Burma Related News - Feb 04, 2011.
TIN KYI
BURMA RELATED NEWS - FEBRUARY 04, 2011
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IRIN News - MYANMAR: Thousands still homeless after October cyclone
AFP - Myanmar picks junta insider as new president
AFP - Strong quake hits India-Myanmar border
Reuters - Q+A: Will Myanmar's strongman fade from political scene?
Asia Times Online - Equal opportunity abuse in Myanmar
The Jakarta Post - Calls to lift Myanmar sanctions face challenges
Strategy Page - Burma Uses Ancient Goa To Nail Mystery UAV
EarthTimes - PROFILE: Thein Sein, Myanmar's malleable new president
Bangkok Post - Chained to a hospital bed with no escape
People's Daily Online - Gunfire exchange between two Myanmar ethnic
armed groups leaves one dead
Sify News - Why is a billion-strong democracy silent on Egypt?
The Irrawaddy - Suu Kyi's Davos Speech: A Radical U-Turn?
The Irrawaddy - Burma’s Puppet Show
The Irrawaddy - Burmese Fend for Themselves in Cairo
Mizzima News - Belgium Supports Burma UN Commission of Inquiry
Mizzima News - Army forces farmers to donate money and rice in Mon
State
Mizzima News - Zarganar documentary screened in India
DVB News - Youths must ‘get political’, NLD says
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Integrated Regional Information Networks
MYANMAR: Thousands still homeless after October cyclone
YANGON, 4 February 2011 (IRIN) - More than three months after Cyclone
Giri struck Myanmar’s western Rakhine State, 15,000 families (an
estimated 104,000 people) are still homeless, shelter experts say.
Of the US$22 million received thus far for relief and early recovery
efforts, $1.5 million has been spent on emergency tarpaulins, bamboo
posts, ropes and hammers, but according to Srinivasa Popuri, country
programme manager for the UN Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT),
this will not be enough to protect “an already battered population
from another humanitarian crisis.” The monsoon season begins in June.
“Self-repaired homes have tarpaulins as roofs, or for covering a hole
in the wall, and are not disaster-resilient at all," he added.
On 22 October, Rakhine State suffered one of the heaviest downpours
ever recorded, when the category four storm struck, with winds of more
than 121km per hour, according to the national met office. The office
has documented a trend towards ever more frequent and powerful storms,
based on its 100-year data archive, said Popuri.
“Communities are making the best of what they have and what they have
received so far, but as the humanitarian community we cannot leave it
with that as people are still living in temporary and inadequate
shelters and in dire need of additional support to rebuilt their homes
and their livelihoods,” UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator
Bishow Parajuli told IRIN.
The UN has estimated a total need of $57 million in relief and early
recovery post-Giri.
A January joint assessment covering the 37 percent of the population
worst affected by the cyclone, looked at nearly 20,000 homes in four
townships - Myebon, Pauktaw, Kyaukpu and Minbya. More than a third of
all homes were destroyed; another third were damaged.
In the worst affected township of Myebon, almost half the houses were
destroyed.
It is estimated the cyclone completely destroyed 20,000 homes in all.
Over 100,000 people were forced to stay with other families in
“cramped, dire and at times rat-like deplorable conditions,” said
Popuri.
UN-HABITAT estimates repairs to walls, roofs and floors designed to
hold good for two years could cost up to $250 per house; $600 would
buy another 6-8 years of relative stability. “And $600-1,000 can build
a permanent structure that will last some two decades. A one-time
investment is best because these cyclones will come annually,” said
Popuri.
It will cost $12 million to replace the 20,000 destroyed homes.
Another 14,500 damaged homes are expected to remain unrepaired until
after the next monsoon season, when the total repair cost will be $2.5
million, according to UN-HABITAT.
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Myanmar picks junta insider as new president
Fri Feb 4, 7:52 am ET
YANGON (AFP) – Myanmar named a key retired general as president on
Friday, an official said, as the military hierarchy retained its
stranglehold on power in the country's new political system.
Thein Sein, who shed his army uniform to contest controversial
elections last year, "was elected as the president with a majority
vote," a Myanmar official told AFP on condition of anonymity.
The prime minister and former junta number four had been tipped for
the post even before the electoral committee vote, supporting fears
that the regime has engineered the political process to hide military
power behind a civilian facade.
A key ally of junta leader Than Shwe, the 65-year-old became a
civilian to contest the November election as head of the junta-backed
Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), which claimed an
overwhelming majority in the poll.
One of the president's first jobs will be to appoint a government, and
he can be confident of little resistance from a parliament dominated
by the military and its cronies.
Sources said he was likely to retain his position as prime minister in
addition to his new role.
Under complex parliamentary rules, the upper house, lower house and
members of the military each nominated one vice president.
A select committee then chose the president from the three candidates,
all of them members of the USDP as Myanmar's military, which has ruled
the country since 1962, continued its domination.
Thein Sein received 408 votes out of a potential 659.
The two vice presidents are Tin Aung Myint Oo, another retired top
general and Than Shwe ally, and an ethnic Shan, Sai Mouk Kham.
Though Than Shwe, who has ruled Myanmar with an iron fist since 1992,
has not taken the top political role, many analysts believe he will
attempt to retain some sort of control behind the scenes to ensure his
safety.
"The most crucial question is whether Than Shwe will relinquish the
power to single-handedly control the armed forces and other security
apparatus.
"My answer is categorically no," said Maung Zarni, of the London
School of Economics.
He said the country's power structure was "classic dictatorship",
adding "the good guys do not get promoted".
But Myanmar expert Aung Naing Oo said the very fact that Than Shwe was
taking a back seat could present a small opportunity for change.
"Anything is possible if Than Shwe leaves. Maybe now Thein Sein is
considered a very loyal 'yes man' but soon he will have to find his
own way," he said.
The formation of a national assembly in Naypyidaw, convened for the
first time on Monday, takes the country towards the final stage of the
junta's so-called "roadmap" to a "disciplined democracy".
A quarter of the parliamentary seats were kept aside for the military
even before the country's first poll in 20 years was marred by the
absence of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and claims of cheating and
intimidation.
USDP lawmakers bagged 388 of the national legislature's 493 elected
seats, leaving little room for dissenting voices.
The opposition National Democratic Force (NDF), which split from Suu
Kyi's party in order to contest the election, has a total of 12 seats
in the parliament's two chambers, and the Democratic Party (Myanmar)
has none.
Khin Maung Swe, of the NDF, said his party had expected Thein Sein to
be chosen.
"It's not important for our party who becomes president or who will
rule the country. We care more about how the administration can
benefit the people," he said.
Thein Sein's rise to president comes after the United States said it
was "disappointed" with Myanmar, adding it was "premature" to consider
lifting sanctions.
Suu Kyi, released from seven consecutive years under house arrest a
few days after the vote in November, also downplayed the impact of
political changes in a Financial Times interview published last
weekend.
"I don't think the elections mean there is going to be any kind of
real change in the political process," she was quoted as saying.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) has no voice in the new
parliament after it was disbanded for opting to boycott the election.
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Strong quake hits India-Myanmar border
14 mins ago
GUWAHATI, India (AFP) – A strong 6.4-magnitude earthquake rocked the
India-Myanmar border region on Friday causing panic, but there were no
immediate reports of any damage or casualties.
The US Geological Survey said the evening quake struck at a depth of
88 kilometres (55 miles), with its epicentre in a remote, sparsely
populated region 85 kilometres east of Imphal in the northeastern
Indian state of Manipur.
The force of the quake caused frightened residents in Imphal to run
into the streets.
"Our building was shaking badly and it seemed to last for more than a
minute," local journalist Pradip Phanjoubam told AFP by phone.
"People ran out of their homes and out of our offices as well," said
Phanjoubam, editor of the Imphal Free Press, a mass circulation
English daily.
An officer in the city's police control room, T. Singh, said they were
monitoring the situation but had yet to receive any specific news from
the area around the epicentre.
"For the moment, there are no reports of any casualties or damage to
properties," Singh said.
Strong tremors were felt in Guwahati, the main city in nearby Assam
state, about 450 kilometers away.
The Myanmar side of the border is also an area of few people or
buildings.
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Q+A: Will Myanmar's strongman fade from political scene?
By Martin Petty
Fri Feb 4, 2011 3:28am EST
BANGKOK (Reuters) - Prime Minister Thein Sein was chosen on Friday to
become president in Myanmar's new civilian-led political set-up,
nominally at least becoming head of state as the country's junta steps
down.
The big question is: what will junta supremo Than Shwe do now?
IS THAN SHWE SIMPLY STEPPING ASIDE?
Unlikely. The presidency is probably something the military strongman
never really wanted. The rise of one of his most trusted associates in
a choreographed parliamentary vote suggests Than Shwe will remain in
charge, but behind the scenes.
The reclusive junta boss is not suited to the public role required of
a president. He rarely attends public events or gives speeches and has
not spoken to the media in years. His state visits have been
restricted to neighboring India and China.
IS IT A SURPRISE THAN SHWE DIDN'T BECOME PRESIDENT?
To a certain extent, yes. Many experts say the 78-year-old Than Shwe
is seriously worried about what might happen to him and his family,
and they assumed he was reluctant to put power into the hands of
someone else, even a loyalist.
Than Shwe has made many enemies and he knows it. He's not too bothered
about Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi or the public. His real fear is
probably people in the military he has crossed swords with, demoting
them or forcing them into retirement.
Insiders say he is concerned he might one day be purged or even
assassinated and needed to ensure the new political system was
controlled by loyal servants.
Than Shwe knows all about purges. He engineered the downfall of two
power-holders in the past, former junta boss the late Ne Win and ex-
premier Khin Nyunt. He placed both under house arrest.
WHAT WILL HE DO NEXT?
One thing seems sure to analysts: he will continue to pull the strings
behind the military, legislature and executive.
He could remain head of the military by taking the job of commander-in-
chief of Defence Services, which is also a powerful, hands-on
political role offering a seat on the National Defense and Security
Council, a new entity analysts say could turn out to be similar to the
politburo of China.
In a crisis, the commander-in-chief, with the president's approval,
can call a state of emergency and assume sovereign power over the
legislature, the executive and the judiciary.
However, there are rumors he may have already appointed a successor.
On Thursday state media reported that "the commander-in-chief"
attended a meeting of parliament but didn't mention Than Shwe by name,
which is unusual.
SO WILL HE RETIRE?
It's an option. He's 78 years old and his health is deteriorating. He
has a palace-like mansion in the new capital, Naypyitaw.
But some suggest he could become a patron of the Union Solidarity and
Development Party (USDP), the junta's political proxy that controls 76
percent of the legislature.
Concerned the party could develop an agenda of its own and challenge
the military status quo, he could take unofficial control and keep its
members in check.
WHAT DO WE KNOW ABOUT THEIN SEIN?
Thein Sein is the regime's fourth-in-command and seen as a neutral
figure in Myanmar's military, having not been a member of any faction.
The 65-year-old is seen as a "yes man" with no political agenda and no
ambitions for real power, making him the perfect front man for Than
Shwe.
Unlike his associates in the old regime, who have become considerably
rich, he has no known business interests and has a clean image. He is
a shy and retiring figure and military insiders say there's little
reason to dislike him.
Thein Sein was a career soldier who became part of the junta in 1997
when it was reorganized. He replaced General Soe Win as prime minister
after his death in October 2007.
He resigned from the army in early 2010 so he could take part in the
November election as a civilian.
He was the international face of the old regime and is known to other
leaders, having attended summits. His ascendance to the presidency
represents a continuation of the status quo.
ARE THESE CHANGES ALL FOR SHOW?
It seems so. If Than Shwe and his deputy, Maung Aye, seen to be
stepping aside, it may make the elections and parliament look more
like a political transformation to an international audience after
five decades of iron-fisted military rule.
In reality, the regime has not ceded power at all.
The changes are largely cosmetic, simply retiring junta heavyweights
and shifting them into other political positions. Most lawmakers are
soldiers or retired soldiers. Military people fill many other top
positions.
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Feb 5, 2011
Asia Times Online - Equal opportunity abuse in Myanmar
By Marwaan Macan-Markar
BANGKOK - When independent researchers fanned out across military-
ruled Myanmar's mountainous Chin State to catalogue human-rights
abuses, they expected to hear the usual disturbing stories of ethnic
minority women being raped by government troops. But the research
uncovered an unexpected new trend of abuse: Chin men were also being
sexually violated by male soldiers in the country's remote
northwestern corner.
"It was not something that we expected to find," said Vit
Suwanvanichkij, co-author of a new investigative report released by
Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), a US-based non-governmental rights
lobby. "This abuse - rape of males - has not been reported before and
it shows what life is like in militarized [Myanmar]."
The 63-page report, entitled "Life Under the Junta: Evidence of Crimes
Against Humanity in Burma's Chin State", says that the male head of
five different households were among 17 people who claimed to have
been raped by Myanmar troops during a 12-month period spanning 2009
and 2010. Among them was a father of five children who, according to
the report, the "[Myanmar] military sexually assaulted and threatened
to kill him on July 20, 2009."
The rape of men, as well as women and children, are part of a numbing
list of human-rights violations committed by Myanmar troops in their
quest to assert control over the remote Chin region situated near the
Indian and Bangladeshi border, according to PHR's research. Male
victims quoted in the report said that they believed they were
targeted by predominantly Buddhist Burman soldiers because of their
different religious and ethnic identity as Christian Chins.
Forced labor was documented in 92% of over 600 households surveyed in
nine different townships, with tasks ranging from building roads, to
portering military supplies, to sweeping for landmines. However, the
prevalence of male rape may have been underestimated in the report,
due to difficulties in gathering accurate information.
Parveen Parmar, another co-author of the report, says that sexual
violations rank among the most difficult rights abuses to chronicle,
even when, as was the case during the surveys conducted by PHR's 22-
member research team, the interviews were done in private and
confidentiality was guaranteed.
Myanmar's abysmal rights record is extensively well documented. Forced
conscription, torture, arson and the confiscation of land and food
stocks have all been used by the Tatmadaw, as the over 400,000-strong
Myanmar military is known, to quash a myriad of ethnic rebel movements
that have been active for decades across the country.
The use of rape as a weapon of war was first exposed in "License to
Rape", an investigative report published by the Shan Women's Action
Network in 2002. The account documented 625 cases, including instances
of gang rape, showing how Myanmar's army systematically targeted women
and girls from the ethnic Shan minority.
However, there was no hint at that time that Shan males were also
targeted, according to SWAN researchers. "We documented what the
community revealed happened to them from 1996 till 2001," says Charm
Tong, a member of SWAN's advocacy team, during a telephone interview.
"Rapes were widespread and committed by high-ranking military offices
and soldiers."
In 2005, Charm Tong, 29, had an audience in the White House with then
US president George W Bush, lending credibility to her advocacy
group's findings. SWAN's reporting on the junta's human-rights abuses
helped to harden Washington's position towards Myanmar, including an
expansion of the US's sanctions regime.
PHR's revelations come at an awkward moment for the European Union
(EU), which maintains its own sanctions against Myanmar for its poor
human-rights record, but is now under pressure from some member
governments to reconsider this position after last year's military-
rigged general elections. The EU is expected to review its "common
position", as the regional groupings policy on Myanmar is known, in
April.
Meanwhile, the United Nations is under growing pressure to establish a
commission of inquiry into the junta's human-rights abuses - a move US
President Barack Obama has endorsed. Any such inquiry would now likely
need to include investigations into the systematic sexual abuse of men
as well as women.
"Sexual violence cases have mainly focused on women. Even human-rights
people documenting this abuse have not paid attention that it could
possibly happen to men," says Aung Myo Min, director of the Human
Rights Education Institute of Burma, a non-governmental think-tank run
from Thailand's northern city of Chiang Mai.
"It is a kind of intimidation for the victim and they often don't want
to talk about it because of the shame," he said. "But the recent
revelations should prompt human-rights researchers to investigate this
ignored area of abuse. There could be more cases."
Myanmar's military rulers have denied previous allegations of using
rape as a war weapon. They deflected SWAN's report as a "fabrication"
and have denied the findings of various human-rights groups who have
chronicled the regime's abuses. That remained the junta's line last
week during the first-ever universal periodic review of Myanmar's
rights record, including in ethnic areas, at the UN Human Rights
Commission in Geneva.
Win Min, a Myanmar military expert based in Chiang Mai, claims that in
frontline areas of the conflict prisoners of war are seldom treated in
accordance with the Geneva Conventions and many have been summarily
executed because officers believe it is too complicated or costly to
bring them to justice through court proceedings. That culture of
impunity, he suggests, has fostered an environment conducive to sexual
violence.
"I have never heard of serious action [taken] by the military
following reports of rape cases in ethnic areas," says Win Min. "There
has been no mechanism to file such cases in the military."
Marwaan Macan-Markar is a Sri Lankan journalist who covered the South
Asian nation's ethnic conflict before becoming a foreign correspondent
for the Inter Press Service news agency in 1999. He is based in
Thailand where he covers Southeast Asia.
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Calls to lift Myanmar sanctions face challenges
Mustaqim Adamrah, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Fri, 02/04/2011 11:22 AM
| World
ASEAN’s latest request for the United States, the European Union (EU)
and Canada to lift their sanctions on Myanmar may face challenges from
their internal political situations.
ASEAN addressed that request during an ASEAN ministerial meeting on
Lombok Island, West Nusa Tenggara, last month.
But it is ASEAN that needs to convince their counterparts that it is
the best solution possible for a better Myanmar and it is up to them
whether they are willing to confront and able to convince their
politicians at home, experts say.
“The Lombok meeting implied that the chance to see democratization [in
Myanmar] happen as soon as possible would become smaller if the US
failed to meet ASEAN’s demand,” University of Indonesian international
relations expert Hariyadi Wirawan told The Jakarta Post on Wednesday.
“It is the US government’s responsibility to convince the US Congress
and the US House of Representatives [that lifting sanctions on Myanmar
would help settle issues in that country].”
He said Myanmar might not become a democratic country like the US
wanted but would rather be like Malaysia or Singapore.
But Myanmar had nothing to lose if the US finally decided to turn down
ASEAN’s request because the restive country was not in a hurry toward
democracy and still had China in the backyard as its main ally,
Hariyadi said.
Moreover, he said, alienating Myanmar would only cost the Southeast
Asian region’s stability in the end of the day.
Parahyangan University international relations expert Bantarto Bandoro
said ASEAN’s request showed that the bloc had no more ammo to solve
issues in Myanmar, relying on sanction removal.
“Sanctions are actually a positive thing to certain degree. But they
should be reviewed periodically and may perhaps need to end when there
are [positive] changes,” he told the Post. “[Therefore] ASEAN needs to
be more proactive [in persuading the US to finally lift sanctions on
Myanmar].”
During the Lombok meeting, ASEAN foreign ministers said the US, the EU
and Canada — all ASEAN dialog partners — needed to consider lifting
their sanctions because Myanmar had “successfully conducted general
elections” and released Nobel laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu
Kyi from house arrest late last year.
“We believe that recent developments need to be responded to the
international community, especially to ensure that economic
development in Myanmar can take place,” Indonesian Foreign Minister
Marty Natalegawa said after the meeting.
“However, it should be remembered that lifting the bans and
reconciliation go hand in hand.”
In response to the request, the US secretary of state’s deputy
assistant Joseph Y. Yun recently said: “These are excellent demands
from the ASEAN ministers, and I think the Myanmar authorities should
really take them to heart and make them a reality.”
Yun, who oversees affairs in East Asia and the Pacific, said then
there would be a positive response if Myanmar’s government had
complied with all the requests from the international community.
“And clearly, as the reconciliation process makes progress, I think
the international community can ensure a response,” he said.
Myanmar joined ASEAN in 1997 despite strong opposition from Western
nations.
The US and a number of other countries imposed sanctions — both
diplomatic and economic — on Myanmar for its poor human rights record
and slow move toward democracy.
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Strategy Page - Burma Uses Ancient Goa To Nail Mystery UAV
February 4, 2011:
Burma has assigned some of its new Russian S-125 anti-aircraft
missiles to shoot down a mysterious UAV that has been spotted several
times in the last month near the Chinese border. Burma has been unable
to identify the owner of the UAV, and anti-aircraft weapons in the
area (small caliber autocannon and shoulder fired missiles) have not
been able to hit the high flying UAV.
Burma is one of about ten export customers for Russia's 1970s era
S-125 (SA-3 Goa) surface-to-air missile system. Known customers are
Libya, Syria, Venezuela, Myanmar, Vietnam and Turkmenistan. Some of
these countries are buying updated launchers and radars as well. While
the basic design of the S-125 is old, it has been frequently updated.
The two stage S-125 missiles weigh nearly a ton, and carry a 59 kg
(130 pound) warhead against targets 35 kilometers away (and altitudes
as high as 18,000 meters). There is also a smaller missile, weighing
closer to half a ton, with a range of 15 kilometers. Having two
different size missiles for the same system is a common practice with
the Russians (and some other nations as well, like the U.S. Patriot
system).
Users have upgraded or modified their S-125 missiles and radars
themselves over the years. The most notable example of this was in
Serbia, in 1999, where a missile battery commander used S-125s to
shoot down a U.S. F-117 stealth aircraft. He did this by using human
observers a lot, and his radar rarely. Since the S-125 can be
controlled (flown by) a ground operator, once the F-117 was located,
an S-125 missile was launched and flown manually to the target.
Simple and effective, and largely immune to countermeasures.
This feat gave S-125 sales a shot in the arm, and three years ago the
Russians opened a new factory to meet the demand (worth over $250
million). But nations don't buy the inexpensive, and reliable, S-125
because one took down a stealth fighter. No, the missile provides
basic air defense against neighbors who don't have high-end air
forces. The S-125 provides basic air defense, and keeps aerial
smugglers, and secretive users of UAVs, nervous.
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EarthTimes - PROFILE: Thein Sein, Myanmar's malleable new president
Posted : Fri, 04 Feb 2011 08:17:19 GMT
Yangon - Thein Sein, Myanmar's newly elected president, is best known
for what he is not.
"Firstly, he is not an ambitious person," said Win Min, a Myanmar
scholar based in the United States. "He's wanted to retire from
politics for some time because of his heart problem."
The 65-year-old former general who was elected president by Myanmar's
new parliamentFriday, has had a pacemaker since May 2004.
He is two years older than his main, behind-the-scenes rival for the
presidency, former general Shwe Mann, who was elected lower house
speaker Monday, the opening day of the parliamentary session, the
first in military-ruled Myanmar in 22 years.
Both men are known to be loyal followers of Senior General Than Shwe,
Myanmar's junta chief since 1992, to whom they owe their careers.
"The criteria for promotion within the military dictatorship are
unquestionable loyalty, complete obedience, corrupt to the core and
intolerance towards any dissent," said Maung Zarni, a research fellow
on Myanmar at the London School of Economics.
Thein Sein is perhaps more loyal and more obedient than Shwe Mann,
Myanmar watchers said. He is also believed to be somewhat less corrupt
but that attribute might not count against him.
"I think Than Shwe may feel that Thein Sein is more malleable than
Shwe Mann," Win Min said. "He may also feel that Thein Sein may be
more credible as president since Thein Sein's family is much less
corrupt than Shwe Mann's family."
Thein Sein has been prime minister since 2007 when he replaced his
sickly predecessor Soe Min. In May 2008, Thein Sein chaired the
National Disaster Preparedness Central Committee, which coordinated
international aid efforts for Cyclone Nargis, which killed an
estimated 140,000 people.
He is head of the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party
(USDP) and is a familiar figure among South-East Asian leaders after
attending many meetings of the 10-country Association of South-East
Asian Nations (ASEAN). At the ASEAN summit of 2007 in Singapore, Thein
Sein prevented the United Nations' then-special envoy to Myanmar,
Ibrahim Gambari, from delivering a critical speech by threatening to
pull out of the association.
Thein Sein had to retire from his military post in April to contest
the November 7 general election under the USDP's banner.
The party won 77 per cent of the contested seats. In addition, 25 per
cent of the parliamentary seats are appointed by the military,
ensuring its dominance and allowing Than Shwe to determine the
government lineup.
It remained to be seen, however, how Than Shwe, 78, intends to control
the government once it is in place.
Observers said they believe he might establish a special role as
"patron" of the USDP or, more likely, cling to the post of commander-
in-chief. "He doesn't have many choices," Zarni said. "He needs to
live by his sword. Therefore, it is inconceivable that Than Shwe will
not keep the most strategic role for himself."
Than Shwe's predecessor, Ne Win, who ruled Myanmar from 1962 to 1988,
died in disgrace and obscurity in 2002 under house arrest, where he
had been placed by Than Shwe.
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Bangkok Post - Chained to a hospital bed with no escape
Trying to find work in Thailand can turn into a nightmare
Published: 3/02/2011 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
Burmese illegal migrant Charlie Tiyu is waiting on treatment for
pelvic fractures and for an intestinal operation at Bangkok's Police
General Hospital before being deported, probably in the next few
months.
Charlie Tiyu, a 25-year-old illegal Burmese worker being treated at
Police General Hospital inBangkok, is chained to his bed. Themanwas
seriously injured at a construction site in Pathum Thani early last
month.
He is chained to his hospital bed.
Mr Tiyu's case is only the tip of a huge iceberg. Thailand's
humanitarian laws have not really served him well.
The 25-year-old said he had crossed the border at Mae Hong Son 10
years ago to work in Thailand and had been legally issued with a
temporary work card for nearly five years.
A man called Kai in Pathum Thani's Lam Luk Ka district took him and
other migrants to work at construction sites. About two months ago, he
went to work for a new employer, Tara Rit-taeng of Nonthaburi, without
informing authorities.
Mr Tiyu said his migrant worker's health insurance at Thanyaburi
Hospital in Pathum Thani expired on Jan 20.
On Jan 9, he had a serious accident at a construction site at Charoen
Pokphand's food processing plant in Pathum Thani's Lat Lum Kaeo
district when a concrete wall fell on him.
The foreman of contractor NSU Supply Co, Veerasak Khamsri, sent him to
state-run Pathum Thani Hospital.
Mr Charlie's large intestine had burst from his stomach and his left
hip was broken.
The hospital said he could be discharged on Jan 25 but would need
another operation on his intestine within two months.
However, the hospital on Monday contacted police because he carried no
identity card and could not pay his medical expenses of 70,000 to
80,000 baht.
He was sent to the Immigration Police Bureau in Soi Suan Phlu in
Bangkok, then was sent to the Police General Hospital for more
treatment before deportation.
Human Rights and Development Foundation (HRDF) lawyers contacted
Pathum Thani Hospital last Friday and coordinated with the immigration
police to help resolve the matter.
However, Mr Tiyu's employers and the contractor remained silent.
The HRDF also voiced concerns about the violation of the immigration
police's regulation that chains could not be used to restrain minors
under 14 years, women, the elderly and injured people who could not
flee.
Doctors and nurses at the Police General Hospital said yesterday Mr
Tiyu's pelvic fractures and ruptured intestine had to be treated.
Dr Samart Muangsiri, who is responsible for his case, was not
available for comment.
Pathum Thani Hospital's head of social welfare, Voraphat Saengkaew,
told the Bangkok Post that miscommunication between the HRDF and the
hospital staff might have resulted in the call for police to take
responsibility.
"We're not bad guys. In fact, the hospital has been shouldering lots
of burdens for patients without any legal status for many years," Ms
Voraphat said.
"Of course, there are humanitarian policies, but in practice there are
a lot of issues that we have to resolve by ourselves on a case-by-case
and daily basis."
Ms Voraphat said she had tried to contact employers to settle bills
but they did not show up. She also found no other records from
Thanyaburi Hospital, where Mr Tiyu claimed he had health insurance.
"We've waited for the HRDF to come up with a timely response about
whether they could find a shelter. But we have other pressing needs to
deal with.
"Since no one was taking care of him, our staff called the police.
It's probably miscommunication, nothing ill-intentioned."
This is the first year a healthcare subsidy for people without status
has been allocated. Pathum Thani Hospital receives 170,000 baht a year
for such purposes, but its medical bills for this group last year
exceeded 8 million baht.
"We're handling some 200 people who have no status. Implementation of
good policy is still an uphill task," Ms Voraphat said.
Surapong Kongchantuk, chairman of the Lawyers Society of Thailand
subcommittee on human rights, thanked immigration officials for
sending Mr Tiyu to hospital and not blindly deporting him.
************************************************************
People's Daily Online - Gunfire exchange between two Myanmar ethnic
armed groups leaves one dead
13:51, February 04, 2011
An exchange of gunfire between two Mon ethnic armed groups of Myanmar
in Kyaikmaraw, southeastern Mon state, has left one villager dead, the
official daily New Light of Myanmar reported Friday.
The gunfire was exchanged in a rubber plantation between a Mon
splinter group, led by platoon commander Ko Yin Lay, and a group from
the New Mon State Party, led by company commander Ba Kyaw, killing the
villager over the last three days.
It has not yet confirmed that how many insurgents from both sides were
injured and killed during the battle, the report doubted, adding that
the government troop is in hot pursuit after the two groups.
************************************************************
IANS
Sify News - Why is a billion-strong democracy silent on Egypt?
A. Vinod Kumar | 2011-02-04 13:50:00
The parliament sat numbed, in an otherwise engaging November evening,
when President Barack Obama, head of one of the two largest
democracies, reminded the other that it had largely shied away from
condemning suppression of democratic rights and movements. Obama's
specific reference was to Myanmar and India's imperviousness to the
military junta's rigged elections and repression of democracy groups.
That this reference followed an exuberant praise of India's support to
South Africa's anti-apartheid movement indicated a veiled rebuke of
India's current policy of engaging whoever is in power in a country of
interest.
Mubarak likely to step down under US brokered deal
Neither is Washington an immaculate chevalier of the democracy
sacrament. In fact, half of the world's autocrats owed their existence
to American backing. Yet, at the risk of throwing stone from a
glasshouse, Obama could question India's diminishing contribution to
the global democracy cause, especially when it aspires to be
permanently ordained in the UN Security Council.
Between them, India and the US have issued half-a-dozen joint
statements in the past decade, with platitudinous reaffirmation of
their common democratic virtues and commitment to its promotion
globally. New Delhi, though, has hardly moved a finger in fulfilling
this mission, often relegating such processes as the internal affairs
of a country.
Simply so, its discreet silence and reclusiveness ever since the
Jasmine Revolution swept the Arab world belies its trappings of an
emerging global power. Though ignoring the turbulence in a less-
prominent Tunisia was affordable to the Ministry of External Affairs
(MEA), the Egyptian upheaval has put South Block into a diplomatic
dilemna. At the heart of the matter is New Delhi's reluctance to write
off President Hosni Mubarak, who, like for the US and Israel, has been
a long-time friend of New Delhi since the Non-Alignment days.
Mubarak's net worth estimated at $40-70 bn
Despite the elephantine street protests, India convincingly feels
Mubarak might pull through, at least temporarily, until a transition
to a new regime. Misplaced fears of a potential embarrassment from a
pro-democracy statement if Mubarak manages to survive have forced a
pathetic timidity in the MEA, which could not even garner the courage
shown by Washington through its fairly balanced exhortation of an
'orderly transition'.
The roots of the MEA predicament lie not in its 'realist' policy
transmutation of engaging useful regimes irrespective of their
political attire. India's insensitivity towards the 'revolution' could
rather be attributed to the absence of a policy on how to approach
political emancipation movements in the neighbourhood and farther out.
After decades of Nehruvian-inspired crusades in favour of freedom
struggles, third world empowerment and nuclear have-nots, India's
enhanced power profile, spurred by its astonishing economic growth,
had prompted it to place itself among the global elite, but without
appreciation of the responsibilities that comes with such elevation.
Driven by enlightened national interest, India has competitively
engaged autocrats and juntas in its increasing bid to outmanoeuvre the
Chinese influence in its strategic hinterland, extending up to Africa.
Lost in this policy transformation was its ideological conviction on
democracy and the will to endorse popular movements.
Egyptian journalist quits state TV
The turmoil in Egypt is an acid test which though also endows an
opportunity to frame a long-term policy on its approach to popular
movements and political turmoil. For, soon to follow on the heels of
Egypt could be similar exigencies in volatile nations, including
Yemen, Syria and Iran, and possibly even in the neighbourhood, in
Myanmar, Nepal and Pakistan.
A principled stand on such issues also becomes a pre-qualification for
the UNSC ambition, more so being a billion-strong democracy. An Indian
contribution to the democracy discourse is significant considering the
dichotomies and prejudices that has emerged during the Bush years.
Even while issuing joint statements with the Bush administration on
promotion of democracy, New Delhi had not endorsed the Bush doctrine
of forced regime change in tumultuous zones like the Middle East and
Africa.
The Egyptian case embodies the diplomatic quandary for external powers
forced to respond to political movements in regions known for their
ethnic fault-lines, and where democracy has little rooting. The
underlying theme of the Egyptian movement is to gain an inalienable
right for the people to decide their destiny. Egyptians are revolting
against a decades-old system wherein power elites subverted the means
of popular determination and unilaterally determined the nation's
course.
The permeation of the Jasmine Revolution across the Arab world, and
potentially to Africa and Middle East, could largely be attributed to
the fact many of the nations in these regions are governed by
autocracies, Mukhabarat (military-intelligence) regimes, and in some
cases theocracies, all of which gives only marginal space for people's
will.
Attack on journos in Egypt unacceptable, says US
A post-Mubarak transition need not necessarily end up in a pure
democratic system, rather could even lead to another semi-autocracy or
a junta. Like in Pakistan, the army holds the reins of Egypt's
political system. Notwithstanding its sympathies for the movement, its
plans for the transition are ambiguous. For, in a highly-fractured
polity with no credible alternatives, the army will be self-empowered
to preside over the transition. Fears of the radical Muslim
Brotherhood attaining sway have gained traction, which could encourage
a long-term military involvement to ensure moderation.
Considering this scenario, an outright support to the movement might
not be prudent. Rather, the Indian approach should be to back a reform
process that could facilitate a free-and-fair franchise to determine
the future of the nation. Ultimately, Egyptians will have to decide
their destiny, even if it is for an Islamic republic or an
Islamocracy.
************************************************************
COMMENTARY
The Irrawaddy - Suu Kyi's Davos Speech: A Radical U-Turn?
By HTET AUNGThursday, February 3, 2011
In her first major international speech since her release from house
arrest in November, Burma's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi
spoke for the first time about investment opportunities in Burma.
In an articulate pre-recorded message to the World Economic Forum in
Davos, Switzerland, Suu Kyi lauded the potential for investment in
Burma to a gathering of world leaders, businessmen, politicians,
academics and civil society representatives.
Following growing criticism of her party's intransigence on the
existing economic sanctions imposed by the United States, the European
Union, Canada and Australia, Suu Kyi acknowledged that the people of
Burma has been left behind while their neighbors develop economic ties
with the junta, and exploit Burma's abundant natural resources at the
expense of internal political conflict in the country.
“We have already missed so many opportunities because of political
conflicts in our country over the last 50 years,” said Suu Kyi in her
speech. “Despite an abundance of natural resources, Burma's
development has lagged far behind its neighbors.”
At first glimpse, her speech leads to the conclusion that Suu Kyi
admits the sanctions have failed and have restricted Burma's
development; even more so when she went on to encourage foreign
investment, albeit with principles attached.
“I would like to request those who have invested or who are thinking
of investing in Burma to put a premium on respect for the law, on
environmental and social factors, on the rights of workers, on job
creation and on the promotion of technological skills,” she said.
Does this speech mark a radical U-turn in Suu Kyi's attitude toward
sanctions? Did she simply want to make a point about foreign
investment? Or is she offering yet another olive branch to the
generals, touting herself as a cheerleader for the new government?
“I don't think her speech was a departure from her past approach,”
said Prof. Sean Turnell of Macquarie University in Australia, a
longterm economic expert on Burma. “What she said was not only
sensible and reasonable in terms of social justice, but also in terms
of sound economics.
“She really called for an infusion of foreign investment in Burma that
was both in and of itself intrinsically beneficial in terms of Burma's
longterm economic development, and for the sort of environment that
would maximize the benefits of such investment.”
Indeed, the speech proves Suu Kyi's commitment to the people of Burma
to improve the lot of the common citizens while sacrificing the
political platform of her party, which was coincidentally denied the
right to exist by Burma's Court of Appeal on the same day she gave
this speech at Davos.
Has her speech lessened the contentious debate about Burmese
sanctions? Several Rangoon-based economists have recently analyzed
whether the existing economic sanctions really hurt the ordinary
people or the junta and its business circle.
Heading back to 1997 when the first US economic sanctions were imposed
on the Burmese regime, more than 75 percent of Burma's population was
agrarian or reliant on the agriculture industry for their livelihoods.
Then, as now, the traditional export markets for Burmese agricultural
produce are largely within Asia, with a very tiny market in Africa,
and nothing in North America or Europe. As the Asian countries did not
impose economic sanctions on Burma, and in many cases actively engaged
with the junta, no barriers existed in Asian trade and investment in
Burma.
Therefore, the rise or decline of trade between Burma and its Asian
neighbors has never had anything to do with the Western sanctions. Of
course, at the same time it is fair to say that Asia's eagerness to do
business with the junta is the major reason for the ineffectiveness of
the economist sanctions. But on the whole, US and EU trade has played
a minuscule role in the country's economy since long before sanctions
hit the table.
The US financial sanctions blocked the junta's US Dollar transaction
in its international trade, but Burma's business elite are still able
to use the Euro and other currencies.
Therefore, the junta's ability to sell natural gas to Thailand has
remained unhindered, and it has in recent years been able to expand
the market to China.
Natural resource exports such as oil, gas, gems and teak are thriving
businesses, but ones which require a huge investment up front.
Indisputably, these contracts have remained the domain of the military
generals, their families and their cronies, and they do not affect the
common people of Burma.
The tiny portion of the country's GDP (Gross Domestic Product) from
the industrial sector goes only to local markets.
Because of the low quality of the products, they don't have a market
outside the country; their competitive power is further reduced due to
the enhanced status of popular imports mainly from China, India and
Thailand.
But many still favor targeted sanctions.
“I believe sanctions that limit the ability of regime officials and
connected cronies to use the international financial system, to both
expropriate and disguise ill-gotten rents from exclusive access to
Burma's natural resources, will continue to have utility,” said
Turnell.
In this point, a thorough policy analysis should be done on why the
flow of foreign investments into the country's agricultural and
industrial sectors has been extremely low while their flow in the area
of the natural resource extraction has been skyrocketing.
“Investment in manufacturing, agriculture and the like requires a
degree of certainty—of reasonable property rights against expropriation
—but such rights are not present in Burma,” said Turnell, who
established Burma Economic Watch, an online resource on Burma's
economy. “Accordingly, Burma attracts the investment typical of that
which flows to unstable states, the sort that through resource
extraction (digging, cutting and carrying away) yields quick cash with
little interaction with the economy as a whole.”
The rise and decline of the Foreign Direct Investment flow in a
country depends mainly on domestic political and economic stability—
the two areas are interlinked.
Suu Kyi emphasized this fact in her speech. “I believe that as
necessary steps towards integration within the global community Burma
must achieve national reconciliation, political stability and economic
growth grounded in human resources development,” she said. “Without
the first two—which are essential for the basic requirements of good
governance such as transparency, accountability, credibility and
integrity—social and economic development will remain mere pipe
dreams.”
No government in this 21st century believes that it alone can build
the state structures in the economic, social, political and cultural
arenas without the support and active participation of its citizens.
Since her release, critics of Suu Kyi inside and outside the country
have said that if Suu Kyi gave up her stand on sanctions, dialogue
could begin between the junta and the NLD. But they have never shown
their broad analysis on what are the root causes that have brought
about the long economic stagnation in Burma.
She has taken a radical step—perhaps with a conciliatory tone—in
announcing her economic principles at the World Economic Forum. If the
Burmese generals do place national interests above all else, and are
truly serious about improving the country's economy, the time has
come for the regime to consider Suu Kyi's offer to work together for
the betterment of the people.
************************************************************
NEWS ANALYSIS
The Irrawaddy - Burma’s Puppet Show
By AUNG ZAW Friday, February 4, 2011
Let me be clear that Burma’s new Parliament will not pave the way for
change; nor will “disciplinary democracy flourish.” It is very much a
hush-hush affair in military style—even choosing its own puppet to run
the show. It is a show of cowards and clowns roaming the Parliament.
This week, the puppet master Snr-Gen Than Shwe was making his move.
The senior general kept his thoughts to himself until the last minute,
keeping everyone guessing who the president and vice-president will
be. There are some surprises though.
Gen Shwe Mann is out of favor—he is now the chairman of the Lower
House. Prime Minister Thein Sein and Tin Aung Myint Oo were nominated
to be vice-presidents. Last month, a journalist friend told me that
Thein Sein was the likely candidate to become president. And so it has
come to pass.
As a token gesture, an ethnic Shan—Sai Mauk Kham, a little known
politician from the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development
Party (USDP)—was elected as one of three vice-presidents. This
confirmed earlier speculation that the regime would appoint someone
from an ethnic region to be vice-president. Burma’s first president in
1948 was Shan.
If we were betting on Shwe Mann to become president, then we were all
betting on the wrong horse. Shwe Mann was exposed long ago.
Did Than Shwe lose trust in him?
Some even speculated that there was an internal rift between two
wives. What happened between Than Shwe's wife Kyaing Kyaing and Shwe
Mann's wife Khin Lay Thet?
Khin Lay Thet often babysits Than Shwe's grandchildren and runs
errands for his daughters. This helped Shwe Mann rise to the rank of
joint chief of staff of the army, navy and air force.
Remember that since 1997, Than Shwe has brought many of his trusted
officers to the War Office, including Gen Soe Win, Gen Thein Sein, Gen
Thura Shwe Mann, Gen Tin Aung Myint Oo and Gen Tin Aye. Except for Gen
Soe Win, who was prime minister until he died in 2007, the rest are
still there.
Shwe Mann is no saint. He has used his position to increase his
family's wealth. Two of his sons set up a company, Ayer Shwe Wah,
which monopolizes the lucrative import and export business. It is
entirely impossible to believe that Than Shwe doesn’t know anything of
Shwe Mann and his sons' business. Some say the senior general is known
to be upset with his business connection. There were spin-doctors who
in the past said that Shwe Mann is the one who would reform the
economy once he became president.
There is a rumor circulating in Burma that Kyaing Kyaing is upset with
Khin Lay Thet. Inside sources speculate that Than Shwe and Kyaing
Kyaing thought Khin Lay Thet spoiled their children and grandchildren,
who became increasingly unpopular in Burma.
Remember what happened between Kyaing Kyaing and Dr Khin Win Shwe, the
wife of intelligence chief Gen Khin Nyunt? Many would agree family
relations play a key role in Burma’s power dynamics.
But who knew that Than Shwe trusted Thein Sein enough to make him
president? Until last week, no one was sure who he was thinking to
select.
Thein Sein is a loyal officer and known to be an administrator. He has
served under Than Shwe in the War Office since the early 1990s. With
Than Shwe’s blessings, he rapidly rose through the ranks.
Born on April 21, 1945, Thein Sein is known to be less corrupt than
many other generals, such as Shwe Mann and Tin Aung Myint Oo. He is
not that controversial compared to many other top-ranking generals.
But once he reaches the top, more dirt on Thein Sein will likely
emerge.
Thein Sein is known to take no initiative but will wait for orders
from his boss, Than Shwe. At 66, he is believed to be suffering from
heart disease and wanting to retire. But the puppet master asked him
to stay on. If Burma becomes chair of the Association of Southeast
Asian Nations in the near future, Thein Sein is the best choice to
present the new regime.
It is Than Shwe’s technique to play moderates off of hardliners. If
Thein Sein is soft, Tin Aung Myint Oo is a fire-breathing dragon and
notoriously corrupt. He has a foul mouth and many officers resent him.
But this is useful. Than Shwe usually keeps a villain in the regime to
serve his own interests. He can always hide behind the villain.
The bonus to Than Shwe, who just turned 78 this month, is that Thein
Sein and Tin Aung Myint Oo are at loggerheads.
Is history repeating itself? Remember that Than Shwe silently sat and
watched the bitter fight between intelligence and infantry factions
until 2002 before he stepped in. He benefited from a fierce power
struggle between Gen Khin Nyunt and Gen Maung Aye. To remain the
puppet master, Than Shwe needs to keep two rivals at the top. He won’t
leave soon.
This is his way of preserving his absolute power.
************************************************************
The Irrawaddy - Burmese Fend for Themselves in Cairo
By KO HTWE Friday, February 4, 2011
Less than 100 Burmese citizens are known to be working and living in
Cairo, but despite the ongoing riots and violence in the city, the
Burmese embassy has made no effort to contact or repatriate its
nationals, sources in Egypt said.
There was no reply at the Burmese Embassy in Cairo when The Irrawaddy
called for comment.
Ko Tu, a worker from Irrawaddy Division, who has lived in the Egyptian
capital with his wife and two children for nine years, told The
Irrawaddy on Friday that riots had taken place near his apartment, but
nevertheless, he said he would rather take his chances in Egypt than
go back to Burma.
He said that his relatives in Burma are worried about him, especially
now that the Internet and phone lines are down.
“A shopping center nearby was looted and set on fire four days ago,”
he said. “The police have been questioning people who carry bags in
the street.”
Ba Like, a Burmese cook for an Italian company in Cairo, said, “I’m
not afraid. I have been through worse when the Burmese government
cracked down on demonstrators during the 1988 uprising.”
Thousands of other foreigners in Egypt and international tourists have
already left the country with embassies contacting their citizens and
national airlines stepping up their services to accommodate the
emergency evacuation.
“Most foreigners have left the country, but the Burmese embassy will
not take any responsibility for us,” said Ba Like. “If the situation
worsens and we have to leave the country, we'll have to do so on our
own.”
Thousands of Burmese working in the Middle East and the United Arab
Emirates depend on the Burmese Embassy in Cairo for passport and visa
services, as well as business and bureaucratic transactions, as there
are few other Burmese embassies in the region.
Meanwhile, in Burma, many viewers have been eagerly watching events
unfold in Egypt on foreign media such as BBC, CNN and Al-Jazeera.
“The Burmese public are encouraged by the demonstrations in Egypt,”
said Phyo Min Thein, a politician in Rangoon in reference to the
million-strong protests against the 29-year autocratic rule of
President Hosni Mubarak.
************************************************************
Belgium Supports Burma UN Commission of Inquiry
Friday, 04 February 2011 18:36 Thomas Maung Shwe
Mizzima – Burma activists in Europe on Friday welcomed the Belgian
government’s decision to support the creation of a UN Commission of
Inquiry to probe possible war crimes and crimes against humanity
committed by the military government.
Belgium is now the 14th nation and the 10th EU member to support the
establishment of a UN Commission of Inquiry on Burma.
Last fall, Belgium’s caretaker government indicated that it would
likely support the creation of an inquiry. Interim Foreign Minister
Steven Van Ackere told a Parliamentary committee that ‘the past should
not be hidden’.
‘The proposal to establish a Commission of Inquiry into war crimes and
crimes against humanity…must therefore, logically be included into
this process’, he said.
In a press release heralding the move, Belgium-based Action Birmanie
[Burma] said on Friday: ‘There is abundant proof of the possible
crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Burmese generals, and these
crimes occur increasingly. The time has come for these [crimes] to be
investigated, in order to put an end to the culture of impunity, which
feeds on a daily basis the oppression in Burma.’
Belgium has been without a permanent government since last June, when
federal elections produced an electoral stalemate in which the Flemish
nationalists N-VA party headed by Bart De Wever became the largest
party in the country. Coalition talks between the Flemish N-VA and
parties representing Belgium’s French-speaking community have dragged
on for more than 230 day.
************************************************************
Army forces farmers to donate money and rice in Mon State
Friday, 04 February 2011 21:40 Kun Chan
New Delhi (Mizzima) – Township Peace and Development Councils in three
townships in Mon State have forced farmers to donate money and rice
to the army, according to local farmers.
Since early February, many farmers in Thanbyuzayat Township and some
villages in Mudon Township were forced to give the army a bushel of
rice and 1,000 kyat (about US$ 1) for each acre they work.
The Township Peace and Development councils reportedly ordered the
relevant authorities to hold a meeting with villagers to collect money
and rice, according to farmers in Wakharu Village in Thanbyuzayat
Township.
A farmer in Kamawak Village in Mudon Township said that continuous
rain from December 10 to 12 and heavy rain on January 11 spoiled his
paddy fields and the rice that was harvested, but if he didn’t give as
they asked he feared the army would confiscate his land.
Another farmer in Mudon told Mizzima that the land itself was also an
issue with the farmers.
‘Although we work on our farms, we do not have the right to own our
farms. If we refused to give them what they demanded, our paddy fields
could be confiscated. So, I must give in every possible way’.
In Burma, ownership of farm land by farmers was eliminated by the Land
Nationalization Act and the Tenancy Act of 1963.
Burma’s Meteorology and Hydrology Department in Naypyidaw announced
that Moulmein received a record high rainfall of 4.09 inches on
December 18, 2010.
************************************************************
Zarganar documentary screened in India
Friday, 04 February 2011 21:28 Te Te
New Delhi (Mizzima) – ‘The Prison Where I live’, a film about the
Burmese comedian Zarganar, who is serving a 35-year prison sentence,
was screened on Thursday at the South Asia Foreign Reporters’ Club in
New Delhi.
British director Rex Bloomstein filmed the documentary in 2007, and it
includes numerous interviews with the popular comedian who was jailed
by the military government for his humanitarian work during Cyclone
Nargis.
‘Democracy and human rights is the hottest issues of Burma and in the
world arena’, film producer Justin Temple told Mizzima. ‘They have
conducted a general election in Burma but more than 2,200 political
prisoners are still in prisons.
‘Among them, Zarganar is known to the whole world for his marvelous
spirit. In this film, we tell about these political prisoners by
portraying his exemplary role’.
The 90-minute film, includes scenes and interviews filmed while
traveling with Zarganar for two days, and it discusses topics
including the torture of political prisoners, banning performance
artists and surveillance on artists and entertainers by the military
authorities.
The film was showed at a Munich film festival in Germany in June last
year.
Director Bloomstein said on his website that he had numerous
interviews with Zarganar, and he got the idea for the film after the
authorities arrested the comedian following the Saffron Revolution in
2007 and Cyclone Nargis in 2008.
The film includes many insights by Zarganar, made to director
Bloomstein, such as: “The people have many words that they dare not
speak in their deep hearts. I am just the amplifier of these words for
them’’.
‘We laugh when the people laugh, we cry when the people cry, we hate
when the people hate. We must stand in front of them.’
The narrator of the film, Michael Mittermeier, is one of the most
famous comedians in Germany, Austria and Switzerland, and he has
visited Burma as a tourist. Mittermeier says at the end of the film:
‘They can oppress only the body but not the soul, spirit and heart.
What they fear are these things’.
The film was shown at the International Film Festival held in Jaipur,
India, from January 27 to 30. It will also be screened in Singapore,
Malaysia, Thailand and Cambodia.
A secret court inside Insein Prison Zarganar to 59 years in November
2009 (later reduced to 35 years) on charges that he violated the
military government’s laws regarding sending electronic transmissions
(Internet usage) that could endanger public security and threaten the
state and other charges.
************************************************************
DVB News - Youths must ‘get political’, NLD says
By NANG KHAM KAEW
Published: 4 February 2011A perceived lack of political awareness and
interest among Burmese youths is potentially damaging to the future
direction of the country, the opposition National League for Democracy
(NLD) has warned.
Young Burmese are being “swayed from politics by entertainment and
materialist interests”, the head of the NLD general-secretary’s
office, Win Htein, said yesterday during a celebration of veteran
politician U Tin’s birthday.
He added that party leader Aung San Suu Kyi had developed concerns
about the lack of a politicised youth in Burma where the median age
remains relatively young, at 28 years.
The Nobel laureate is next week due to meet hundreds of young Burmese
from across the country who are active in social and humanitarian
work.
Since her release from house arrest in November last year, Suu Kyi has
made engagement with Burma’s youth a priority and has spoken of her
intentions to bring herself up to date with youth fads, such as social
networking.
Win Htein said that the party would “make an effort to spread the idea
among them that they play an important role in the country’s future
politics”.
He acknowledged however that youngsters are hesitant to get involved
in politics, a potentially dangerous venture in Burma where any sign
political mobilisation can draw the wrath of the ruling regime.
University students were at the vanguard of the infamous 1988
uprising, when hundreds of thousands took to the streets to protest
economic mismanagement and government oppression. Up to 6000 were
gunned down by the military.
Numbers of underground youth activist groups still exist, but their
actions are closely monitored by the junta. With a new parliament and,
ostensibly, a new political landscape, however, Suu Kyi has urged
young Burmese to lend their voice to open debate about the country’s
future.
************************************************************