
progress made during the last few decades in Dravidian, Munda and
Tibeto-Burmese linguistics should open the path for a close
cooperation of specialists in these languages and in Indo-Iranian for
the study of the prehistory and early history of S. Asia.
Last modified: Thursday, 30-Jul-2009 23:15:50 GMT