PART I; NAZI-BUSH Family. This page on my website *magically* redirects: johnloftusbushnazi.htm

[Mort Zuckerman]

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Subject: PART I; NAZI-BUSH Family. This page on my website *magically*
redirects: johnloftusbushnazi.htm

Date: Apr 22, 2009 6:31 AM

This page on my website magically redirects:
http://www.actionlyme.org/johnloftusbushnazi.htm

How *do* these things happen?

As the page, um, kinda has been taken off my website...

I had taken took the Google cached page... and no
matter what I do, like renaming the page, it still
redirects (it could be a common occurrance; I am hardly
super web-savvy).

http://www.actionlyme.org

I will resend the contents in parts...

This following is the part where the Bushies funded Thyssen,
the German industrialist who wanted help supporting Hitler
because he was afraid of the (Russian) Communist Party (who
were mostly Jews), not anticipating that the Banksters
would turn into the Communists immediately after WWII
(Rockefeller & the Banksters apparently approved of the
idea of turning us all into "serfs" who own nothing...).

The claim below is that the Bush family indirectly funded Jewish
slave labor and Thyssen's/Hitler's theft of Polish iron ore.

-------------------------------------------

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Table of Contents

***Heir to the Holocaust
The Bush Family and the Jews
How the Bush Family made its fortune from the Nazis***

Heir to the Holocaust
originally published in Clamor Magazine by Toby Rogers

While the Enron scandal currently unfolds, another Bush family
business scandal lurks beneath the shadows of history that may dwarf
it. On April 19, 2001, President George W. Bush spent some of
Holocaust Remembrance Day in the Capital Rotunda with holocaust
survivors, allied veterans, and their families. In a ceremony that
included Jewish prayers and songs sung by holocaust victims in the
camps, Benjamin Meed, a survivor of the Warsaw ghetto uprising,
movingly described to the gathering what he experienced on April 19,
1943.

"I stood outside a Catholic church, which faced the ghetto," Mr. Meed
said, "a young Jewish boy posing as a gentile. As I watched the ghetto
being bombarded by the German artillery, I could see many of the Jews
of my community jumping out of windows of burning buildings. I stood
long and mute." The survivor concluded his reminiscence saying, "We
tremble to think what could happen if we allow a new generation to
arise ignorant of the tragedy which is still shaping the future."

President Bush, appearing almost uncomfortable, read a statement that
saidthat humanity was "bound by conscience to remember what happened"
and that "the record has been kept and preserved." The record, Mr.
Bush stated, was that one of the worst acts of genocide in human
history "came not from crude and uneducated men, but from men who
regarded themselves as cultured and well schooled, modern men, forward
looking. Their crime showed the world that evil can slip in and blend
in amid the most civilized surroundings. In the end only conscience
can stop it."

But while President Bush publicly embraced the community of holocaust
survivors in Washington last spring, he and his family have been
keeping a secret from them for over 50 years about Prescott Bush, the
president's grandfather. According to classified documents from Dutch
intelligence and US government archives, President George W. Bush's
grandfather, Prescott Bush made considerable profits off Auschwitz
slave labor. In fact, President Bush himself is an heir to these
profits from the holocaust which were placed in a blind trust in 1980
by his father, former president George Herbert Walker Bush.

Throughout the Bush family's decades of public life, the American
press has gone out of its way to overlook one historical fact - that
through Union Banking Corporation (UBC), Prescott Bush, and his father-
in-law, George Herbert Walker, along with German industrialist Fritz
Thyssen, financed Adolf Hitler before and during World War II. It was
first reported in 1994 by John Loftus and Mark Aarons in The Secret
War Against the Jews: How Western Espionage Betrayed the Jewish
People.

The US government had known that many American companies were aiding
Hitler, like Standard Oil, General Motors and Chase Bank, all of which
was sanctioned after Pearl Harbor. But as The New York Times reporter
Charles Higham later discovered, and published in his 1983
groundbreaking book, Trading With The Enemy; The Nazi American Money
Plot 1933-1949, "the government smothered everything during and even
after the war."

Why?
According to Higham, the US government believed "a public scandal ...
would have drastically affected public morale, caused widespread
strikes and perhaps provoked mutinies in the armed services." Higham
claims the government thought "their trial and imprisonment would have
made it impossible for the corporate boards to help the American war
effort." However, Prescott Bush's banks were not just financing Hitler
as previously reported. In fact, there was a distinct business link
much deeper than Mr. Higham or Mr. Loftus knew at the time their books
were published. A classified Dutch intelligence file which was leaked
by a courageous Dutch intelligence officer, along with newly surfaced
information from U.S. government archives, "confirms absolutely," John
Loftus says, the direct links between Bush, Thyssen and genocide
profits from Auschwitz.

The business connections between Prescott Bush and Fritz Thyssen were
more direct than what has been previously written. This new
information reveals how Prescott Bush and UBC, which he managed
directly, profited from the Holocaust. A case can be made that the
inheritors of the Prescott Bush estate could be sued by survivors of
the Holocaust and slave labor communities. To understand the complete
picture of how Prescott Bush profited from the Holocaust, it is
necessary to return to the year 1916, where it all began.

Post World War I: Thyssen Empire On The Ropes

By 1916, August Thyssen could see the writing on the wall. The "Great
War" was spinning out of control, grinding away at Germany's resources
and economy. The government was broke and his company, Thyssen & Co.,
with 50,000 German workers and annual production of 1,000,000 tons of
steel and iron, was buckling under the war's pressure. As the main
supplier of the German military, August Thyssen knew Germany would be
defeated once the US entered the war.

At 74, "King" August Thyssen knew he was also running out of time. His
first born "prince" Friedrich (Fritz) Thyssen, had been groomed at the
finest technical business schools in Europe and was destined to
inherit his father's estimated $100,000,000 fortune and an industrial
empire located at Muehhlheim on the Ruhr. In addition to Fritz, plans
were also made for the second son Heinrich. At the outbreak of the
war, Heinrich Thyssen discreetly changed his citizenship from German
to Hungarian and married the Hungarian aristocrat Baroness Margrit
Bornemisza de Kaszon. Soon Heinrich Thyssen switched his name to Baron
Thyssen Bornemisza de Kaszon.

Near the end of World War I, August Thyssen opened the Bank voor
Handel en Scheepvaart in Rotterdam. The neutral Holland was the
perfect location outside of Germany to launder assets from the August
Thyssen Bank in Berlin when the financial demands of the Allied forces
surfaced. But the war ended much sooner than even Thyssen calculated
and what developed caught the "Rockefeller of the Ruhr" off guard.

On November 10, 1918, German socialists took over Berlin. The
following morning at 5 a.m., what was left of Germany surrendered to
the Allies, officially ending World War I. "At the time of the
Armistice and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, my Father and I
were deeply saddened by the spectacle of Germany's abject
humiliation," Thyssen recalled later in his autobiography, I Paid
Hitler.

After the war, chaos descended on Germany as food ran short. Winter
was looming over a starving nation when on Dec. 7, 1918, the socialist
Spartacists League came knocking on the Thyssen Villa with armed
militia. August and Fritz were arrested and dragged from jail to jail
across Germany for four days. Along the way, they were lined up in
staged executions designed to terrorize them.

It worked. When released, the two Thyssens were horrified at the new
political climate in their beloved Germany. They could not accept that
Germany was responsible for its own demise. All Germany's problems,
the Thyssens felt, "have almost always been due to foreigners." It was
the Jews, he and many others believed, who were secretly behind the
socialist movement across the globe.

Meanwhile Fritz's younger brother Baron Thyssen Bornemisza de Kaszon
moved to Rotterdam and became the principal owner of the Bank voor
Handel en Scheepvaart. All the Thyssens needed now was an American
branch. 1920s: The Business Ties That Bind Railroad baron E.H.
Harriman's son Averell wanted nothing to do with railroads, so his
father gave him an investment firm, W.A. Harriman & Company in New
York City. E.H. hired the most qualified person in the country to run
the operation, George Herbert Walker. Averell hired his little brother
Edward Roland "Bunny" Harriman as a vice president.

By 1920, George Herbert Walker had already built a fortune in
Missouri. Walker, a charismatic former heavyweight boxing champion,
was a human pit bull. He lived life to the fullest, owning mansions
around the east coast and one of the most extravagant apartments in
Manhattan. His hobbies were golf, hunting, drinking scotch and beating
his sons to a pulp. Elsie Walker, one of Walker's grandchildren
described Walker as a "tough old bastard" whose children had no love
"for their father." He was also religious bigot who hated Catholics,
although his parents raised him to be one. According to other sources,
he also did not like Jews.

In 1922, Averell Harriman traveled to Germany to set up a W.A.
Harriman & Co. branch in Berlin. The Berlin branch was also run by
Walker. While in Germany, he met with the Thyssen family for the first
time. Harriman agreed to help the Thyssens with their plan for an
American bank. The following year, a wounded Germany was growing
sicker. The government had no solution and froze while Germany rotted
from within. With widespread strikes and production at a near
standstill, Fritz Thyssen later recalled, "We were at the worst time
of the inflation. In Berlin the government was in distress. It was
ruined financially. Authority was crumbling. In Saxony a communist
government had been formed and the Red terror, organized by Max Hoelz,
reigned through the countryside.

The German Reich ... was now about to crumble." In October, 1923, an
emotionally desperate Fritz Thyssen went to visit one of his and
Germany's great military heroes, General Erich Ludendorff. During the
1918 socialist rule in Berlin, Ludendorff organized a military
resistance against the socialists and the industrialists were in great
debt to him. When Thyssen met with Ludendorff, they discussed
Germany's economic collapse. Thyssen was apocalyptic, fearing the
worst was yet to come. Ludendorff disagreed. "There is but one hope,"
Ludendorff said, "Adolph Hitler and the National Socialist party."
Ludendorff respected Hitler immensely. "He is the only man who has any
political sense." Ludendorff encouraged Thyssen to join the Nazi
movement. "Go listen to him one day" he said to Thyssen.

Thyssen followed General Ludendorff's advice and went to a number of
meetings to hear Hitler speak. He became mesmerized by Hitler. "I
realized his orator gifts and his ability to lead the masses. What
impressed me most however was the order that reigned over his
meetings, the almost military discipline of his followers." Thyssen
arranged to meet privately with Hitler and Ludendorff in Munich.
Hitler told Thyssen the Nazi movement was in financial trouble, it was
not growing fast enough and was nationally irrelevant. Hitler needed
as much
money as possible to fight off the Communists/Jewish conspiracy
against Europe. Hitler envisioned a fascist German monarchy with a
nonunion, antilock national work force.

Thyssen was overjoyed with the Nazi platform. He gave Hitler and
Ludendorff 100,000 gold marks ($25,000) for the infant Nazi party.
Others in the steel and coal industries soon followed Thyssen's lead,
although none came close to matching him. Many business leaders in
Germany supported Hitler's secret union-hating agenda. However, some
donated because they feared they would be left out in the cold if he
actually ever seized power. Most industry leaders gave up on Hitler
after his failed coup in 1923. While Hitler spent a brief time in
jail, the Thyssens, through the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart,
opened the Union Banking Corporation in 1924.

Union Banking Corporation
Early in 1924, Hendrick J. Kouwenhoven, the managing director of Bank
voor Handel en Scheepvaart, traveled to New York to meet with Walker
and the Harriman brothers. Together, they established The Union
Banking Corporation. The UBC's headquarters was located at the same 39
Broadway address as Harriman & Co. As the German economy recovered
through the mid to late '20s, Walker and Harriman's firm sold over
$50,000,000 worth of German bonds to American investors, who profited
enormously from the economic boom in Germany. In 1926, August Thyssen
died at the age of 84. Fritz was now in control of one of the largest
industrial families in Europe. He quickly created the United Steel
Works (USW), the biggest industrial conglomerate in German history.
Thyssen hired Albert Volger, one of the Ruhr's most influential
industrial
directors, as director General of USW. Thyssen also brought Fredich
Flick, another German family juggernaut, on board. Flick owned coal
and steel industries throughout Germany and Poland and desperately
wanted to invest into the Thyssen empire. One of the primary
motivations for the Thyssen/Flick massive steel and coal merger was
suppressing the new labor and socialist movements.

That year in New York, George Walker decided to give his new son in
law, Prescott Bush, a big break. Walker made Bush a vice president of
Harriman & Co. Prescott's new office employed many of his classmates
from his Yale class of 1917, including Roland Harriman and Knight
Woolley. The three had been close friends at Yale and were all members
of Skull and Bones, the mysterious on-campus secret society. Despite
the upbeat fraternity atmosphere at Harriman & Co., it was also a
place of hard work, and no one worked harder than Prescott Bush.

In fact, Walker hired Bush to help him supervise the new Thyssen/Flick
United Steel Works. One section of the USW empire was the Consolidated
Silesian Steel Corporation and the Upper Silesian Coal and Steel
Company located in the Silesian section of Poland. Thyssen and Flick
paid Bush and Walker generously, but it was worth every dime. Their
new business arrangement pleased them all financially, and the
collective talents of all four men and their rapid success astonished
the business world.

In the meantime Hitler and the Nazi party were broke. Since the German
economic recovery, members and donations had dried up, leaving the
Nazi movement withering on the vine. In 1927, Hitler was desperate for
cash; his party was slipping into debt. Hitler told his private
secretary Rudolf Hess to shake down wealthy coal tycoon and Nazi
sympathizer Emil Kirdorf. Kirdorf paid off Hitler's debt that year but
the following year, he too had no money left to contribute.

In 1928, Hitler had his eyes on the enormous Barlow Palace located in
Briennerstrasse, the most aristocratic section of Munich. Hitler
wanted to convert the palace into the Nazi national headquarters and
change its name to the Brown House but it was out of his price range.
Hitler told Hess to contact Thyssen. After hearing the Hess appeal,
Thyssen felt it was time to give Hitler a second chance. Through the
Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, Thyssen said he "placed Hess in
possession of the required funds" to purchase and redesign the Palace.
Thyssen later said the amount was about 250,000 marks but leading
Nazis later claimed that just the re-molding cost over 800,000 marks
(equivalent to $2 million today).

Regardless of the cost, Hitler and Thyssen became close friends after
the purchase of the Brown House. At the time, neither knew how
influential that house was to become the following year when, in 1929,
the great depression spread around the world. With the German economic
recovery up in flames, Hitler knew there was going to be a line out
the door of industrialists waiting to give him cash.

1930s: Hitler Rises - Thyssen/Bush Cash In
Thyssen would later try to claim that his weekends with Hitler and
Hess at his Rhineland castles were not personal but strictly business
and that he did not approve of most of Hitler's ideas, but the well-
known journalist R.G Waldeck, who spent time with Thyssen at a spa in
the Black Forest, remembered quite differently. Waldeck said when he
and Thyssen would walk through the cool Black Forest in 1929-30,
Thyssen would tell Waldeck that he believed in Hitler. He spoke of
Hitler "with warmth" and said the Nazis were "new men" that would make
Germany strong again. With the depression bleeding Europe, Thyssen's
financial support made Hitler's rise to power almost inevitable.

The great depression also rocked Harriman & Co. The following year,
Harriman & Co. merged with the London firm Brown/Shipley. Brown/
Shipley kept its name, but Harriman & Co. changed its name to Brown
Brothers, Harriman. The new firm moved to 59 Wall St. while UBC stayed
at 39 Broadway. Averell Harriman and Prescott Bush reestablished a
holding company called The Harriman 15 Corporation. One of the
companies Harriman had held stock in was the Consolidated Silesian
Steel Company. Two thirds of the company was owned by Friedrich Flick.
The rest was owned by Harriman.

In December 1931, Fritz Thyssen officially joined the Nazi party. When
Thyssen joined the movement, the Nazi party was gaining critical mass
around Germany. The charismatic speeches and persona of Hitler, the
depression and the Thyssen's Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart all
contributed to Hitler's sudden rise in popularity with the German
people. In September 1932, Thyssen invited a group of elite German
industrial tycoons to his castle to meet with Hitler. They spent hours
questioning Hitler, who answered all their questions with the'"utmost
satisfaction," Thyssen remembered. The money poured in from the
industrial circles mostly due to Hitler's "monarchistic attitude"
towards labor and issues of class.

But by November, German voters grew weary of Hitler's antidemocratic
tendencies and turned to the Communist party, which gained the most
seats in the fall election. The Nazis lost a sweeping 35 seats in the
Reichstag, but since the Nazis were already secretly negotiating a
power sharing alliance with Hindenberg that would ultimately lead to
Hitler declaring himself dictator, the outcry of German voters was
politically insignificant.

By 1934, Hindenberg was dead and Hitler completely controlled Germany.
In March, Hitler announced his plans for a vast new highway system. He
wanted to connect the entire Reich with an unprecedented wide road
design, especially around major ports. Hitler wanted to bring down
unemployment but, more importantly, needed the new roads for speedy
military maneuvers. Hitler also wanted to seriously upgrade Germany's
military machine. Hitler ordered a'"rebirth of the German army" and
contracted Thyssen and United Steel Works for the overhaul. Thyssen's
steel empire was the cold steel heart of the new Nazi war machine that
led the way to World War II, killing millions across Europe.

Thyssen's and Flick's profits soared into the hundreds of millions in
1934
and the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart and UBC in New York were
overflowingwith money. Prescott Bush became managing director of UBC
and handled the day-to-day operations of the new German economic plan.
Bush's shares in UBC peaked with Hitler's new German order. But while
production rose, cronyism did as well.

On March 19, 1934, Prescott Bush handed Averell Harriman a copy of
that
day's New York Times. The Polish government was applying to take over
Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation and Upper Silesian Coal and
Steel Company from'"German and American interests" because of rampant
"mismanagement, excessive borrowing, fictitious bookkeeping and
gambling in securities." The Polish government required the owners of
the company, which accounted for over 45% of Poland's steel
production, to pay at least its full share of back taxes. Bush and
Harriman would eventually hire attorney John Foster Dulles to help
cover up any improprieties that might arise under investigative
scrutiny.

Hitler's invasion of Poland in 1939 ended the debate about
Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation and Upper Silesian Coal and
Steel Company. The Nazis knocked the Polish Government off Thyssen,
Flick and Harriman's steel company and were planning to replace the
paid workers. Originally Hitler promised Stalin they would share
Poland and use Soviet prisoners as slaves in Polish factories.
Hitler's promise never actually materialized and he eventually invaded
Russia.

1940s: Business As Usual
Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation was located near the Polish
town of Oswiecim, one of Poland's richest mineral regions. That was
where Hitler set up the Auschwitz concentration camp. When the plan to
work Soviet prisoners fell through, the Nazis transferred Jews,
communists, gypsies and other minority populations to the camp. The
prisoners of Auschwitz who were able to work were shipped to 30
different companies. One of the companies was the vast Consolidated
Silesian Steel Corporation. "Nobody's made the connection before
between Consolidated Silesian Steel Corporation, Auschwitz and
Prescott Bush," John Loftus told Clamor. "That was the reason why
Auschwitz was built there. The coal deposits could be processed into
either coal or additives for aviation gasoline."

Even though Thyssen and Flick's Consolidated Steel was in their
possession, Hitler's invasions across Europe spooked them, bringing
back memories of World War I. Thyssen and Flick sold Consolidated
Steel to UBC. Under the complete control of Harriman and management of
Bush, the company became Silesian American Corporation which became
part of UBC and Harriman's portfolio of 15 corporations. Thyssen
quickly moved to Switzerland and later France to hide from the terror
about to be unleashed by the Nazi war machine he had helped build.

A portion of the slave labor force in Poland was "managed by Prescott
Bush," according to a Dutch intelligence agent. In 1941, slave labor
had become the lifeblood of the Nazi war machine. The resources of
Poland's rich steel and coal field played an essential part in
Hitler's invasion of Europe. According to Higham, Hitler and the
Fraternity of American businessmen "not only sought a continuing
alliance of interests for the duration of World War II, but supported
the idea of a negotiated peace with Germany that would bar any
reorganization of Europe along liberal lines. It would leave as its
residue a police state that would place the Fraternity in postwar
possession of financial, industrial, and political autonomy."

Six days after Pearl Harbor and the US declaration of war at the end
of 1941, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Secretary of the Treasury
Henry Morgenthau and US Attorney General Francis Biddle signed the
Trading With the Enemy Act, which banned any business interests with
US enemies of war. Prescott Bush continued with business as usual,
aiding the Nazi invasion of Europe and supplying resources for
weaponry that would eventually be turned on American solders in combat
against Germany.

On October 20, 1942, the U.S. government had had enough of Prescott
Bush and his Nazi business arrangements with Thyssen. Over the summer,
The New York Tribune had exposed Bush and Thyssen, whom the Tribune
dubbed "Hitler's Angel." When the US government saw UBC's books, they
found out that Bush's bank and its shareholders "are held for the
benefit of ... members of the Thyssen family, [and] is property of
nationals ... of a designated enemy country." The list of seven UBC
share holders was:
E. Roland Harriman - 3991 shares
Cornelis Lievense - 4 shares
Harold D.Pennington - 1 share
Ray Morris-- 1 share
Prescott S. Bush - 1 share
H.J. Kouwenhoven - 1 share
Johann G. Groeninger - 1 share.

The UBC books also revealed the myriad of money and holding companies
funneled from the Thyssens and the government realized UBC was just
the tip of the iceberg. On November 17, 1942, The US government also
took over the Silesian American Corporation, but did not prosecute
Bush for the reasons Higham noted earlier. The companies were allowed
to operate within the Government Alien Property custodian office with
a catch - no aiding the Nazis. In 1943, while still owning his stock,
Prescott Bush resigned from UBC and even helped raise money for dozens
of war-related causes as chairman of the National War Fund.

After the war, the Dutch government began investigating the
whereabouts of some jewelry of the Dutch royal family that was stolen
by the Nazis. They started looking into books of the Bank voor Handel
en Scheepvaart. When they discovered the transaction papers of the
Silesian American Corporation, they began asking the bank manager H.J.
Kounhoven a lot of questions. Kouwenhoven was shocked at the discovery
and soon traveled to New York to inform Prescott Bush. According to
Dutch intelligence, Kouwenhoven met with Prescott soon after
Christmas, 1947. Two weeks later, Kouwenhoven apparently died of a
heart attack.

1950s: Bush Sells UBC Stock
By 1948, Fritz Thyssen's life was in ruins. After being jailed by the
Nazis, he was jailed by the Allies and interrogated extensively, but
not completely, by US investigators. Thyssen and Flick were ordered to
pay reparations and served time in prison for their atrocious crimes
against humanity.

On February 8, 1951, Fritz Thyssen died bitterly in Argentina at the
age of 78. Thyssen was angry at the way he was treated by Europe after
the war and how history would remember him as Hitler's most important
and prominent financier. When Thyssen died, the Alien Property
Custodian released the assets of the Union Banking Corporation to
Brown Brothers Harriman. The remaining stockholders cashed in their
stocks and quietly liquidated the rest of UBC's blood money.

Prescott Bush received $1.5 million for his share in UBC. That money
enabled Bush to help his son, George Herbert Walker Bush, to set up
his first royalty firm, Overby Development Company, that same year. It
was also helpful when Prescott Bush left the business world to enter
the public arena in 1952 with a successful senatorial campaign in
Connecticut. On October 8th, 1972, Prescott Bush died of cancer and
his will was enacted soon after. In 1980, when George H.W. Bush was
elected vice president, he placed his father's family inherence in a
blind trust. The trust was managed by his old friend and quail hunting
partner, William "Stamps" Farish III. Bush's choice of Farish to
manage the family wealth is quite revealing in that it demonstrates
that the former president might know exactly where some of his
inheritance originated. Farish's grandfather, William Farish Jr., on
March 25th, 1942, pleaded "no contest" to conspiring with Nazi Germany
while president of Standard Oil in New Jersey. He was described by
Senator Harry Truman in public of approaching "treason" for profiting
off the Nazi war machine. Standard Oil, invested millions in IG
Farben, who opened a gasoline factory within Auschwitz in 1940. The
billions "Stamps" inherited had more blood on it then Bush, so the
paper trail of UBC stock would be safe during
his 12 years in presidential politics. It has been 60 years since one
of the great money laundering scandals of the 20th century ended and
only now are we beginning to see the true historical aspects of this
important period of world history, a history that the remaining
Holocaust survivors beg humanity to "never forget."

Loftus believes history will view Prescott Bush as harshly as Thyssen.
"It is bad enough that the Bush family helped raise the money for
Thyssen to give Hitler his start in the 1920s, but giving aid and
comfort to the enemy in time of war is treason. The Bush bank helped
the Thyssens make the Nazi steel that killed Allied solders. As bad as
financing the Nazi war machine may seem, aiding and abetting the
Holocaust was worse. Thyssen's coal mines used Jewish slaves as if
they were disposable chemicals. There are six million skeletons in the
Thyssen family closet, and a myriad of criminal and historical
questions to be answered about the Bush family's complicity."

There is no question that the Bush family needs to donate at least
$1.5 million to the proper holocaust reparation fund. Since Prescott
Bush is dead, the only way to compensate is for the main inheritors of
his estate to make amends with surviving slaves and the families of
slaves who died in Bush and Thyssen's coal mines. If the Bush family
refuses to contribute the money to compensate for Prescott Bush's
involvement in the Holocaust, it is like denying the Holocaust itself
and their role in one of the darkest moments in world history.

Special thanks to John Loftus, Emmy winning journalist, author and
current
president of the Florida Holocaust Museum.

return to top of page
The Bush family and the Jews
By Anne E. Kornblut


Unlike his father and grandfather, George W. has crafted a pro-Jewish
image. Flanked by Jewish leaders, President George W. Bush signed a
proclamation March 25 recognizing the commitment to education
demonstrated by the late leader of the Jewish Lubavitcher movement,
Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson.

In 1998, George W. Bush took his first and only trip to the Holy Land.
During a helicopter tour - guided by none other than Ariel Sharon -
Bush was astonished to discover how tiny Israel is compared to its
Arab neighbors. He later described the visit as one of the most
meaningful experiences of his life. A photographer captured a striking
image of Bush, in a yarmulke, standing reverently at the Wailing Wall.
THE PICTURE may be a symbol of Bush foreign policy these days, = but
it speaks to an even more startling truth: Bush is the first in his
family of politicians to craft a pro-Jewish image.

Starting with accusations that Prescott Bush was a Nazi collaborator
before Pearl Harbor, the Bush dynasty has generally been viewed with
suspicion and at times outright hostility by Jewish Americans. The
elder President Bush outraged the Jewish community with a series of
perceived insults. Before he became president, the younger Bush, who
once expressed doubt about whether non-Christians could get into
heaven, seemed likely to follow in the family tradition.

THE FAMILY TREE
The charges against Sen. Prescott Bush, the grandfather of the current
president, went beyond the disdain for Jews and discriminatory
practices that were characteristic of New England WASP culture in his
day. Prescott Bush was a director of a New York bank where rich
Germans who supported the Nazis stashed millions in personal wealth.
He was still a director at the bank, Union Banking Corp., when its
assets were frozen under the Trading With the Enemy Act in 1941 - a
fact that has provided endless fodder for leftists and conspiracy
theorists since it came to light in the 1990s.

George Herbert Walker Bush shared the same exclusionary pedigree as
his father, starting with Yale and the secret society Skull & Bones,
and had extensive ties to Arabs though the oil industry as well. But
most Jews did not consider him unfriendly to their interests so long
as he served under Ronald Reagan. Reagan was the first Republican in
80 years to win a sizable share of the Jewish vote. There were a
variety of reasons for this, but the key issue was Reagan's hard line
on the defense of Israel, which he considered a crucial democratic
outpost in the fight against Soviet communism. In the 1980 election,
Jimmy Carter won 45 percent of the Jewish vote. Reagan won 39 percent.

HARD LINE ON ISRAEL
That remarkable shift, however, began to be undone almost as soon as
George
H.W. Bush took over in 1989. Bush was a self-described pragmatist in
international affairs, and in the giddy early days after the end of
the Cold War, it was no longer fashionable to view the world in binary
terms. As a result, many conservative ideological causes - among them
Israel - no longer found a champion in the White House. The point was
made most clearly when Bush demanded, in 1991, that the Israelis stop
building new settlements in Palestinian-controlled territories. Unlike
previous presidents, Bush sounded serious, threatening to block
millions in loan guarantees if Israel disobeyed. (Later, when his re-
election was in doubt in 1992, Bush promised to press Congress for the
loan guarantees unconditionally.)

Just as damaging was the elder Bush's knack for seeming as out of
touch with Jewish voters as he did with everyone else. Once, during a
1991 White House press conference, Bush Sr. complained about the
strength of the Jewish lobby on Capitol Hill - the implication being
that "Jews work insidiously behind the scenes," as David J. Forman
wrote in the Jerusalem Post. On another occasion, Bush reminded his
critics that the United States gives "Israel the equivalent of $1,000
for every Israeli citizen," a remark that detractors took as an
allusion to the stereotype of Jews as money-obsessed and greedy.

And then there was Secretary of State James Baker's infamous "f-- the
Jews" remark. In a private conversation with a colleague about Israel,
Baker reportedly uttered the vulgarity, noting that Jews "didn't vote
for us anyway." This was more or less true - Bush got 27 percent of
the Jewish vote, compared with 73 percent for Dukakis, in 1988. And
thanks in part to Baker, it was even truer in 1992, when Bill Clinton
got 78 percent of the Jewish vote and Bush got only 15 percent - the
poorest showing by a Republican candidate since Barry Goldwater in
1964.

COURTING THE JEWISH VOTE
In 2000, as Al Gore hit the campaign trail with the first Jewish vice
presidential running mate in U.S. history on his ticket, George W.
Bush seemed to make only a half-hearted attempt to compete for Jewish
votes. He paid the obligatory dues, speaking at the American Israel
Public Affairs Committee and visiting the Simon Wiesenthal Center in
Los Angeles (where, after touring the sobering Holocaust exhibit, he
incongruously signed the guest book, "God bless this world!"). But
Bush reserved his real pitch for Arab-Americans, whom his strategists
viewed as an increasingly powerful voting bloc. Repeated trips to
Michigan, a swing state, gave Bush ample opportunity to meet with Arab-
American leaders, heavily concentrated around Detroit. Ironically, he
made a campaign pledge to examine "secret evidence" cases against
foreign suspects, a matter of great concern among Arab-Americans (and
one that fell by the wayside after Sept. 11). Like his father, Bush
failed during the campaign to win over neoconservative Jewish
intellectuals - most notably William Kristol, who openly backed John
McCain. The problem wasn't just the assumption that he shared his
father's coolness toward Israel. It was also his perceived
insensitivity toward Jews, as characterized by the only-Christians-in-
heaven remark. Bush later joked about the uproar caused by the
exchange. Asked by a reporter what he planned to tell the Israelis as
he prepared to embark on his 1998 trip to the Middle East, Bush
replied, obviously in jest, "Go to hell." Gore got 79 percent of the
Jewish vote. Bush got only 19 percent.

BREAK FROM PAST
Unlike his father, George W. Bush has risen in the esteem of many
prominent
Jews since taking office. But unlike his father, who never managed to
repair his relationship with the Jewish community despite several
attempts, Bush has only risen in the esteem of many prominent Jews
since taking office. The biggest factor is probably the Sept. 11
attacks. After a brief flurry of activity to win Arab support for the
war on Afghanistan, Bush began to connect America's struggle against
terrorism with Israel's fight against Palestinian suicide bombers.
Though he was criticized for sitting on the sidelines as the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict worsened, Bush arguably took sides by
dropping the standard call for the Israelis to "show restraint." After
briefly responding to nternational pressure to demand an Israeli
withdrawal from the West Bank, Bush quickly backed off.

Another factor is shrewd political judgment. At pains to avoid
repeating political mistakes his father made, Bush has actively
courted conservatives within the Republican coalition. That includes
Jewish neoconservatives such as Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul
Wolfowitz, who hopes to encourage Bush to avoid another mistake of his
father's - failing to topple Saddam Hussein. It was Wolfowitz who Bush
sent to address the big pro-Israel rally that took place at the
Capitol on April 15.

SINCERE WARMTH
But the biggest reason Bush has been able to win over Jews may be
personal. Despite his own Skull & Bones pedigree, the president is far
less WASP-ish in his tastes and manner than past generations of
Bushes, making him less suspect in the eyes of some Jewish Americans.
Moreover, he is openly religious in a way that conveys deep respect
for religious believers of all kinds. He may even be influenced by the
view of Gary Bauer and other fundamentalist Christians who believe
that the Jews are biblically ordained to live in the Holy Land. And
unlike his father's administration, George W. Bush's is prominently
filled with members of the tribe. Most notably, the public face of the
White House, spokesman Ari Fleischer, is a practicing Jew. But
whatever the impetus, Bush appears to be entirely sincere in his
warmth toward the Jewish people. Since Sept. 11, he has resisted
condemning his old tour guide, Ariel Sharon, as harshly as his father
condemned former Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir. He has also
applied the "Bush Doctrine" to Israel, saying in his April 4 Rose
Garden address: "Terror must be stopped. No nation can negotiate with
terrorists. For there is no way to make peace with those whose only
goal is death." It's hard to imagine any Bush from a previous
generation taking the side of the Jews so unequivocally.
Anne E. Kornblut is White House correspondent for the Boston Globe.
return to top of page
How the Bush family made
its fortune from the Nazis
by Robert Lederman


Note: This article's author, John Loftus, is a former U.S.Department
of Justice Nazi War Crimes prosecutor, the President of the Florida
Holocaust Museum and the highly respected author of numerous books on
the CIA-Nazi connection including The Belarus Secret and The SecSecret
War Against the Jews, both of which have extensive material on the
Bush-Rockefeller-Nazi connection.

by Attorney John Loftus
The Dutch Connection
How a famous American family made its fortune from the Nazis For the
Bush family, it is a lingering nightmare. For their Nazi clients,
the Dutch connection was the mother of all money laundering schemes.
From 1945 until 1949, one of the lengthiest and, it now appears, most
futile
interrogations of a Nazi war crimes suspect began in the American Zone
of Occupied Germany. Multibillionaire steel magnate Fritz Thyssen-the
man whose steel combine was the cold heart of the Nazi war machine-
talked and talked and talked to a joint US-UK interrogation team. For
four long years, successive teams of inquisitors tried to break
Thyssen's simple claim to possess neither foreign bank accounts nor
interests in foreign corporations,
no assets that might lead to the missing billions in assets of the
Third Reich. The inquisitors failed utterly. Why? Because what the
wily Thyssen deposed was, in a sense, true. What the Allied
investigators never understood was that they were not asking Thyssen
the right question. Thyssen did not need any foreign bank accounts
because his family secretly owned an entire chain of banks. He did not
have to transfer his Nazi assets at the end of World War II, all he
had to do was
transfer the ownership documents - stocks, bonds, deeds and trusts--
from his bank in Berlin through his bank in Holland to his American
friends in New York City: Prescott Bush and Herbert Walker. Thyssen's
partners in crime were the father and father-in-law of a future
President of the United States.

The allied investigators underestimated Thyssen's reach, his
connections, his motives, and his means. The web of financial entities
Thyssen helped
create in the 1920's remained a mystery for the rest of the twentieth
century, an almost perfectly hidden underground sewer pipeline for
moving dirty money, money that bankrolled the post-war fortunes not
only of the Thyssen industrial empire...but the Bush family as well.
It was a secret Fritz Thyssen would take to his grave.

It was a secret that would lead former US intelligence agent William
Gowen, now pushing 80, to the very doorstep of the Dutch royal family.
The Gowens are no strangers to controversy or nobility. His father was
one of President Roosevelt's diplomatic emissaries to Pope Pius XII,
leading a futile attempt to persuade the Vatican to denounce Hitler's
treatment of Jews. It was his son, William Gowen, who served in Rome
after World War II as a Nazi hunter and investigator with the U.S.
Army Counter Intelligence Corps. It was Agent Gowen who first
discovered the secret Vatican Ratline for smuggling Nazis in 1949. It
was also the same William Gowen who began to uncover the secret Dutch
pipeline for smuggling Nazi money in 1999. A half-century earlier,
Fritz Thyssen was telling the allied investigators that he had no
interest in foreign companies, that Hitler had turned on him and
seized most of his property. His remaining assets were mostly in the
Russian Occupied Zone of Germany (which he knew were a write-off
anyway).

His distant (and disliked) relatives in neutral nations like Holland
were the actual owners of a substantial percentage of the remaining
German industrial base. As innocent victims of the Third Reich, they
were lobbying the allied occupation governments in Germany, demanding
restitution of the property that had been seized from them by the
Nazis. Under the rules of the Allied occupation of Germany, all
property owned by citizens of a neutral nation which had been seized
by the Nazis had to be returned to the neutral citizens upon proper
presentation of documents showing proof of ownership. Suddenly, all
sorts of neutral parties, particularly in Holland, were claiming
ownership of various pieces of the Thyssen empire. In his cell, Fritz
Thyssen just smiled and waited to be released from prison while
members of the Dutch royal family and the Dutch intelligence service
reassembled his pre-war holdings for him.

The British and American interrogators may have gravely underestimated
Thyssen but they nonetheless knew they were being lied to. Their
suspicions focused on one Dutch Bank in particular, the Bank voor
Handel en Scheepvaart, in Rotterdam. This bank did a lot of business
with the Thyssens over the years. In 1923, as a favor to him, the
Rotterdam bank loaned the money to build the very first Nazi party
headquarters in Munich. But somehow the allied investigations kept
going nowhere, the intelligence leads all seemed to dry up.

If the investigators realized that the US intelligence chief in
postwar Germany, Allen Dulles, was also the Rotterdam bank's lawyer,
they might have asked some very interesting questions. They did not
know that Thyssen was Dulles' client as well. Nor did they ever
realize that it was Allen Dulles's other client, Baron Kurt Von
Schroeder who was the Nazi trustee for the Thyssen companies which now
claimed to be owned by the Dutch. The Rotterdam Bank was at the heart
of Dulles' cloaking scheme, and he guarded its secrets< jealously.

Several decades after the war, investigative reporter Paul Manning,
Edward R. Murrow's colleague, stumbled across the Thyssen
interrogations in the US National Archives. Manning intended to write
a book about Nazi money
laundering. Manning's manuscript was a dagger at Allen Dulles' throat:
his book specifically mentioned the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart by
name,
albeit in passing. Dulles volunteered to help the unsuspecting Manning
with his manuscript, and sent him on a wild goose chase, searching for
Martin
Bormann in South America. Without knowing that he had been
deliberately sidetracked, Manning wrote a forward to his book
personally thanking Allen Dulles for his "assurance that I was "on the
right track, and should keep going.'"Dulles sent Manning and his
manuscript off into the swamps of obscurity. The same "search for
Martin Bormann"scam was also used to successfully discredit Ladislas
Farago, another American journalist probing too far into the
laundering of Nazi money. American investigators had to be sent
anywhere but Holland. And so the Dutch connection remained unexplored
until 1994 when I published the book "The Secret War Against the
Jews."As a matter of historical curiosity, I mentioned that Fritz
Thyssen (and indirectly, the Nazi Party) had obtained their early
financing from Brown Brothers Harriman, and its
affiliate, the Union Banking Corporation. Union Bank, in turn, was the
Bush family's holding company for a number of other entities,
including the
"Holland American Trading Company."

It was a matter of public record that the Bush holdings were seized by
the> US government after the Nazis overran Holland. In 1951, the
Bush's reclaimed Union Bank from the US Alien Property Custodian,
along with their "neutral"> Dutch assets. I did not realize it, but I
had stumbled across a very large piece of the missing Dutch
connection. Bush's ownership of the Holland-American investment
company was the missing link to Manning's earlier research in the
Thyssen investigative files. In 1981, Manning had written: "Thyssen's
first step in a long dance of tax and currency frauds began [in
the late 1930's] when he disposed of his shares in the Dutch
Hollandische-Amerikanische Investment Corporation to be credited to
the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, N.V., Rotterdam, the bank founded
in 1916 by August Thyssen Senior."

In this one obscure paragraph, in a little known book, Manning had
unwittingly documented two intriguing points: 1) The Bush's Union Bank
had apparently bought the same corporate stock that the Thyssens were
selling as part of their Nazi money laundering, and 2) the Rotterdam
Bank, far from
hindsight, Manning and I had uncovered different ends of the Dutch
connection. After reading the excerpt in my book about the Bush's
ownership of the Holland-American trading Company, retired US
intelligence agent William Gowen began to put the pieces of the puzzle
together. Mr. Gowen knew every c orner of Europe from his days as a
diplomat's son, an American intelligence agent, and a newspaperman.
William Gowen deserves sole credit for uncovering the mystery of how
the Nazi industrialists hid their money from the Allies at the end of
World War II.

In 1999, Mr. Gowen traveled to Europe, at his own expense, to meet a
former member of Dutch intelligence who had detailed inside
information about the
Rotterdam bank. The scrupulous Gowen took a written statement and then
had his source read and correct it for error. Here, in summary form,
is how the Nazis hid their money in America. After World War I, August
Thyssen had been badly burned by the loss of assets under the harsh
terms of the Versailles treaty. He was determined that it would never
happen again. One of his sons would join the Nazis; the other would be
neutral. No matter who won the next war, the Thyssen family would
survive with their industrial empire intact. Fritz Thyssen joined the
Nazis in 1923; his younger brother married into Hungarian nobility and
changed his name to Baron Thyssen-Bornemisza. The Baron later claimed
Hungarian as well as Dutch citizenship. In public, he pretended to
detest his Nazi brother, but in private they met at secret board
meetings in Germany to coordinate their operations. If one brother
were threatened with loss of property, he would transfer his holdings
to the other.

To aid his sons in their shell game, August Thyssen had established
three different banks during the 1920's -- The August Thyssen Bank in
Berlin, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart in Rotterdam, and the
Union Banking Corporation in New York City. To protect their corporate
holdings, all the brothers had to do was move the corporate paperwork
from one bank to the other. This they did with some regularity. When
Fritz Thyssen "sold"the Holland-American Trading Company for a tax
loss, the Union Banking Corporation in New York bought the stock.
Similarly, the Bush family invested the disguised Nazi profits in
American steel and manufacturing corporations that became part of the
secret Thyssen empire. When the Nazis invaded Holland in May 1940,
they investigated the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart in Rotterdam.
Fritz Thyssen was suspected by Hitler's auditors of being a tax fraud
and of illegally transferring his wealth
outside the Third Reich. The Nazi auditors were right: Thyssen felt
that Hitler's economic policies would dilute his wealth through
ruinous war
inflation. He had been smuggling his war profits out through Holland.
But the Rotterdam vaults were empty of clues to where the money had
gone. The
Nazis did not know that all of the documents evidencing secret Thyssen
ownership had been quietly shipped back to the August Thyssen Bank in
Berlin, under the friendly supervision of Baron Kurt Von Schroeder.
Thyssen spent the rest of the war under VIP house arrest. He had
fooled Hitler, hidden his immense profits, and now it was time to fool
the Americans with same shell game.

As soon as Berlin fell to the allies, it was time to ship the
documents back to Rotterdam so that the "neutral"bank could claim
ownership under the
friendly supervision of Allen Dulles, who, as the OSS intelligence
chief in 1945 Berlin, was well placed to handle any troublesome
investigations. Unfortunately, the August Thyssen Bank had been bombed
during the war, and the documents were buried in the underground
vaults beneath the rubble. Worse, the vaults lay in the Soviet Zone of
Berlin.

According to Gowen's source, Prince Bernhard commanded a unit of Dutch
intelligence, which dug up the incriminating corporate papers in 1945
and
brought them back to the "neutral"bank in Rotterdam. The pretext was
that the Nazis had stolen the crown jewels of his wife, Princess
Juliana, and the
Russians gave the Dutch permission to dig up the vault and retrieve
them. Operation Juliana was a Dutch fraud on the Allies who searched
high and low for the missing pieces of the Thyssen fortune.

In 1945, the former Dutch manager of the Rotterdam bank resumed
control only to discover that he was sitting on a huge pile of hidden
Nazi assets. In
1947, the manager threatened to inform Dutch authorities, and was
immediately fired by the Thyssens. The somewhat naive bank manager
then fled to New York City where he intended to talk to Union Bank
director Prescott Bush. As Gowen's Dutch source recalled, the manager
intended "to reveal [to Prescott Bush] the truth about Baron Heinrich
and the Rotterdam Bank, [in order that] some or all of the Thyssen
interests in the Thyssen Group might be seized and confiscated as
German enemy property."The manager's body was found in New York two
weeks later.

Similarly, in 1996 a Dutch journalist Eddy Roever went to London to
interview the Baron, who was neighbors with Margaret Thatcher.
Roever's body was discovered two days later. Perhaps, Gowen remarked
dryly, it was only a coincidence that both healthy men had died of
heart attacks immediately after trying to uncover the truth about the
Thyssens.

Neither Gowen nor his Dutch source knew about the corroborating
evidence in the Alien Property Custodian archives or in the OMGUS
archives. Together, the two separate sets of US files overlap each
other and directly corroborate Gowen's source. The first set of
archives confirms absolutely that the Union Banking Corporation in New
York was owned by the Rotterdam Bank. The second set (quoted by
Manning) confirms that the Rotterdam Bank in turn was owned by the
Thyssens.

It is not surprising that these two American agencies never shared
their Thyssen files. As the noted historian Burton Hersh documented:
"The Alien Property Custodian, Leo Crowley, was on the payroll of the
New York J. Henry Schroeder Bank where Foster and Allen Dulles both
sat as board
members. Foster arranged an appointment for himself as special legal
counsel for the Alien Property Custodian while simultaneously
representing [German] interests against the custodian."

No wonder Allen Dulles had sent Paul Manning on a wild goose chase to
South America. He was very close to uncovering the fact that the
Bush's bank in
New York City was secretly owned by the Nazis, before during and after
WWII. Once Thyssen ownership of the Union Banking Corporation is
proven, it makes out a prima facie case of treason against the Dulles
and Bush families for giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of
war.

PART TWO
The first key fact to be proven in any criminal case is that the
Thyssen family secretly owned the Bush's Bank. Apart from Gowen's
source, and the twin American files, a third set of corroboration
comes from the Thyssen family themselves. In 1979, the present Baron
Thyssen-Bornemisza (Fritz Thyssen's nephew) prepared a written family
history to be shared with his top management. A copy of this thirty-
page tome entitled "The History of the Thyssen Family and Their
Activities"was provided by Gowen's source. It contains the following
Thyssen admissions: "Thus, at the beginning of World War II the Bank
voor Handel en Scheepvaart had become the holding of my father's
companies - a Dutch firm whose only shareholder was a Hungarian
citizen..Prior to 1929, it held the shares of .the August Thyssen
Bank, and also American subsidiaries and the Union Banking
Corporation, New York.The shares of all the affiliates were [in 1945]
with the August Thyssen Bank in the East Sector of Berlin, from where
I was able to have them transferred into the West at the last moment"
"After the war the Dutch government ordered an investigation into the
status of the holding company and, pending the result, appointed a
Dutch.former general manager of my father who turned against our
family.. In that same year, 1947, I returned to Germany for the first
time after the war, disguised as a Dutch driver in military uniform,
to establish contact with our German directors"

"The situation of the Group gradually began to be resolved but it was
not until 1955 that the German companies were freed from Allied
control and
subsequently disentangled. Fortunately, the companies in the group
suffered little from dismantling. At last we were in a position to
concentrate on purely economic problems -- the reconstruction and
extension of the companies and the expansion of the organization."
"The banking department of the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart, which
also functioned as the Group's holding company, merged in 1970 with
Nederlandse Credietbank N.V. which increased its capital. The Group
received 25 percent.The Chase Manhattan Bank holds 31%. The name
Thyssen-Bornemisza Group was selected for the new holding company."
Thus the twin US Archives, Gowen's Dutch source, and the Thyssen
family history all independently confirm that President Bush's father
and grandfather served on the board of a bank that was secretly owned
by the leading Nazi industrialists. The Bush connection to these
American institutions is a matter of public record. What no one knew,
until Gowen's brilliant research opened the door, was that the
Thyssens were the secret employers of the Bush family.

But what did the Bush family know about their Nazi connection and when
did they know it? As senior managers of Brown Brothers Harriman, they
had to
have known that their American clients, such as the Rockefellers, were
investing heavily in German corporations, including Thyssen's giant
Vereinigte Stahlwerke. As noted historian Christopher Simpson
repeatedly documents, it is a matter of public record that Brown
Brother's investments in Nazi Germany took place under the Bush family
stewardship. When war broke out was Prescott Bush stricken with a case
of Waldheimers disease, a sudden amnesia about his Nazi past? Or did
he really believe that our friendly Dutch allies owned the Union
Banking Corporation and its parent bank in Rotterdam? It should be
recalled that in January 1937, he hired Allen Dulles to "cloak"his
accounts. But cloak from whom? Did he expect that happy little Holland
was going to declare war on America? The cloaking operation only makes
sense in anticipation of a possible war with Nazi Germany. If Union
Bank was not the conduit for laundering the Rockefeller's Nazi
investments back to America, then how could the Rockefeller-controlled
Chase Manhattan Bank end up owning 31% of the Thyssen group after the
war? It should be noted that the Thyssen group (TBG) is now the
largest industrial conglomerate in Germany, and with a net worth of
more than $50 billion dollars, one of the wealthiest corporations in
the world. TBG is so rich it even bought out the Krupp family, famous
arms makers for Hitler, leaving the Thyssens as the undisputed
champion survivors of the Third Reich. Where did the Thyssens get the
start-up money to rebuild their empire with such speed after World War
II? The enormous sums of money deposited into the Union Bank prior to
1942 is the best evidence that Prescott Bush knowingly served as a
money launderer for the Nazis. Remember that Union Banks' books and
accounts were frozen by the U.S. Alien Property Custodian in 1942 and
not released back to the Bush family until 1951. At that time, Union
Bank shares representing hundreds of millions of dollars worth of
industrial stocks and bonds were unblocked for distribution. Did the
Bush family really believe that such enormous sums came from Dutch
enterprises? One could sell tulip bulbs and wooden shoes for centuries
and not achieve those sums. A fortune this size could only have come
from the Thyssen profits made from rearming the Third Reich, and then
hidden, first from the Nazi tax auditors, and then from the Allies.

The Bushes knew perfectly well that Brown Brothers was the American
money channel into Nazi Germany, and that Union Bank was the secret
pipeline to
bring the Nazi money back to America from Holland. The Bushes had to
have known how the secret money circuit worked because they were on
the board of directors in both directions: Brown Brothers out, Union
Bank in. Moreover, the size of their compensation is commensurate with
their risk as Nazi money launderers. In 1951, Prescott Bush and his
father in law each received one share of Union Bank stock, worth
$750,000 each. One and a half million dollars was a lot of money in
1951. But then, from the Thyssen point of view, buying the Bushes was
the best bargain of the war.

The bottom line is harsh: It is bad enough that the Bush family helped
raise the money for Thyssen to give Hitler his start in the 1920's,
but giving aid
and comfort to the enemy in time of war is treason. The Bush's bank
helped the Thyssens make the Nazi steel that killed allied soldiers.
As bad as financing the Nazi war machine may seem, aiding and abetting
the Holocaust was worse. Thyssen's coal mines used Jewish slaves as if
they were disposable chemicals. There are six million skeletons in the
Thyssen family closet, and a myriad of criminal and historical
questions to be answered about the Bush family's complicity.
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