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Old South racism lives in Texas town
By Wizec...@aol.com
Re: Cosby vs. Sharpton ( Long "Must Read" Post )
By jne...@yahoo.com
Deadly silence covers passing of federal gang bill
By isha...@telus.net
Black folks always got a play cousin>>
By la...@CachetPress.com
Developing Self-Empowerment in African American Students
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Harlem Book Fair Goes To Boston
By sendmey...@earthlink.net
Hamilton Naki, an unrecognised surgical pioneer
By sendmey...@earthlink.net
Support Federal Workers by Emailing the OPM
By askcath...@comcast.net
------------------------------------------------------------
Date: Mon, 6 Jun 2005 13:05:45 EDT
Subject: Old South racism lives in Texas town
>>
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/local/chi-0506050298jun05,1,4887601,print.story?coll=chi-news-hed
Old South racism lives in Texas town
Billy Ray Johnson was beaten and tossed on top of an ant mound. His four
white attackers received a slap on the wrist.
Advertisement
By Howard Witt
Tribune senior correspondent
June 5, 2005
LINDEN, Texas -- They picked up Billy Ray Johnson outside a convenience store
in this East Texas bayou town, a place where Confederate flags fly in some
front yards and a mural of barefoot slaves picking cotton greets patrons inside
the local post office.
On a cool September night in 2003, they drove the 42-year-old mentally
retarded black man to a cow pasture where a crowd of white youths was having a
party. They got Johnson drunk, they made him dance, they jeered at him with
racial
epithets.
Then, according to court testimony, one of Johnson's assailants punched him
in the face, knocking him out cold. They tossed his unconscious body into the
back of a pickup and dumped him by the side of a dirt road, on top of a mound
of stinging fire ants.
Johnson, who family members say functioned at the level of a 12-year-old
before the attack, was in a coma for a week. He suffered a brain hemorrhage that
slurred his speech, weakened his legs and deprived him of his ability to take
care of himself. His body was covered with hundreds of painful ant bites.
Today he lives on public assistance, confined to a nursing home in nearby
Texarkana, where his family fears he will have to remain for the rest of his
life.
The four young white men convicted of various charges in the incident are
confined in the county jail, but not for long. A judge last month sentenced
three
of the four to terms of 30 days in jail, and the fourth to 60 days.
Even that, however, was more than the jurors who heard two of the cases
thought appropriate: They acquitted the defendants of the most serious charges
and
recommended no jail time at all.
To many African-Americans in Linden, the impoverished county seat of Cass
County hard by the Arkansas and Louisiana borders, what happened to Johnson was
nothing less than a hate crime, frighteningly reminiscent of the worst racial
attacks in the Old South.
"There's people down here doing things to dogs, and they get more than a year
in prison," said Lue Wilson, 58, Johnson's cousin and legal guardian. "You'll
never get a jury in Cass County to convict a white man for doing something to
a black man."
But to many whites here, the incident was simply a story of some "good ole
boys" drinking too much and getting out of hand.
"It was a very unfortunate and senseless thing," said Wilford Penny, 73, who
last month completed a 6-year term as Linden's mayor. "But I don't think there
was anything racial about it. These guys were drinking, and this guy
[Johnson] liked to dance. I'm not surprised when they get to drinking and use
the
n-word. The black boy was somewhere he shouldn't have been, although they
brought
him out there."
Built on backs of slaves
History weighs heavily on this town founded in the mid-1850s whose long-ago
agricultural prosperity was built on the backs of slaves floated up the nearby
Red River from Shreveport and New Orleans.
The slave mural in the post office lobby was painted in the 1930s by Victor
Arnautoff, a renowned artist of the social realism school, and despite periodic
protests from black customers, postal officials say they have no plans to
remove it.
Today the word "boy" still falls easily from the lips of some whites when
they are referring to African-American men, an indignity that Wilson, a Vietnam
veteran and retired steelworker, said he long ago grew accustomed to.
And troubling incidents tinged by race still divide Linden's 2,256 residents,
one-fifth of them black and four-fifths of them white.
There was the case in 1994 when a black man who had been dating a white woman
was found dead from a gunshot to the groin. And another in 2001, when a black
man who had been dating a white woman was found hanging from a tree. Local
officials ruled the first case a hunting accident and the second a suicide,
despite the persistent doubts of family members and civil rights officials.
"There are a few areas in Texas that have kind of bypassed the civil rights
era," said Gary Bledsoe, president of the Texas branch of the NAACP. "Linden is
one of those. It's an island of the '50s up there."
The Texarkana Gazette, the biggest newspaper in the region, wrote an
editorial last month criticizing the light sentences imposed on Johnson's
attackers.
"Sad to say," the paper wrote, "most of us agree that if the circumstances
were reversed--if four blacks had perpetrated this crime on a white
person--things would have turned out differently."
Others, however, see more shades of gray surrounding the Johnson case--and
the state of local race relations.
"I think it's unfair to the county to make it a total black-and-white issue,"
said Tina Richardson, the assistant district attorney who prosecuted the case
and Cass County's only black lawyer. "I know the stigma at this point is that
in Cass County it looks like whites are greatly prejudiced against blacks.
But you have good and bad no matter what area of the country you're living in.
"There were just as many if not more whites who were displeased at the
outcome" of the Johnson case as were content with it, Richardson added.
At the heart of the case
Whether Johnson was victimized because he is black or because he is mentally
retarded lies at the heart of the conflicting readings of the case. Witnesses
who attended the pasture party on Sept. 27, 2003, gave authorities evidence on
both counts.
"Everybody knew [Johnson] was mentally challenged, that he wasn't quite
right," said one 23-year-old white resident of Linden who attended the party but
spoke on the condition that he not be identified. "He was having a good time,
drinking. Then they started making fun of him a little bit, making him dance. It
was kind of to have someone to amuse them, to make a monkey out of him."
At one point during the party, Richardson said trial testimony showed,
Johnson was directed to stick his hand into a bonfire to remove a burning
log--evidence that he was being baited because of his mental disabilities.
But many other witnesses reported that Johnson was also subjected to "a lot
of racial slurs," Richardson said.
"It was the n-word," she said, "and there were references made concerning the
Ku Klux Klan, asking [Johnson] what he would do if the KKK had come out that
night."
As the party wound down after midnight, evidence showed, Christopher Colt
Amox, who was 20 at the time, punched Johnson in the mouth, toppling him to the
ground. As Johnson lay unconscious, vomiting and gagging, Amox and three other
young men--James Cory Hicks, then 24; Dallas Chadwick Stone, then 18; and John
Wesley Owens, then 19--debated whether to call an ambulance, authorities
said. Instead, they loaded Johnson into a pickup truck and drove him 2 miles
down
a little-used dirt road, tossing him next to a public dump, on top of the nest
of fire ants.
Several hours later, Hicks, who at the time worked as a guard at the Cass
County Jail, returned to the scene and called the local sheriff to report that
he
had found "a man passed out on the ground."
The FBI and local law-enforcement officials investigated the case, and all
came to the conclusion that what happened to Johnson was a crime based on his
mental incapacity, not his race. Thus no state or federal hate crimes or civil
rights charges were lodged.
`Mean-spirited and cruel'
"This was a bunch of guys who were mean-spirited and cruel, and they abused a
black man who was retarded," said Malcolm Bales, chief of the criminal
division in the U.S. attorney's office in Marshall, Texas, which covers Cass
County.
"That's terrible. But it doesn't give rise to a federal civil rights case."
Instead, the four attackers were charged with various counts of aggravated
assault and injury to a disabled person by omission that could have sent them to
prison for up to 10 years. Stone and Owens pleaded guilty to the injury by
omission charges and agreed to testify against Amox and Hicks, who opted for
jury trials.
The jurors in those cases, three of whom were black, acquitted Amox and Hicks
of aggravated assault. Amox was convicted of misdemeanor assault, and Hicks
was convicted of injury to a disabled person by omission.
Both juries recommended suspended sentences and probation as punishment. But
District Judge Ralph Burgess, using his authority to impose additional jail
time, last month sentenced Owens, Stone and Amox to 30 days in jail, and
sentenced Hicks to 60 days.
"They were trying to make it out to be like a felony, like they beat him up,
and he [Amox] hit him one time," said Michael Spencer, the jury foreman in the
Amox trial. "It wasn't like they sat there and kicked him and beat him.
"This wasn't just something where we're all biased and we were going to let
these good ole boys go," Spencer added. "But the guy had a job, and we didn't
feel he will be any more menace to society. . . . We didn't deem it necessary
to put him in the county jail for a year."
Family plans civil claims
But the outcome of the case and the refusal of the authorities to press hate
crimes charges against Johnson's attackers have outraged civil rights
officials. Johnson's family is planning to file civil claims against the four
men, and
the NAACP is pressing state and federal officials to assign a special
prosecutor to take another look at filing additional charges.
"There's absolutely no question this was a racial case," said the NAACP's
Bledsoe. "A bunch of folks got drunk and just happened to have a person of
another race do bug dancing and ridicule him. It clearly should have been
charged as
a hate crime."
Most of the defendants' families declined requests for interviews about the
case. But Martha Howell, Hicks' mother, said her son never touched Johnson and
didn't deserve to be punished.
"These boys' names are ruined for life," Howell said. "And [Johnson] is
better off today than he's ever been in his life. He roamed the streets, the
family
never knew where he was. Now in the nursing home he's got someone to take
care of him."
That is not how Johnson sees it.
As he sat recently in the cramped, stuffy room he shares with another nursing
home patient, idly thumbing some faded photos of old junk cars he'd like
someday to restore, Johnson was asked how he's feeling these days.
"I want to go home," he said emphatically, in his only words intelligible to
a visitor. "Home."
Copyright © 2005, Chicago Tribune
>>> ==
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------------------------------
From: James Neusom <jne...@yahoo.com>
Subject: Re: Cosby vs. Sharpton ( Long "Must Read" Post )
>>
Greetings family,
I belong to many groups and lists. Lately there has
been a rash of messages, targeting Al Sharpton, Jesse
Jackson, Min Farrakhan and other Black media darlings.
Why are we arguing amongst ourselves over Good vs.
Better??? Yes, Cosby is right, when he says; we must
take "Personal Responsibility" for our plight in
America, but so is Sharpton, Jackson and others that
blame the white man for Black oppression in America.
What triggered this message today, is a current
conversation going on over at nus...@yahoogroups.com;
<< White racism does still exist.... however.....they
have nothing to do with me being a great mother, a
strong provider of my children, holding a upstanding
and positive position in my community, nor can they
stop me from competing in the job market, stop me from
getting public education. They have nothing to do with
the countless numbers of us that are caught up in
buying fubu, and not being able to pay our bills,
having babies out of wedlock, or giving so
many of our men baby-mama drama. the list goes on.....
So then why is it we need to hold them (white men)
accountable for actions we are doing to ourselves?? >>
<< Personally me, i don't think it's an issue of a
lifestyle with both of these men, (Cosby vs. Sharpton)
Its who is willing to take up arms and speak on it
whether it hurts me or us. we all know the truth not
only can set you free but it many times hurts to hear
it. >>
Below you will find a rather long, detailed, three
part series on Racial Inequality In America, that
factually, validates the reality of Black life in
America, and why we need the Sharpton's, Jackson's,
and Farrakhan's of the world to speak out on our
behalf. The bottom line with Personal Responsibility
(in my humble opinion); is what are YOU doing to
confront racism and injustice in America.
Don't hate the player...Hate The Game
Peace and Gods Blessings,
Jim Neusom
Executive Director/Publisher
City Lights Software/InterServe Networks
www.citylightssoftware.com
www.jazzentertainment.org
www.thebigcomeup.com
www.afrogolf.com
(702) 348-2041 Las Vegas
(323) 370-3279 Los Angeles
PS: Due to the lenth of this article, I was going to
just put in the links, but then my friends in the
Cosby camp would have an excuse not to read it <smile>
------------------------------------------------------
from the BLACK COMMENTATOR:
(http://www.BlackCommentator.com)
EXCUSES, EXCUSES: HOW THE RIGHT RATIONALIZES RACIAL
INEQUALITY IN AMERICA (PART ONE) BY TIM WISE
WHITES CONTINUE TO RECIEVE SUBSTANTIAL PRIVILIGES AND
PREFERENCES
Whenever I write an article about racism, or give a
speech concerning the ongoing reality of
discrimination in the labor market, I am assailed by
those who refuse to believe what virtually any study
done in the past two decades confirms: namely, that
people of color are not seeing things, nor crazy when
they suggest that racial bias is very much a
modern-day phenomenon.
These assaults typically arrive in my e-mail inbox,
within hours of an article going out over the web, as
if pre-prepared long before, and as if their authors
were simply waiting for an opportunity to pick an
electronic fight.
Sometimes their retorts are little more than racist
rants about how blacks and Latinos are lazy, or how
American Indians are all drunk. But oftentimes the
denial comes wrapped in far more sophisticated garb
than that, occasionally bordering on the scholarly, in
fact.
While some of the conservatives who regale me with
their rationalizations for racial inequality manage to
quote a gaggle of right wing "experts" to help make
their case, the claims they forward are hardly the
stronger for it.
For example, the argument that racial wage gaps merely
reflect different levels of experience and
qualifications between whites and blacks is simply
untenable, when one examines the data.
Fact is, earnings gaps persist at all levels of
education. According to Census data, whites with high
school diplomas, college degrees or Master's Degrees
all earn approximately twenty percent more than their
black counterparts. Even more striking, whites with
professional degrees (such as medicine or law) earn,
on average, thirty-one percent more than similar
blacks and fifty-two percent more than similar
Latinos.
Even when levels of work experience are the same
between blacks and whites, the racial wage gap remains
between 10-20 percent.
Looking at whites and blacks of similar age, doing the
same work, earnings gaps remain significant. Among
25-34 year olds, white lawyers, computer programmers,
and carpenters earn, on average, about one-fourth more
than comparable blacks; white doctors and accountants
earn, on average, one-third more than comparable
blacks; and even white janitors earn sixteen percent
more, on average, than comparable blacks.
Although these gaps do not necessarily reflect overt
discrimination by employers - in fact, they mostly
reflect the segmented labor market, whereby whites
have greater access to more lucrative clients and
companies - the effect is the same: whites continue to
receive advantages in the labor market over equally
qualified blacks.
And contrary to the claims of some, differences in
black and white wages are not the result of different
cognitive abilities or IQ scores. The results of over
thirty studies confirm that test scores and other
academic achievement differences can account for no
more than three percent of the wage gaps between
whites and blacks.
The two most common excuses for racial wage inequity
are age and geography: excuses popularized by black
conservatives like Thomas Sowell, and repeated ad
infinitum by white reactionaries like Abigail and
Stephen Thernstrom.
Since blacks are, on average, younger than whites they
will earn less, so the argument goes; and since blacks
disproportionately live in the South - a lower-wage
region of the country - they will earn less, even if
there were no racism operating in labor markets.
Regarding age, though the median age among whites is
about nine years older than the median for blacks, and
although persons who are older typically earn more
than those who are younger, this fact does not explain
differences between white and black earnings, and even
to the extent it is a factor, it cannot be separated
from the issue of racism.
First, even when whites and blacks of comparable age
are compared, wage gaps remain substantial. Black men
with college degrees earn, on average, 20-25 percent
less than comparable white men, even when they are the
same age.
White families headed by persons of every age group
are far better off than comparable blacks, and indeed
a black family headed by a 45-54 year old is 3.5 times
more likely to be poor than a comparable white family,
and twenty percent more likely to be poor than a white
family headed by someone who is twenty years younger!
Secondly, the older median age for whites is due to a
larger number of elderly citizens, which is the result
of longer life expectancy. But of course, life
expectancy itself is related to racism, so age gaps
between whites and blacks hardly qualify as an
independent variable to explain income inequality.
As a number of studies have documented, blacks
routinely have less access to high-quality health
care, and also suffer from discriminatory treatment at
the hands of doctors. Even when health care is
available, doctors are less likely to order a full
range of diagnostic tests and treatments for black
patients than for whites, even when these patients'
finances and insurance coverage are comparable to
their white counterparts.
Even when comparing blacks and whites of comparable
age, sex, severity of disease, geographic location,
and other factors that could influence the quality of
medical treatment, blacks are sixty percent less
likely to receive a coronary angioplasty or bypass
surgery to relieve a serious heart condition.
As one study found, doctors presented with identical
patient histories and symptoms overwhelmingly refer
whites for more advanced treatment. According to the
study, which presented doctors with videotaped patient
interviews (actually actors trained to pose as
patients with identical medical histories and
symptoms), doctors were far less likely to refer
black women for aggressive treatment of cardiac
symptoms than white women.
When asked to give their impression of the actors
(whom they believed to be real patients), doctors
routinely said they perceived the black "patients" as
less intelligent, less likely to follow doctor's
recommendations and thus cooperate with a treatment
regimen, and more likely to miss appointments: this,
despite the fact that the actors had made identical
comments and had presented identical symptoms.
So, if whites have a longer life expectancy, and if
this is due in part to racially disparate provision of
health care, it is absurd to claim that the younger
average age of the black community explains racial
earnings gaps, independent of racism, since the age
gaps and racism are intimately related.
Even racism experienced outside the realm of health
care is correlated with negative health outcomes.
After all, the biggest killer of African Americans is
high blood pressure leading to stroke, heart disease
and kidney failure; and high blood pressure has been
shown to be associated with experiences with racism.
Additionally, there is a significant reason why median
ages for whites and blacks, despite their disparity,
would have virtually no actual impact on median wages
for either group, and thus would be incapable of
explaining racial earnings gaps: namely, the younger
median age for blacks is caused by a disproportionate
number of youth in the black community relative to
whites. But neither the elderly whites who skew white
average ages upward, nor black youth who skew black
average ages downward, have an effect on median
earnings for either group. This should be obvious
since neither white elderly or black children are
generally in the labor force, and thus are incapable
of affecting the earnings of those between the ages of
15-65 who are.
The only real issue of importance in terms of relative
white or black ages, and how those might affect
earnings, is the relative ages of whites and blacks
who are actually in the labor force, or potential
labor force, which will generally mean those between
15-65.
If anything, white workers are probably a bit younger
on average than black workers, for two reasons. First,
white teens are more likely to be working or looking
for work thanks to greater job opportunities. Indeed,
there is a persistent 15-20 percentage point gap
between white and black teen unemployment rates. While
whites are only sixty-five percent of persons 15-17,
they are seventy-six percent of such persons with a
job (thereby affecting wage rates). Likewise, blacks
are fifteen percent of 15-17 year olds, but less than
eight percent of such persons with a job.
Secondly, blacks are more likely to work longer into
their older years, thanks to having less accumulated
capital and thus being unable to retire as early as
whites. So, if anything, the median age of those in
the workforce would likely be higher for blacks than
whites, which means that using conservative logic, the
older average black workforce should earn more than
its younger white counterpart.
According to Census data, 66.5 percent of whites and
sixty-six percent of blacks are between the ages of
15-64: the years of typical labor market eligibility;
sixteen percent of whites and sixteen percent of
blacks are 35-44 and fifteen percent of whites and a
little more than twelve percent of blacks are 45-54,
the peak earning years for those in the American labor
market.
In other words, the median age differences for the
cohorts whose potential presence in the labor market
might actually affect wages are not capable of
explaining the substantial wage differentials between
blacks and whites.
Finally, some dismiss claims of discrimination as
central to the earnings gap, by claiming that
disparities are largely a function of geography. In
other words, because blacks are concentrated in the
south and because the south is a lower-wage region,
naturally blacks will have lower median earnings.
But where blacks live is hardly a variable that is
independent of racism: after all, blacks are heavily
concentrated in the south due to a history of slavery
and sharecropping that was disproportionately
concentrated in the southern states. As such, to
whatever extent geography plays a role in lower black
wages, it is impossible to disentangle this reality
from the history of racial oppression.
Secondly, although there are earnings differences
between families living in different regions, these
differences are far smaller than the observed racial
gaps. The region with the least blacks, for example,
only outstrips the south in terms of median earnings
by about a thousand dollars annually.
This is far below the typical racial gap between white
and black families, which is over $15,000 a year.
In truth, black median incomes in every region are
lower than median incomes for whites, so that even if
one controls for location of residence and only
compares like families, racial disparities remain.
As a parent, I have learned how readily children will
offer virtually any excuse for their own misbehaviors,
some of which can be quite creative, even comical.
While such prevarication can be endearing when
practiced by a four year old, it becomes quite a bit
less amusing when practiced by so-called social
scientists out to debunk what all rational persons
realize, and what all the best evidence demonstrates:
namely, that racism is far from a thing of the past,
and that whites continue to receive substantial
privileges and preferences in the American labor
market.
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EXCUSES, EXCUSES: HOW THE RIGHT RATIONALIZES RACIAL
INEQUALITY IN AMERICA (PART TWO: CRIMINAL JUSTICE) BY
TIM WISE
Part I of this article appeared in the May 5, 2005
issue of BC.
"It's the crime stupid!"
Thus read the first line of an e-mail I received a few
weeks ago.
This particular love note came from someone who had
run across an old article of mine in which I had
discussed racism in the criminal justice system:
specifically the racially disparate rates of
incarceration for persons of color, over and above the
rates for whites.
In this one sentence, all the weight of white
America's racial anxiety and hostility was poured out
into my web browser, the implication being that there
was no racism in the justice system, but rather, that
the position of African Americans within that system
was merely a function of disproportionate criminality.
If blacks would just straighten up, everything would
be fine.
As with white America's denial of racism in labor
markets, the refusal to believe that bias plays a role
in policing, prosecution or incarceration is
commonplace. Although white Americans are more willing
to accept the possibility of discrimination in the
justice system than in other areas - such as
education, housing or employment - still, two-thirds
according to one poll insist that blacks and Latinos
are treated equally in terms of law enforcement in
their communities.
Would that the evidence supported such optimism. Fact
is, from the earliest stages of policing to the point
of being jailed, evidence of racial bias is clear and
overwhelming.
According to a Justice Department report from February
2001, police are more than twice as likely to search
vehicles driven by blacks after pulling them over,
even though whites, when searched, are more than twice
as likely to be in possession of illegal items, such
as narcotics. Latino drivers were between 2 and 2.26
times more likely to be personally searched or to have
their cars searched by police, even though they are
less likely than whites to use drugs and thus possess
them at any given moment.
In New York City, stop-and-frisk searches by police
highlight the unfair treatment to which people of
color are subjected. Even after controlling for
differential crime rates and the population
demographics of a given neighborhood, black and Latino
residents of New York are far more likely to be
stopped by police than whites.
In mostly white parts of town, blacks are 2.25 times
more likely to be stopped and searched on suspicion of
weapons possession and three times more likely on
suspicion of having committed a violent crime,
relative to their arrest rates for those crimes. In
other words, the fact that blacks have higher rates of
offending in those categories does not explain the
higher stoppage rates. The above-mentioned
disproportions reflect the level of unequal treatment
that remains after factoring in all the non-racial
reasons that could explain searches.
In heavily black parts of town, one would obviously
expect most persons stopped by police to be black, as
this would merely reflect local population
demographics and probable crime rates in the area. But
once again, even after controlling for those factors,
blacks in mostly African American neighborhoods are
still more than twice as likely as whites to be
stopped by police on suspicion of weapons possession
or the commission of a violent crime.
Perhaps most telling, police appear more likely to
stop innocent blacks than whites. For every 4.6 whites
stopped in 1997-1998, for example, police were able to
make one arrest, meaning that roughly 22 percent of
the time their suspicions were justified. Even this is
not a very impressive percentage but it is far better
than that for blacks. Police had to stop 7.3 blacks
before making a single arrest, meaning that only 14
percent of the time was their suspicion justified. In
all, whites stopped were more likely to actually be
guilty of having committed a crime and yet the NYPD
continued to disproportionately stop people of color.
Bias hardly ends at the point of police arrest or
harassment, however. Black incarceration has exploded
several times over, even while black crime has
plummeted in the past twenty years. (And no, this is
not because the incarceration itself has caused the
black crime rate to plummet: crime has dropped just as
much if not more in states with less punitive
anti-crime tendencies).
Interestingly, while black and Latino crime, as a
share of all crime is hardly different than in 1964,
the share of persons incarcerated who are persons of
color has risen from one-third to two-thirds in that
period, while the share who are white has been cut in
half.
Comparing crime data from the FBI (which includes only
those crimes reported to law enforcement), with
Justice Department data on criminal victimization
(culled from victim reports, and which include crimes
not reported to police), makes clear that black crime
rates cannot explain the overrepresentation of African
Americans in the justice system.
Although black crime rates are higher than those for
whites (for reasons that studies indicate are due to
socioeconomic conditions disproportionately faced by
blacks, like crowded housing, extreme poverty, and
community disintegration), there is still evidence
that blacks are arrested more often, and whites less
often, than would be expected based on rates of
offending.
In 2001, for example, for all violent crimes,
including simple assault, blacks committed
twenty-eight percent of the total, according to the
Justice Department. Yet, African Americans comprised
thirty-four percent of all persons arrested for those
crimes that year, meaning that blacks were arrested at
a rate that was twenty percent above their rate of
offending. Indeed, if blacks and whites had been
arrested for these violent crimes at a rate that was
equal to their rate of committing them, tens of
thousands fewer blacks, and tens of thousands more
whites would have been arrested for violent crime in
2001.
Comparing racial arrest data with racial offending
data for 2001 reveals that for every 100 violent
crimes committed by blacks, roughly thirty were
arrested, while for every 100 violent crimes committed
by whites, about 26 were arrested, meaning that white
offenders were about fifteen percent more likely to
get away with their offenses than black offenders.
In addition to black arrest rates being higher than
black offending rates would justify, there is also
racial disparity in terms of who gets imprisoned and
who doesn't. In New York State, according to one
recent study, if blacks arrested were treated the same
as whites for the same crimes, with the same priors,
in the same jurisdictions, one-third of all blacks in
the state sent to jail or prison annually would have
been spared such a sentence. This amounts to nearly
4500 blacks sent to jail or prison each year in New
York who would not have been incarcerated had they
merely been white. In Pennsylvania, even when prior
records and severity of a given crime are the same,
white male offenders between the ages of 18-29 are
thirty-eight percent less likely to be imprisoned than
similar black males.
Not only are blacks more likely to be arrested and
imprisoned than their crime rates would justify, but
whites are much less likely to wind up in prison
despite their share of serious crime. More than half
of all violent crimes are committed by non-Hispanic
whites, but only a quarter of today's prison
population is white, according to the Justice
Department. Blacks, on the other hand, commit a little
more than one-fourth of all violent crime (according
to victim recollections), but comprise nearly half the
jail and prison population.
Racial bias seems especially evident in the case of
juvenile offenders. One study in Florida, for example,
found that even when prior records and severity of
offense were taken into consideration, equally
criminal black and Latino youth were twice as likely
to be confined in a juvenile facility or transferred
to adult court for more serious disposition.
Nationally, black youth are forty-eight times more
likely than whites to be incarcerated for a first-time
drug offense, even when all factors surrounding the
crime are the same.
Bias is especially evident with regard to non-violent,
drug related offenses. African Americans, though only
thirteen percent of drug users and sixteen percent of
dealers, according to federal data, comprise more than
a third of all drug arrests, and when convicted of
low-level drug dealing, are considerably more likely
to be sent to prison and for longer sentences than
comparable whites.
Although blacks and Latinos are ninety percent of
persons incarcerated nationally for drugs, they
represent only twenty-three percent of drug users,
according to the most recent federal data. Meanwhile,
whites, who are between seventy percent and
three-fourths of users, comprise less than ten percent
of those incarcerated for drugs.
In all, black drug users are nearly twenty times more
likely than anyone else to spend time in prison for
their use, and in fifteen states, the rate of black
incarceration for drug offenses is anywhere from 20-57
times greater than for whites, despite equal or
greater rates of drug law violations by whites.
Amazingly, when all other factors surrounding an
arrest are the same, black cocaine offenders are twice
as likely to be sent to prison and will serve, on
average, forty months more than white offenders.
The unequal prosecution and sentencing of drug
offenders has been so severe that as many as a
half-million blacks may have been imprisoned since the
late 1980s, above and beyond the numbers one could
have expected based on their rates of drug offenses.
Likewise, whites receive racial privilege in this
process, since our own criminality is less likely to
result in punishment, or even detection. Examining the
magnitude of these privileges, just with regard to the
war on drugs is instructive.
In 2000, there were roughly 750,000 arrests for drug
possession in the U.S. If arrest rates had mirrored
drug usage rates for that year, roughly seventy-six
percent of those busted would have been non-Hispanic
whites, while 13.5 percent would have been black. This
would have translated into roughly 570,000 whites and
100,000 blacks arrested for drug possession that year.
But in truth, the numbers looked nothing like this at
all. In 2000, approximately 260,000 African Americans
were busted for possession: 2.6 times more than the
number of blacks who would have been arrested had
arrest rates followed usage rates. Although data
indicates that whites were a little over 64 percent of
all persons arrested for drugs in 2000,
this figure obscures the fact that those whom the
government classifies as "Hispanic" are rolled in with
whites for the purpose of state level drug arrest
figures, meaning that the arrest rate for persons
typically viewed as "white" (at least by other whites)
is far lower.
Once Hispanic whites are excluded from drug arrest
figures for whites as a whole, even using a
conservative methodology, there were no more than
325,000 possession arrests for whites in 2000: this
represents a quarter-million fewer whites arrested
than would have been the case had arrest rates
mirrored usage rates.
That's a quarter-million whites able to blaze up or
snort coke in their suburban homes, office suites,
dorm rooms or fraternity houses, safe and secure in
the knowledge that the drug warriors will not likely
be dropping by for a visit.
Interestingly, even if whites do get busted, and go to
jail for a drug offense, their future prospects will
remain far brighter than those for the average black
man in America. As one recent study in Milwaukee
discovered, when equally qualified white and black men
are sent out to look for jobs, and half of each group
claim to have served eighteen months
in prison for possession of drugs with intent to
distribute (while the other half of each group claim
to have no criminal record), those whites who claim to
have done time are slightly more likely to get a
callback for an interview than blacks who claim to be
crime-free.
And thus the cycle perpetuates itself, with worse job
prospects only increasing the likelihood of criminal
behavior, which will then be used to" justify" harsher
criminal justice treatment.
While it's true that the left has often made a mess of
the case for racism in the justice system - for
example, by fuming that blacks are only twelve percent
of the population, and yet represent roughly half of
all persons incarcerated (a point that means nothing,
since incarceration would logically mirror crime
rates, not population demographics) - the fact remains
that even with regard to actual offending rates,
especially for drugs, blacks are over-arrested,
over-prosecuted and over-incarcerated.
In other words, it isn't the crime stupid; it's the
color.
EXCUSES, EXCUSES: HOW THE RIGHT RATIONALIZES RACIAL
INEQUALITY IN AMERICA (PART THREE: HOUSING) BY TIM
WISE
According to government estimates, between two and
three million cases of housing discrimination take
place each year, victimizing persons of color who seek
to either purchase or rent a place to live. This
discrimination takes several different forms, some of
which are rather blatant, and others of which appear
more subtle: claiming that the last apartment was just
rented, when it fact it wasn't; charging higher
interest rates for the same mortgage loan offered to a
white person on better terms, or flatly rejecting
persons of color for a loan at all, even while
offering the same loans to whites with similar credit.
Yet, despite decades of studies confirming the
existence of housing bias, conservatives regularly
devise and offer excuses for disparate housing
outcomes, all of which presume that there are logical
reasons why folks of color get loans less often, or on
less favorable terms, and none of which reasons have
the least bit to do with racism. As with white
denial of racism in labor markets, the refusal of many
in the white community to acknowledge the existence of
bias in housing signifies an overwhelming need to
rationalize inequality in the U.S.
Although skeptics downplay discrimination against
persons seeking to buy a home, by saying that higher
mortgage rejection rates for blacks are merely the
result of having worse credit histories, the facts say
otherwise.
The most comprehensive study of mortgage bias was
conducted by the Boston Federal Reserve Bank and
considered 38 different factors that could result in
disparate lending. Among the factors examined were
several measures of income, credit history, loan type
and collateral. Even with all factors considered,
blacks were still nearly 60 percent more likely
to be rejected for a mortgage compared to similarly
credit-worthy whites. Despite criticisms of the Boston
Fed study, the research has held up to extensive
scrutiny. Indeed, the methodology of the study was
considered sound enough by Boston banks so as to gain
their participation to begin with, no doubt because
they expected (incorrectly as it turned out) that the
research would exonerate them from claims of bias.
Furthermore, two follow-up studies, both of which
added control variables, found equal or higher levels
of bias than were found in the original study.
Another study in Louisville sent black and white
"testers" to banks with equal credit ratings and
financial characteristics, and had them request
conventional mortgages for the very same housing.
Repeatedly, blacks were given less information or
encouragement to apply, and were subjected to
differential and unequal treatment in terms of loan
prequalification. For example, blacks were often told
their income and credit was inadequate to qualify for
the loans they sought, while whites with identical
incomes and credit were told they would qualify for
the same loans.
Conservatives criticize studies that find evidence of
mortgage bias, based on different outcomes for persons
at the same credit rating, by arguing that default
analysis shows different outcomes are justified.
Specifically, they argue that since black default
rates are higher than the rates for whites, at every
level of pre-loan creditworthiness, banks
are merely engaging in rational decision making when
they reject blacks for such loans, aware that the risk
of default is higher. But there are multiple flaws
with this line of reasoning.
First, this argument ignores that default rates and
foreclosure rates are far from the same, and it is
only when loans are foreclosed that their default
status becomes visible in data. Secondly, lenders
control whether or not a late loan (technically in
default) is going to be called in or not, and the
available evidence suggests lenders are more
aggressive in foreclosing on loans paid late by blacks
than whites. In part, this is due to the ability to
turn the lower-cost homes (with higher than average
loan-to-value ratios) more quickly for greater profit
once the loan is called in.
Another problem with the default analysis approach is
that it assumes that since blacks are higher average
credit and default risks, therefore, there is no
discrimination when a particular black applicant for a
loan gets turned down. But this argument extrapolates
from group averages to individuals in a way that is
not only illegal (it is unlawful to
discriminate against a person because of the average
characteristics of that person's racial group), but
also irrational. After all, just because blacks as a
group have higher default rates, doesn't mean that any
given black loan applicant will likely default, and to
treat them as if they would is to treat them on the
basis of a statistical average over which they have no
control, and which is likely to be wrong far more
often than right (since most blacks will not default
on their loans).
Finally, when loan default rates are not massively
different between whites and blacks (and they aren't),
lenders should care more about the average loss on a
default, rather than the average rate of default
between one type of borrower and another. As such, it
is important to note that the expected monetary loss
to a lender from a defaulted black loan is actually
less than the average for loans to whites
(understandable, since the size of the loan in the
latter case is likely higher), so market theory would
predict lower rates of foreclosure on black loans if
discrimination were not operating.
Furthermore, if risk of default in the abstract is
less important than size of the monetary loss in case
of default, the entire notion of recalibrating
discrimination estimates based on different default
rates becomes untenable.
Given the higher average loss on loans to whites, it
is whites who should be held to the higher standard:
yet, no evidence suggests this happens.
One of the problems with comparing creditworthiness in
the first place, so as to "justify" racial disparity
in lending, is that research has found lenders are
more willing to give information to whites with bad
credit on how to clean up their files, and
underwriters tend to give whites the benefit of the
doubt with spotty credit in a way they don't with
borrowers of color.
One infamous example of this process, though hardly
anomalous, involved Northern Trust, in Chicago, which
settled with the Justice Department over violations of
the Equal Credit Opportunity Act. Northern had allowed
whites with spotty credit to offer extensive
explanations for their credit blemishes, while denying
such an opportunity to minority loan seekers.
What's more, Northern had refused to consider bonuses,
overtime pay or child support as sources of income
when determining a black applicant's creditworthiness,
whereas these were taken into consideration for white
loan-seekers.
Evidence from around the nation suggests that lenders
often seem less interested in giving loan information
to black customers than whites, are quick to urge
blacks more so than whites to seek loans elsewhere,
and are more likely to discourage black loan seekers
by telling them how complicated and time-consuming the
application process might be. Blacks
are also more likely than whites to be told that they
won't qualify for the loans they are seeking, even
before they have filled out the necessary paperwork
needed for a lender to make such a determination.
Interestingly, data from the Home Mortgage Disclosure
Act demonstrates that while blacks and whites with
excellent credit appear to be treated equally, there
is a substantial gap between the way whites and blacks
with bad or questionable credit are treated. As the
Wall Street Journal reported in 1995, nearly seventy
percent of whites with poor credit are able to receive
a mortgage, compared to only sixteen percent of blacks
with equally poor credit.
Even when folks of color do have worse credit, this
fact is hardly independent of racism. Rather, worse
credit for blacks (especially the poor) often stems
from the practices of the secondary mortgage market.
As several studies have shown, banks often reject
borrowers of color, even when they have credit
records similar to whites with the same incomes.
Then, these rejected applicants turn to secondary or
"sub-prime" lenders, often owned by the very banks
that turned them down (or which are subsidized by them
in the form of credit lines), and which specialize in
loans to persons who can't otherwise get financing.
These sub-prime lenders charge 3-5 times the interest
for the loans they offer than the bank would have that
originally rejected the supposedly high-risk
applicant. By doing so, lenders make exceptionally
high profits and place borrowers in great jeopardy by
driving up the amount they must repay, thereby
increasing the likelihood of default, late payments,
or missed payments, all of which would then taint
future credit records.
A recent study of Citigroup (which includes Citi, the
group's sub-prime lender), found that Citi in North
Carolina has been charging higher interest even to
borrowers who could have qualified for regular loans.
In the process, over 90,000 mostly black borrowers
have been roped into predatory loans, and as a result
have paid an average of $327 more per
month for mortgages than those getting loans from a
prime lender. This adds up to over $110,000 in excess
payments over the life of the loans, on average. And
at the same time that banks are steering blacks with
good credit to sub-prime lenders, whites with good
credit who apply for loans with sub-prime lenders are
routinely referred to prime lenders, who
offer loans at lower interest rates.
The collective impact of housing bias is enormous.
Most obviously, it deprives families of color of
billions of dollars in lost potential wealth and
assets. Studies place the cost of present-day
discrimination at over $4 billion annually for people
of color, and further estimate that today's black
communities have been deprived of nearly
half-a-trillion
dollars in wealth due to past and present housing
discrimination in the U.S.
Likewise, housing preferences and subsidies for white
families (in the form of Homestead Act benefits, and
racially-restrictive FHA and VA loans), alongside
"urban renewal," (which resulted in the destruction of
about one-fourth of all homes lived in by African
Americans in the 50s and 60s to make way for office
parks, parking lots and shopping centers), have pushed
the racial housing gap in America to chasm levels.
This inequality in housing, compounded by inequality
in labor markets, then results in profoundly unequal
educational opportunities and access for persons of
color, relative to whites: the subject to which we
will turn in Part IV of this series.
-------------------------------
Tim Wise is the author of White Like Me: Reflections
on Race from a Privileged Son (Soft Skull, 2005) and
Affirmative Action: Racial Preference in Black and
White (Routledge, 2005) Footnotes for this article can
be obtained from the author at timj...@msn.com. His
writings can be found at www.timwise.org.
Your comments are always welcome.
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------------------------------
From: Ishaq <isha...@telus.net>
Subject: Deadly silence covers passing of federal gang bill
>>
Deadly silence covers passing of federal gang bill
By Askia Muhammad
White House Correspondent
Updated Jun 2, 2005, 09:36 pm
Federal gangbusters bill legitimizes sinister measures
Releated links:
* Federal gang bill is 'open warfare,' says activist (FCN, 09-10-2004)
http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_1569.shtml
* Justice Dept. reports alarming incarceration rates for Blacks and Latinos
(FCN, 09-03-2003)
http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_988.shtml
*
The CIA & Drugs in America
http://ciadrugs.homestead.com/files/outline.html
WASHINGTON (FinalCall.com) - Even as the Republican-controlled Senate scrambles
to change its rules in order to pack the Federal Courts with "radical
right-wing" judges nominated by President George Bush, the House of
Representatives May 12 passed its own punitive, race-biased legislation, once
again making mandating mandatory-minimum sentences aimed at street gangs.
Under the so-called "Gangbusters Bill" (HR 1279), a sentence of at least 10
years would be required for an act of violence; at least 20 years for serious
assaults; and at least 30 years for kidnapping, aggravated sexual abuse or
maiming; and life imprisonment or the death penalty for any crime resulting in
death, including acts committed by juveniles.
"Basically, what drove the creation of these statutes, was not just a fear of
drugs, but also a 'punishment mentality,'" Dr. Ronald Walters, professor of
Political Science, at the University of Maryland, told The Final Call. "The
punishment mentality, of course, has always been there; it goes all the way back
to the previous century. They got the opportunity to use the punishment system
with legitimacy, by passing public policies that did precisely that."
Already, a sinister combination of that "punishment mentality" along with an
exaggerated alarm about youth crime has produced a potentially toxic reaction in
the Los Angeles area.
"We are at the threshold of annihilation because of the destructive forces at
work in our community," the Greater Los Angeles Neighborhood Stabilization
Council (GLANSC) warns in its introduction of "Operation Nutcracker," a plan to
"extract any element from the community that possesses the potential to
destabilize the correct balance in the social order" through the use of U.S.
military forces, the FBI, ATF, CIA, U.S. Marshalls, Homeland Security, and local
law enforcement authorities.
The gang bill's supporters insist that harsh measures are needed to fight
violence by networks of young criminals who may number 750,000 members from
coast-to-coast. Their goal appears to be to lock up large numbers of young
people aged 15-24. "And if you take the person off the streets for that period,
then the statistics go enormously away in terms of perpetrating additional
crimes," said Rep. Randy Forbes (R-Va.), the bill's chief sponsor according to
The New York Times.
Seventeen-year-olds who shoot people in gang initiation rituals need to know
they'll do hard time, Rep. Forbes told The Daily Press of Newport News, Va. "You
want to deal with these sophisticated criminal gangs, the only way we're going
to stop them is to get the leaders," Mr. Forbes said, "and if lower-tier gang
members are willing to give up those networks. If you do it the way it is right
now, there is no incentive at all for them to help law enforcement."
Hard jail time is threatened unless small-time, petty criminals "give us
information to break this thing up," Rep. Forbes said.
That is precisely the danger, according to Dr. Walters: "Because of the loose
way in which a gang is defined-any more than three people who appear to be
involved in a conspiracy to commit a crime. What's going to happen is that it's
going to be used as another harassment tool for minority youth, African
Americans and Hispanics in particular.
"Because we've found that these kind of pieces of legislation really give the
police sort of cover; give them a legitimate excuse to carry out harassment of
people in these communities. Not the least of which is to commit invasive search
and seizures, and then lock up more people. This is really not needed, because
we have statutes that cover crimes committed by gangs already."
In the Los Angeles area, similar legislation has already been approved, and
plans are in place for police to issue an "eviction notice" to gangs who have
already been labeled "domestic terrorists" by Southern California law
enforcement officials, Final Call West Coast correspondent Charlene Muhammad
reported. Western Regional Minister Tony Muhammad warned visitors at Muhammad's
Mosque No. 27 recently that Operation Nutcracker is not "to come, but has come"
through federal legislation, without ample prior warning from any Blacks in
Congress.
Most harmful is that Operation Nutcracker will nab youth, both innocent and
guilty, their parents, and the community-at-large, based on flimsy evidence,
such as anyone with gang tatoos, or with a poor school attendance record.
These new measures are also not an effective way to combat crime, according to
Congressional Black Caucus member Rep. Bobby Scott (D-Va.). Prosecuting children
as adults increases, rather than decreases, crime, so the House-passed measure
will result in more youth being prosecuted as adults in the federal system,
according to "talking points" provided by Rep. Scott's office.
In fact, most gang experts call for "an appropriate social service response" to
youth development and neighborhoods in distress Rep. Scott argues. "(To do
otherwise) violates common sense," he told The Daily Press.
"And yes, it's a racist thing," said Dr. Walters. "Because of what it's done to
the Criminal Justice System, and who it was aimed at; the targeted policing that
it was aimed at. It's consistent with what's been happening all along. Half of
everybody who's locked up in America today is Black, and it's no accident. At
the same time, crime has been going down. So somebody has to answer the 'why'
question on that, and basically it has a lot to do with race."
"More than 80 percent of the people who are locked up are in for petty drug
offenses, and it's directly related to the drug statutes that were passed in the
mid-1980s and '90s, and this is simply another tool they can use," said Dr.
Walters.
Mandatory minimum sentences are "ineffective and racially biased," Rep. Scott
argues in his talking points. According to the U.S. Sentencing Commission, 39
percent of those receiving mandatory minimum sentences were Hispanic, 38 percent
were Black and 23 percent were White. These statistics are grossly
disproportionate to the population of people committing crimes.
The gang bill also expands the federal death penalty, which "is unfair and error
prone" said Rep. Scott. In 2000, the Department of Justice identified serious
racial and geographic problems in the administration of the federal death
penalty. Since that time, neither the Congress nor the administration has taken
measures to address those disparities, except to add new laws.
"Even the conservative Heritage Foundation provided recent testimony on what
measures Congress should be doing to address the gang problem including
providing activities to children, providing better local education and improving
local economies and fostering stable neighborhoods," said Rep. Scott. "This bill
does none of these things."
Charlene Muhammad contributed to this report.
http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/article_2029.shtml
___\
Stay Strong\
\
"Be a friend to the oppressed and an enemy to the oppressor" \
--Imam Ali Ibn Abu Talib (as)\
\
"This mathematical rhythmatical mechanism enhances my wisdom\
of Islam, keeps me calm from doing you harm, when I attack, it's Vietnam"\
--HellRazah\
\
"It's not too good to stay in a white man's country too long"\
--Mutabartuka\
\
"As for we who have decided to break the back of colonialism, \
our historic mission is to sanction all revolts, all desperate \
actions, all those abortive attempts drowned in rivers of blood."\
- Frantz Fanon\
\
"Everyday is Ashura and every land is Kerbala"\
-Imam Ja'far Sadiq\
\
http://scratchcue.blogspot.com/
\
http://www.sleepybrain.net/vanilla.html
\
http://www.world-crisis.com/analysis_comments/766_0_15_0_C/
\
http://ilovepoetry.com/search.asp?keywords=braithwaite&orderBy=date
\
http://www.lowliferecords.co.uk/
\
"For African people on the continent the image of Afrikans in America is that of
a bunch of heavily armed Black men who only stop fighting each other long enough
to put a dollar in Chocolate Thunda's thong at tha strip club."\
--min paul scott --"How MTV Underdeveloped Africa: Pistols, Pimps and Pan
Africanism"\
\
M.E.D.I.A.: (MisEducation Destroying Intelligent Afrikans)\
\
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/THCO2/
\
>>>}
==
¶ Goto Black World Events:
¶ Get the Who, What, Where, When and Why...
¶ http://topica.com/lists/BW-Events/read
¶ and be on time, in touch and in step
------------------------------
From: "Cachet Press" <la...@CachetPress.com>
Subject: Black folks always got a play cousin>>
MY WEEKLY PONDERANCE: Last week I was talking to my play cousin (Black folks
always got a play cousin) about this girl he's been dating. My cousin and his
lady have been together for about two years, now. He always comes to me to
discuss his relationship and get some advice when he's at a crossroad with her.
Recently it seems, they have had some major disagreement and my cousin came to
me to express his point of view and to validate why he was upset. Since I've
interacted with his lady on many occasions and her character seems much less
spotty than his, it became quickly apparent to me that before I passed judgement
on this woman I should be cautious when just going by my cousin's side of the
story. As they say, in every story there are three points of view: his side of
the story, her side of the story and the correct version of the truth.
People naturally want you to side with them and have a tendency to massage the
truth sometimes in their favor to get you to side with them. Just like little
kids, we all go through that "see what had happened was" routine. When grown
folks want to skew your opinion in their favor, they leave out important facts
in the story to hinder your complete understanding of the situation at hand.
Politicians are very good at this. We are currently in a war based on a
"massaged truth" feed to us by our government. We all like folks to stand behind
us and support us, but some of us are not capable enough to do it with our own
personal elements and need to misleadingly sway the popular opinion in our
favor.
So sometimes you have to do a little behind the scenes research to figure out
exactly what the true nature of the story is. As in the situation with my
cousin, it seems he conveniently forgot to tell me that his girlfriend called
him a few unkind names that his mother did not give him and is not returning his
calls because she caught him lip locked in a restaurant with another woman. I
suppose it just slipped my cousin's mind to mention this fact. Unless, I had a
relationship with his girlfriend and was able to ask her what happened, I would
have never gotten this vital piece of information. By loyalty to my cousin, I
would have simply sided with him and assumed his girl was mistreating him. The
next time I saw her, I probably would have some sort of funky attitude because I
presumed she was doing my cousin wrong. So sometimes you have to gather all the
facts from both sides before you make a decision.
Every now and then, we just won't be able to take a stance on either side
because we are working with limited knowledge. It's perfectly all right to say
"I'm uncomfortable passing a judgement without all the facts before me." No one
can fault you for taking this approach. What's wrong with saying "I only have
your side of the story and not his side of the story, so I'm not willing to form
an opinion either way?" It will possibly prevent you from looking really dumb
down the line once you realized you signed on with the wrong team. Watching all
these silly talk shows today let's you know that sometimes you have to wait for
the DNA results to come back before you agree to take the baby home with you.
The same goes for buying into stories that are being told to you, you have to
have all the information first and then you can respond accordingly.
All of this could be alleviated if people just told the truth, the whole truth
and nothing but the truth, but alas we are all only human and have a tendency to
prefer for people to see things our way. This leaves the rest of us trying to
sort through the muddle of half information that is doled out as we search for
the little kernels of authenticy that are being told. It's a draining task, but
living a life based on incorrect assumptions is the exploitive alternative. Why
would you voluntarily allow others to take advantage of your "free thinking"
mind like that anyway? Take your pick.
Peace and Blessings,
Lana Reid
author & poet
OTHER PLACES YOU WILL FIND ME:
June 17:8pm-until
Lonzo Williams
(Producer and Club Promoter)
&
Kevin Nash
(KJLH Radio Personality)
Gemini Birthday Bash
Featuring the Legendary
Lenny Williams
Club Hall of Fame-5th floor
Inside the Hollywood Park Casino
3883 W. Century Bl
Inglewood, Ca
$20 in advance/$25 ATD
tickets on sale 24 hours a day at the Hollywood Park Cashier Cage
call 310-677-6063 or email lo...@clubhalloffamehpc.com for more info
July 8: 9pm -until
My "Four Years Shy of Forty" Birthday Party
Club Hall of Fame
3883 W Century Bl
Inglewood, Ca
click here to RSVP http://www.evite.com/la...@cachetpress.com/bday
Aug 25-28
Los Angeles and Las Vegas Steppers Trip to Chicago
catch me in Chi-Town at places like the Razz, Mr. G's, & the 50 Yard Line
Check out my interview with http://www.blackmeninamerica.com/bookrev.htm#Reid
Gary Johnson, publisher of Black Men in America.com
"The Premier Online Magazine for Black Men"
One of my previous articles has been featured in
Hollywood How To Magazine
check it out http://www.youmustact.com/junnewsletter.pdf
Lana is looking for suggestions
Please send me your comments on how to improve this newsletter
Anything from "way to go" to "get a better spell check program" is greatly
appreciated
feed...@cachetpress.com
You can purchase My Love Notes to a Black Man directly from CachetPress.com,
Amazon.com or at the following:
Afri-Ware Inc
948 Lake St.
Oak Park, IL 60301
(708) 524-8398
Black Box Booksellers
612 East Charles Street
LaPlata, MD
Cush City
13559 Bammel N. Houston Rd.
Houston, TX 77066
(281) 444-4265
Mitchie's Gallery
6406 N. IH 35 Suite #2800
Austin, TX 78752
(512) 323-6901
Native Son "Afrocentric Center"
1301 "D" St.
Las Vegas, NV 89106
(702) 647-0101
Spoken Word and Arts Cafe
P.O. Box 3566
Cerritos, CA 90703
(562) 674-2955
The Murray Collection Art & Gift Gallery
by appointment only
Los Angeles, CA
(323) 971-3414
A portion of my book sales will be donated to the
Sickle Cell Disease Foundation of California
Did you know that: Sickled red blood cells carry less oxygen than normal cells
resulting in blocked vessels causing severe pain as well as tissue and organ
damage.
Until next time....
It takes a deep commitment to change and an even deeper commitment to grow.
~Ralph Ellison
Peace and Blessings
~Lana
Cachet Press
http://www.CachetPress.com
PO BOX 7004
Torrance, Ca 90504
(310) 327-3274
>>> ==
¶ Goto Black World Events:
¶ Get the Who, What, Where, When and Why...
¶ http://topica.com/lists/BW-Events/read
¶ and be on time, in touch and in step
------------------------------
Date: Thu, 9 Jun 2005 10:11:23 -0400
Subject: Developing Self-Empowerment in African American Students
Developing Self-Empowerment in African American Students Using the
Comprehensive Support Model
http://content.helloworld.com/pages/helloworld/Story.nsp?story_id=73064916&ID=helloworld&scategory=Computers&
African American students face myriad problems that are pervasive,
multifaceted, and sociohistorical. In the U.S. educational system, these
students are frequently stigmatized, misidentified, mislabeled, misplaced, and
misinstructed. In addition, understand that impoverished situations in which
some schools/students exist do not extend to all; however, it has become
apparent that African American students who come from wealthy suburban
neighborhoods and those whose parents are well-educated experience
disempowering situations. Steele, a conservative scholar, asserted: The
condition of being Black in America means that one will likely endure more
wounds to one's self esteem than others and that capacity for self-doubt born
of these wounds will be compounded and expanded by the Black race's reputation
for inferiority.. Black skin has more dehumanizing stereotypes associated with
it than any other skin color in America, if not the world. When a Black
presents himself [herself] in an integrated situation, he knows that his [her]
skin alone may bring these stereotypes to life in the minds of those he meets
and that he [she], as an individual, may be diminished by his [her] race
before he has a chance to reveal a single aspect of his [her] personality.
The multidimensional problems that confront African American students make it
imperative to involve them in their self- empowerment. African American
students must be taught to be resilient, self-determined, and to have a well-
defined sense of "self." According to Brown, Gaston, and Benard, children who
are resilient, self-determined, and have a strong sense of self strive to rise
above the darkness of life's injustice to the light of life's joys. Through
their efforts and characters, these children ultimately define themselves and
determine their own destiny. According to Kerka, family functioning and
parent-child relationships have greater influence in career development than
family structure or the parents' educational or occupational status.
Consider the case: Paul was an African American student who was consistently
punished by his teacher for one reason or the other. He was unfairly
categorized as having behavior problems. Paul's parents were poor financially,
but they were determined to make something out of their son. They attended
parent/teacher organization meetings and made sure they knew what their son
was doing in school. Because of their involvement in school, teachers began to
understand that they could not treat Paul any way they wanted. Before long,
Paul's behaviors began to improve and he began to empower himself to succeed
in his education. He started to perform very well in school and was put in the
classroom for students with gifts and talents. Impediments to the self
development of students, such as, police brutality, racial profiling, the
incarceration of African American males, and the disproportionate
representation of African American students in special education programs can
produce inaccurate self- valuation and self-ideal. In addition, the amount of
negative images of Black youth in various media presents false perceptions in
the minds of many Americans. To overcome these barriers, African Americans
must develop a strong sense of self and resiliency to injustices they
confront. Additionally, communities must help African American students
develop necessary knowledge, skills, and expectations to buttress positive
growth. An empowered "self can be a powerful tool that can directly influence
students' abilities to succeed not just in school, but also in life. Students,
parents, teachers, community members, and policymakers should work together
for the common good. Since self-empowerment is not genetically predetermined,
we must make sure that African American students view themselves as
intrinsically empowering. In addition, we must make sure that their
interactions with their families, schools, communities, and government
agencies are empowering.
OPPORTUNITIES Low-End Job Better Than Nothing, Readers Agree
http://content.helloworld.com/pages/helloworld/Story.nsp?story_id=73107369&ID=helloworld&scategory=Computers&
As I pointed out two weeks ago, fewer African-Americans are doing the kind of
dirty jobs that Fox was speaking of, and the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics
backed me up. The number of Hispanic workers has surpassed that of
African-Americans in service occupations, such as grounds and maintenance
workers, janitors and building cleaners, and workers in fast-food and other
food-related occupations. And I quoted Clayborn Benson, executive director of
the Wisconsin Historical Society and Museum, 2620 W. Center St., who said,
"What Fox is saying is true." Benson said he often encounters African-
American youths who would rather hustle on the street than work a minimum wage
job. A Milwaukee letter carrier said: "It saddens me when I see the number of
healthy adults sitting on porches. I can't get to the mailbox because they're
waiting on me," referring to those who can't wait to get their government
checks. She went on to say that she was a single parent and she didn't
necessarily dream of being a postal worker, but such work enabled her to raise
herself out of poverty and provide a better life for her daughter. Let me set
the record straight. I'm not advocating that black folks become $3-an-hour
migrant workers or that Hispanic workers should be exploited, but if you have
a choice between employment and unemployment, starting at the bottom sure
beats the alternative.
As this reader from Brookfield noted: "Work history, personal references and
work ethic are all skills that can be proven at a job that you don't enjoy for
low wages.
Those qualities have moved many different immigrant groups up the economic
ladder throughout the history of this country." As I said before, if you're on
the bottom rung of the economic ladder, then you've got to climb the ladder in
stages. That means you might have to work at a job you don't enjoy and for
lower wages. But you don't have to stay there. Some readers disagree. "After
reading your article about blacks not taking bottom-rung jobs, why don't you
take them? We gave enough free labor," one African-American woman wrote. She
seems to think that I look down my nose at those who have taken low-skill,
low-wage jobs, when many of us who have achieved any measure of success have
done that kind of work. I remember working in the cafeteria on my college
campus, busting my butt sweeping and mopping floors, serving hungry students
and doing any other grunt work that needed to be done all to help my parents
pay for my tuition at a private university. Let's not forget my first job
flipping burgers as a high school student. Even to break into the newspaper
profession, I had to start at the bottom. I wrote my first published articles
for free for a community newspaper just so that I could get a byline. Had it
not been for my willingness to accept the bottom-rung jobs, I might not be
where I am today. This reader summed it up best. "Education is the key to
success," he wrote. "You don't have to be a doctor or lawyer to be successful
in life. Plumbers, carpenters, make very good money. . . . You can't always
start at the top and most of the time you have to work from the ground up to
get to the mountaintop." (Excerpts)
CREATING WEALTH ~ How You Can Make Money & Save!
NEW! DEMONSTRATION TOUR: http://www.marketerschoice.com/app/?Clk=1110500
GET MORE INFORMATION:
http://www.africreations.com/Blackstocks-Opportunity.html
Savings and Investment Web Site Targets African Americans
http://content.helloworld.com/pages/helloworld/Story.nsp?story_id=72983903&ID=helloworld&scategory=Computers
The National Urban League and the Investment Company Institute Education
Foundation have developed the Investing for Success program to inspire African
Americans to become knowledgeable about investing for retirement and learn how
to take advantage of opportunities to accumulate wealth. In addition to
sponsoring local workshops, the ICIEF has established a savings and investment
education Web site. The primary reason African Americans cite for not
investing is lack of knowledge, according to the research. "The National Urban
League and ICIEF share an important goal of helping African Americans to
become economically self-sufficient," says Marc H. Morial, the president of
the National Urban League. Although the Investing for Success partnership
offers free three- hour workshops aimed at middle-income African Americans to
advise them about the benefits of long-term investing, the ICIEF offers an
award-winning Web course that integrates all the workshop materials in an
interactive, multimedia format. (Excerpts)
Home Schooling Growth aided by African-Americans
http://www.blackpressusa.com/News/Article.asp?SID=4&Title=Departments&NewsID=4267
There used to be a time when Belva Marlin would give disapproving nods to
parents who chose to home school their children. ''I thought they were
crazy,'' said Marlin, a former teacher. Today, Marlin is on the other side of
those disapproving gestures and judgmental eyes. She pulled her daughter out
of public school just before she started middle school and has been home
schooling her for the last five years. Marlin says her daughter, Jazmin, now
an 11th-grader, asked to be home schooled.
''She is a very independent learner,'' Marlin said about Jazmin. Marlin, who
lives in Forsyth County, was among the thousands of people from across the
state who attended a the three-day annual conference of North Carolinians for
Home Education. The recent conference at the M.C. Benton Convention Center
featured seminars on everything from ''Homeschool Sports'' to ''Learning
Without a Curriculum.'' The conference also featured a book fair where home
educators bought up thousands of dollars worth of items to help them educate
their children. Parents choose home schooling for a variety of reasons, St.
Marie said. Like Marlin, some feel that their child's learning style is better
suited for the individual education that home schooling can provide; others
want to give their children that balance between the three R's and religion
that public schools can't provide.
Cheryl Carter says the number of Blacks home schooling is growing at the rate
of about 10 percent a year. She believes more Blacks would be on board if they
knew that home schooling does not require a ton of money or that a home
educator be a rocket scientist. ''They just need encouragement that they can
do this,'' she said. In North Carolina, a parent must only have a high school
diploma or GED to home school, and books and other supplies for students could
range from $100 to $500 per school year. Students who are home schooled must
have at least a nine-month academic calendar like their public school
counterparts. The state does not dictate which specific subjects should be
taught at home schools, but the state standardized tests that students take
annually focus on English, spelling, math and grammar. If there are drawbacks
to educating children at home, NCHE members have not discovered them. They say
research shows that home-schooled children are just as bright and ambitious as
any other student. In her role as legislative administrator for NCHE,
Fitz-Wynn, who is an African-American, advocates for home school educators in
the General Assembly. She has been a home school educator for 11 years and
says that her six children function in the world outside of their home quite
well. Marlin said sports are a good way for home schooled students to get
involved with other children their age. Her daughter plays soccer and takes
advanced placement classes at the Career Center. Marlin says home schooling is
not for every parent or every child. She home schooled her son for only a year
before he decided that he preferred a more traditional setting. He attends
North Forsyth High School. But Marlin says she has no regrets about giving up
teaching to educate her daughter at home. (Excerpts)
Blacks More Likely to Have Enlarged Heart
http://content.helloworld.com/pages/helloworld/Story.nsp?story_id=73117386&ID=helloworld&scategory=Computers&
Blacks are twice as likely as whites to have an enlarged left side of their
heart, University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center scientists said
Wednesday. The study, which used cardiac magnetic resonance imaging to measure
heart weight or heart mass, found blacks are two to three times as likely to
have left-ventricular hypertrophy, or LVH. LVH is marked by an enlargement of
the heart's left pumping chamber and can lead to heart attacks and strokes.
Researchers said weight and body fat were not good indicators of who might
have LVH. But they did find a correlation with high blood pressure. (Excerpts)
Yale Study: African-American Women Report More Menopause Symptoms Than White
Women
http://content.helloworld.com/pages/helloworld/Story.nsp?story_id=72983942&ID=helloworld&scategory=Computers
A study of African-American women in menopause shows that while they
experience many of the same symptoms as White women, they report more
vasomotor symptoms such as dizziness and bloating, according to a study by a
Yale School of Nursing researcher. The women reported symptoms common among
White women in menopause - hot flashes, irregular menstruation, heavy
bleeding, sleep changes, night sweats, vaginal dryness, decreased libido and
urinary urgency. Other common symptoms were forgetfulness, depression,
irritability, fatigue, headache, and skin and hair changes. Less common
menopausal symptoms reported by the African-American women were related to
vasomotor functions, which involved constriction of blood vessels. These
symptoms included dizziness, vaginal discharge, vaginal and body odor, hot
feet, swollen hands, body rashes, bloating and joint stiffness. "Some of the
participants also described experiencing 'rage,' which was identified by
participants as a bubbling up of indignation directed toward others - family
members, coworkers or friends," says Alexander. "It was as if achieving
menopause transported them into another phase of life, one in which women
fully expected to be treated better and were unwilling to settle for anything
else." Alexander says this rage also has been reported by White women and is
perhaps a "coming of age" and outgrowth of individual women's life experiences
rather than representative of Black or White culture. (Excerpts)
Celebrate Fatherhood, Education & Black Economic Empowerment
GIFT OF STOCK CERTIFICATES FOR GRADS & DADS
http://www.africreations.com/Blackstocks-Gift.html
INCOME OPPORTUNITY ~ FLEXIBLE & HOMEBASED!
http://www.africreations.com/Blackstocks-Opportunity.html
Real Men Cook, Real Men Charities: 6/19/05 Family Celebrations in U.S. Cities
http://realmencook.com
Trinidad & Tobago Emancipation Celebrations
http://www.panafricanfestival.org/index.php
AfriCreations - A POSITIVE BLACK SITE
BARGAINS, USEFUL INFO, AND MORE!
http://www.africreations.com
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Get on TheBlackList
TheBlackLis...@topica.com
for the CAUSE that needs assistance
for the FUTURE NOW.
http://topica.com/lists/Theblacklist/read
------------------------------------------------------------------------
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 10 Jun 2005 22:07:00 -0400
From: "SendMeYourNews" <sendmey...@earthlink.net>
Subject: Harlem Book Fair Goes To Boston
PR: Harlem Book Fair Goes To Boston----- Original Message -----
From: BlackNews.com
To: sendmey...@theblacklist.net
Sent: Friday, June 10, 2005 6:54 PM
Subject: PR: Harlem Book Fair Goes To Boston
Distributed through BlackPR.com and BlackNews.com
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
June 10, 2005
CONTACT:
Tony Rose
Amber Communications Group, Inc.
480-460-1660 or 602-243-3144
amb...@aol.com
http://www.amberbooks.com
AMBER COMMUNICATIONS GROUP, INC. (ACGI) AND ROXBURY ACTION PROGRAM BRING THE
HARLEM BOOK FAIR TO BOSTON
Tony Rose, Publisher and CEO of ACGI
Boston, MA (BlackNews.com) - June 25th marks the date that Amber Communications
Group, Inc. (ACGI) and Roxbury Action Program (RAP) will launch the Harlem Book
Fair (HBF) in Roxbury, Ma. The nationally acclaimed festival of African American
Literature will be introduced to Boston's book lovers on the campus of Roxbury
Community College.
The idea to expand the Harlem Book Fair to a national and international status
was formed in November 2003 by Tony Rose, Publisher and CEO, ACGI and Max
Rodriguez, President and Founder, Harlem Book Fair, initially established in
1998. Mr. Rose is a HBF Franchise Holder for several U.S. cities and a
Percentage Partner for HBF National and International.
Tony Rose, a former Internationally acclaimed record producer, and a native of
Roxbury, (The Whittier St. Housing Projects) founded Amber Communications Group,
Inc., the nation's largest African American Publisher of Self-Help Books and
Celebrity Biographies in 1998. RAP's President, Lloyd King co-founded Roxbury
Action Program in 1968 for the purpose of building a model community for African
Americans that would encompass economic stability, physical development and
social responsibility. Rose and King have collaborated to produce this historic
first for the town of Roxbury and the City of Boston.
Local and self published authors, along with a number of nationally renowned
authors, will be presenting their titles. Heywood Fennel, author of Coota and
the Magic Quilt will be a highlight of the Youth literacy segment, coordinated
by RAP through their involvement with the Boston Literacy Program.
Other highlights of the Roxbury Harlem Book Fair will be book vendors, spoken
word poets, theatrical and musical entertainment, author's panels on publishing,
children's literature, Boston's Black History and Writers' Workshops and a tour
of Historic Black Boston. There will also be literary activities for pre-school
through high school students and the latest thinking in the teaching of literacy
at the RAP Literacy Pavilion.
Those who have always wanted to write and felt that they couldn't, can step into
the "Stories of Our Lives" Writers Workshop. Other workshops will be held for
more experienced authors as well as teens.
There will be a Literary Luncheon June 18th and an Awards Night Reception June
24th.
All local authors or vendors interested in participating and exhibiting, or for
more information about our Harlem Book Fair in Roxbury Sponsorship Programs,
please contact Ms. M. Hicks at Roxbury Action Program: 617-442-4400 or email
high...@juno.com; also visit the website: www.roxburyactionprogram.com and
click on the Roxbury Harlem Book Fair Link.
National Authors interested in participating and for further information about
Amber Communications Group, Inc. visit: www.amberbooks.com or email
amb...@aol.com
Amber Communications Group, Inc.
1334 E. Chandler Blvd, Suite 5-D67
Phoenix, AZ 85048
Tel: 480-460-1660 / 602-243-3144
Email: amb...@aol.com
Website: www.amberbooks.com
-END-
This information has been distributed through BlackPR.com - an extensive press
release distribution service to all the African-American newspapers, magazines,
radio and
TV stations; and BlackNews.com - an online portal for African-American news &
issues.
Diversity City Media · 225 West 3rd Street · Suite #203 · Long Beach · CA ·
90802
==
¶ Goto Black World Events:
¶ Get the Who, What, Where, When and Why...
¶ http://topica.com/lists/BW-Events/read
¶ and be on time, in touch and in step
------------------------------
Date: Fri, 10 Jun 2005 22:40:29 -0400
From: "SendMeYourNews" <sendmey...@earthlink.net>
Subject: Hamilton Naki, an unrecognised surgical pioneer
----- Original Message -----
From: "John Maxwell" <maxinf>
To: "John Maxwell" <jonmax@>
Sent: Friday, June 10, 2005 10:21 PM
Subject: Fwd: what is there to say?
From: "buttrick" <buttrick@>
Date: June 10, 2005 10:56:05 GMT-05:00
To: "John Maxwell" <maxinf@>
Subject: Fw: what is there to say?
-not that you need more of this, but it is so tragic, racism.
----- Original Message -----
From: "Funglan Persimmon" <>
To: <t>
Sent: Friday, June 10, 2005 2:32 PM
Subject: what is there to say?
Obituary
Hamilton Naki
Jun 9th 2005
From The Economist print edition
>
Cape Argus-Trace Images
>
Hamilton Naki, an unrecognised surgical pioneer, died on May 29th,
aged 78
>
ON DECEMBER 3rd, 1967, the body of a young woman was
brought to Hamilton Naki for dissection. She had been knocked down
by a car as she went to buy a cake on a street in Cape Town, in South Africa.
Her head injuries were so severe that she had been pronounced brain-dead
at the hospital, but her heart, uninjured, had gone on furiously pumping.
Mr Naki was not meant to touch this body. The young woman, Denise
Darvall, was white, and he was black. The rules of the hospital, and indeed
the apartheid laws of the land, forbade him to enter a white operating theatre,
cut white flesh, or have dealings with white blood. For Mr Naki, however,
the Groote Schuur hospital had made a secret exception. This black man,
with his steady, dexterous hands and razor-sharp mind, was simply too good
at the delicate, bloody work of organ transplantation. The chief transplant
surgeon, the young, handsome, famously temperamental Christiaan
Barnard, had asked to have him on his team. So the hospital had agreed,
saying, as Mr Naki remembered, "Look, we are allowing you to do this,
but you must know that you are black and that's the blood of the white.
Nobody must know what you are doing."
Nobody, indeed, knew. On that December day, in one part of the operating
suite, Barnard in a blaze of publicity prepared Louis Washkansky, the
world's first recipient of a transplanted human heart. Fifteen metres
away, behind a glass panel, Mr Naki's skilled black hands plucked the white
heart from the white corpse and, for hours, hosed every trace of blood from
it, replacing it with Washkansky's. The heart, set pumping again with
electrodes, was passed to the other side of the screen, and Mr Barnard
became, overnight, the most celebrated doctor in the world.
In some of the post-operation photographs Mr Naki inadvertently
appeared, smiling broadly in his white coat, at Barnard's side. He was a
cleaner,
the hospital explained, or a gardener. Hospital records listed him that way,
though his pay, a few hundred dollars a month, was actually that of a senior
lab technician. It was the most they could give, officials later explained,
to someone who had no diploma.
There had never been any question of diplomas. Mr Naki, born in the
village of Ngcangane in the windswept Eastern Cape, had been pulled out
of school at 14, when his family could no longer afford it. His life seemed
likely to be cattle-herding, barefoot and in sheepskins, like many of
his contemporaries. Instead, he hitch-hiked to Cape Town to find work, and
managed to land a job tending lawns and rolling tennis courts at the
University of Cape Town Medical School.
A black-even one as clever as he was, and as immaculately dressed, in a
clean shirt, tie and Homburg hat even to work in the gardens-could not
expect to get much further. But a lucky break came when, in 1954, the
head of the animal research lab at the Medical School asked him for help.
Robert Goetz needed a strong young man to hold down a giraffe while he
dissected its neck to see why giraffes did not faint when they drank. Mr Naki
coped admirably, and was taken on: at first to clean cages, then to hold and
anaesthetise the animals, then to operate on them.
>
Stealing with his eyes
The lab was busy, with constant transplant operations on pigs and dogs
to train doctors, eventually, for work on humans. Mr Naki never learned the
techniques formally; as he put it, "I stole with my eyes". But he became an
expert at liver transplants, far trickier than heart transplants, and was
soon teaching others. Over 40 years he instructed several thousand
trainee surgeons, several of whom moved on to become heads of departments.
Barnard admitted-though not until 2001, just before he died-that Mr Naki was
probably technically better than he was, and certainly defter at stitching
up afterwards.
Unsung, though not unappreciated, Mr Naki continued to work at the
Medical School until 1991. When he retired, he drew a gardener's
pension: 760 rand, or about $275, a month. He exploited his medical
contacts to raise funds for a rural school and a mobile clinic in the
Eastern Cape, but never thought of money for himself.
As a result, he could pay for only one of his five children to stay to the
end of high school. Recognition, with the National Order of Mapungubwe
and an honorary degree in medicine from the University of Cape Town,
came only a few years before his death, and long after South Africa's
return to black rule.
He took it well. Bitterness was not in his nature, and he had had
years of training to accept his life as apartheid had made it. On that
December day in 1967, for example, as Barnard played host to the
world's adoring press, Mr Naki, as usual, caught the bus home.
Strikes, riots and road blocks often delayed it in those days.
When it came, it carried him-in his carefully pressed suit, with his
well-shined shoes-to his one-room shack in the township of Langa.
Because he was sending most of his pay to his wife and
family, left behind in Transkei, he could not afford electricity or
running water. But he would always buy a daily newspaper;
and there, the next day, he could read in banner headlines of what he
had done, secretly, with his black hands, with a white heart.
>>>
/\~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~/\
Been Whited-Out?
Been White-Washed?
Get on TheBlackList: http://www.TheBlackList.net
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------------------------------
Date: Tue, 7 Jun 2005 20:52:52 -0700
Subject: Support Federal Workers by Emailing the OPM
Send Throughout the Internet
Action Alert!!!
http://www.nofearinstitute.org
Please support federal workers by emailing the Office of Personnel Management
(OPM)
The FEAR Institute, a non-profit oversight organization, issued a report card in
which selected federal agencies were graded on how well they implement the first
civil rights law of the 21st century: the Notification of Federal Employees
Anti-discrimination and Retaliation Act of 2002 [No FEAR]. The majority of
agencies received a grade of â?oFâ? in the three criteria categories with three
agencies, the Department of Labor, the Department of Justice and Agriculture
posting data so inaccessible or non-existent that grading was rendered
impossible. The public expects the federal government to set an example for the
private sector, but data issued by the various agencies reveal a chilling
environment of discrimination, harassment, retaliation, and abuse. The law went
into effect on Oct 1st, 2003.
The No FEAR law requires federal agencies to use their own budgets to reimburse
the Department of Treasury Judgment Fund to pay for successful discrimination
claims. Thus, these agencies will begin to feel the pain of protecting and
shielding discriminating managers in their pocketbooks. In addition, the No FEAR
law requires federal agencies to notify its employees of their legal protections
under law and to report to Congress the disciplinary actions taken against
discriminating managers. In accordance with the No FEAR law, agencies must
provide statistical information on discrimination and whistle blower complaints.
The results of the report card could suggest that some federal agencies do not
establish a system of accountability or transparency that should be the hallmark
of a â?ofederal government.â?
For example, according to the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)/No FEAR
data, in the first quarter of FY 04 the processing time from the filing of EEO
complaints until final action is taken was, on average, 838 days â?" by law
these investigations are suppose to be completed (with the exception of
extensions) in 180 days. EPA also reported that there were three findings of
discrimination and apparently not a single manager was disciplined or fired for
breaking civil rights laws. According to a June 26, 2003, GAO report, a report
Congresswoman Jackson Lee requested, EPA has not disciplined any manager or
employee for discriminatory conduct since 1995.
The No FEAR law certainly has its critics. Bill Bransford, counsel to the
federal government Senior Executives Association (SEA) said recently in a
Federal Times article that his organization would fight any action by Congress
or the Administration that would mandate disciplinary actions against a manager
for workplace discrimination, â?oItâ?Ts a real concern that the No FEAR act is
the first step to hold managers out as scapegoatsâ?¦merely because a jury has
ruled in favor of a plaintiff.â? The SEA represents 6,000 career executives
across the country. The reality is that managers in the federal government have
historically not had to fear disciplinary actions for breaking civil rights
laws. For these managers, jury verdicts have neither meaning nor substance. This
actually alludes to another problem that we face in America â?" tort reform and
the diminution of the jurorâ?Ts role in civil actions.
The civil juror is widely perceived as suspicious and even dismissive of victims
and their grievances. Critics who have assumed or asserted the ignorance of
jurors may have overlooked what jurors know well: everyday realities and
everyday people. Plaintiffs are sometimes threatened, because jurors believe
that they understand what reasonable persons will or should do. Tort reform law
that threatens to strip civil juries of compensation award authority in
demographic areas that have a majority of minorities demonstrates a
discriminatory effect. Not only would such law fly in the face of Democracy, the
underlying intent of this legislation violates the equal protection clause of
the U.S.
Until the passage of the No FEAR, discriminating federal managers were not only
shielded by the federal system but given promotions despite claims of
misconduct. Without oversight from the Legislative and Executive Branches, this
situation only bred uncomfortable, unsafe, and hostile work environments. This
confidence is rooted in the knowledge that discriminating managers had little to
fear from the lack of oversight, confirming that Bransfordâ?Ts view is correct.
Discriminating managers in the federal government have operated above the normal
standards of democracy. Under the No FEAR law federal agencies must report the
disposition of disciplinary actions by agencies against discriminating manager
to Congress.
Despite federal law, agency heads have repeatedly refused to acknowledge that
civil rights laws are being violated in their agency. A January 22, 2004 press
release on the issuance of No FEAR regulations cites the Office of Personnel
Management (OPM) Director as deeming claims for the violation of civil rights
law â?oinappropriate reactions.â? If the Director of OPM defines such behavior
as simply â?oinappropriate reactions,â? how can the American public expect the
OPM to translate the intent of Congress and the President into guidance for the
federal government?
Government must become more responsive and accountable to the public,
particularly those who have suffered at the hands of discriminating managers and
a dysfunctional EEO system.
Federal government victims endure a cycle of retaliation and harassment. Lives
and livelihoods are destroyed. Families and communities are torn apart as a
result of the years of stress resulting from workplace discrimination. The merit
protection system does not work when civil rights are suppressed. The cost for
the victims is prohibitive. Attorney retainer agreements can cost upwards of
$30,000. Alternatively, the government provides, free of cost, attorneys to
managers to defend them against civil rights victims. The vulnerable are at the
mercy of the mighty.
The US Environmental Protection Agencyâ?Ts Director of Civil Rights, Karen
Higginbotham, in a March 10, 2004 letter to the National Treasury Employees
Union Chapter 280, admitted that two years after the passage of the No FEAR Act,
EPA still does not have procedures in place to discipline discriminatory
managers. The lack of action by federal agencies to discipline racist and sexist
managers, could either be construed as negligence or a willful disregard for
congressional mandates and for the law.
Congress has done its part and the President is to be commended for doing the
right and noble thing and signing the bill into law. Federal agencies, however,
are dragging their feet on the implementation of No FEAR. It seems that they are
more concerned with protecting the scofflaws than carrying out the letter of the
law.
The fight for the integrity and effectiveness of No FEAR is a battle that
America cannot afford to lose. Federal workers who have been silent and others
who also value justice, equality and human dignity must join this battle. I ask
you to join this struggle.
NoFearC...@aol.com wrote:
Dear Friends and Colleagues,
Please distribute the letter below. We would appreciate all supporters of the
No FEAR Law to send a response to OPM's request for comments on the latest
regulations focusing on training federal employees in anti-discrimination laws
and the No FEAR Act. For your convenience, we have provided a form letter that
can be cut and pasted into an e-mail. The letter should be e-mailed to:
NoF...@opm.gov , please ask the OPM for a confirmation of receipt to your
e-mail. Please also send a copy of your letter to the No FEAR Coalition site:
Nofearc...@aol.com so that we can monitor the number of e-mails to OPM.
It is hoped that the OPM and other federal agencies will understand through our
committed advocacy that we expect the No FEAR law to be totally enforced in both
spirit and law. Also, attached please find the OPM proposed regulations on
training for the No FEAR law.
Please send your comments to: NoF...@opm.gov
OPM DEADLINE to respond to the No FEAR Regulation: June 26, 2005
Via e-mail
Ana A. Mazzi
Deputy Associate Director
For Workforce Relations and
Accountability Policy
U.S. Office of Personnel Management
Room 7H28
1900 E Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20415
(202) 606-2613 (fax)
Please send your comments to: NoF...@opm.gov
Re: Comments on Proposed Rule Implementing Notification and Federal Employees
Antidiscrimination and Retaliation Act of 2002 (No FEAR Act)
Dear Ms. Mazzi:
On February 28, 2005, the Office of Personnel Management published a
proposed rule in the Federal Register to implement the notification and training
requirements of the No FEAR Act of 2002. These comments to the proposed rule
represent the views of members of members of the No FEAR Coalition and its
affiliates.
Before turning to the substance of the proposed rules, we would like to
register our deep concern about the length of time it has taken to promulgate
them. Congress passed the No FEAR Act almost three years ago after finding that
compliance with the anti-discrimination and whistleblower protection laws would
be enhanced if federal agencies notified and trained employees concerning the
scope of their rights under those laws. Despite the importance of this goal, it
has now taken almost two more years for OPM to propose rules to implement the
Actâ?Ts notification and training requirements. This delay strongly suggests a
lack of real commitment to the Actâ?Ts goals or its enforcement.
Further, the training provisions are not adequate to protect workers
rights. The proposed rule leaves it up to each agency to develop a plan to
train its employees. OPM has not provided minimum content standards for
agencies to follow. Nor does OPM provide any mechanism to monitor or approve
agency plans to ensure that they are effective. In fact, the rules provide no
mechanism to ensure that agencies even implement any training program at all.
Experience teaches that the absence of minimum training standards or a
regulatory oversight mechanism is an open invitation to agencies do less, rather
than more, to meet their statutory obligations. In this regard, we note that
over 10 years ago, in 1994, Congress imposed a requirement that â?o[t]he head of
each agency shall be responsible . . . for ensuring (in consultation with the
Office of Special Counsel) that agency employees are informed of the rights and
remedies available to themâ? under the prohibited personnel practice provisions
of 5 U.S.C. 2302. See U.S. Office of Special Counsel Reauthorization Act of
1994, codified at 5 U.S.C. 2302(c). This provision was motivated by the same
policy concerns that underlie the No FEAR Act. Nonetheless, despite §
2302(c)â?Ts clear mandate, very few federal agencies did anything to inform
employees of their rights because there was no mechanism in place to hold them
accountable for doing so.[1]
OPM now has an opportunity to address these problems by adopting a
training rule that--while meeting agenciesâ?T need for flexibility to tailor
delivery methods to circumstances specific to their workforce--would still
provide uniform content and accountability requirements. Instead, the only
substantive requirements that OPM proposes are: 1) that agencies complete
initial training of all employees no later than the end of FY 2005; 2) that
agencies train all existing employees on a cycle of no longer than every two
years; 3) that the agencyâ?Ts plan contain a means of documenting completion of
training; and 4) that new employees be trained as part of the agencyâ?Ts
orientation program. See Proposed § 724.203(b), (d), and (e).
These steps do not ensure that federal employees will receive a uniform
level of information or content regarding their rights and remedies. Moreover,
the proposal does not ensure that agencies will be held accountable for actually
completing the written training plan, or implementing it. I believe that the
final rule should impose a minimum content requirement on each agencyâ?Ts
training plan. In addition, I believe that the agencyâ?Ts initial plan should
be reviewed and approved by OPM and a non-governmental organization concerned
with the implementation of No FEAR training, such as the No FEAR Coalition, and
that on a regular basis (i.e., every two years), the agency report to OPM and
Congress on its continued implementation of the training plan.
I would strongly urge OPM to work and develop a partnership with the NO
FEAR Coalition and the No FEAR Institute to focus on the implementation of the
No FEAR Act in the design and training of federal employees regarding the No
FEAR Act.
We would also again urge OPM to promulgate the regulations regarding
disciplinary actions, including firing, of managers that violate Title 7 of the
1964 Civil Rights Act and the 2002 No FEAR Act. Again, experience teaches that
the absence of minimum disciplinary standards is an open invitation to agencies
to do less, rather than more, to meet their statutory and moral obligations.
The Coalition would appreciate an opportunity to talk with members of the OPM
No FEAR staff to discusss the promulgation of regulations on the issue of
disciplinary action against discriminating managers.
Thank you for your consideration of these comments.
I look forward to your prompt response to my comments.
Sincerely,
Address:
[1] The Office of Special Counsel (OSC) established a program in 2002 to
certify agenciesâ?T compliance with 2302(c). That program is completely
voluntary, however, and as a result, many agencies have either not enrolled in
the program at all, or have not completed the steps necessary for certification.
See OSC web-site at http://www.osc.gov/outreach.htm#2302c.
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