Interesting!
Dennis
[pic - Iran's elite Revolutionary Guard practice attacking a naval vessel
during military exercises in the Persian Gulf.]
October 25th, 2011
10:30 AM ET
http://globalpublicsquare.blogs.cnn.com/2011/10/25/tehrans-new-plan-to-
dominate-the-region-and-beyond/
Tehran's new plan to dominate the region - and beyond
Editor's Note: W. Jonathan Rue is a Senior Research Analyst at the
Institute for the Study of War. A former active duty Marine officer, he
served in Iraq from 2009–2010.
By W. Jonathan Rue, Foreign Affairs
While much of the world's attention focuses on Iran's nuclear program,
Tehran has made considerable progress on another security front in recent
years - steadily increasing the reach and lethality of its naval forces.
The goal by 2025, if all goes as the country has planned, is to have a
navy that can deploy anywhere within a strategic triangle from the Strait
of Hormuz to the Red Sea to the Strait of Malacca.
Should such plans materialize - and Iran is making steady progress -
Tehran would redraw the strategic calculus of an already volatile region.
The Persian Gulf is home to some of the world's most valuable supply
lines, routes that are vital to the global energy supply. In the last few
years, Iran has invested heavily in a domestic defense industry that now
has the ability to produce large-scale warships, submarines, and
missiles.
Since the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1988, Iran has largely pursued a
strategy of deterrence. Its ground forces, which number roughly 450,000,
are trained and equipped to fight a prolonged, asymmetric defensive
battle on its own territory. Likewise, Iran's air force can protect high
value domestic targets such as the Natanz uranium enrichment facility and
numerous military and political headquarters inside Tehran; it is
incapable of long-range strike missions abroad. Iran simply does not
possess the capability to project hard power into neighboring states.
But Iran's navy is different. It is the best organized, best trained, and
best equipped service of the country's conventional military
establishment. More than a nuclear weapons program, which would likely
function as a passive deterrent, Iran's navy is an active component of
Iran's activist foreign policy. The country's leadership, including
Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has repeatedly said that Iran's
navy is the critical foundation on which its long-term development and
prosperity rests.
Iran actually has two navies - the Islamic Republic of Iran Navy (IRIN)
and the vaunted Iran Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN). The
responsibilities of both have been expanding since 2007. The IRIN
operates conventional surface and subsurface platforms and fulfills a
more traditional naval role. It is now responsible for the Caspian Sea,
the Gulf of Oman, and the blue waters outside the Persian Gulf. The
IRGCN, which executes asymmetric operations with swarms of small boats
that overwhelm the defenses of larger ships, has been tasked with
defending the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz. This reorganization
reflects Tehran's desire to be a naval power that can deploy and operate
well outside Persian Gulf waters (via the IRIN) while still retaining
formidable coastal defenses in the Persian Gulf (via the IRGCN).
Evidence of Iran's growing naval assertiveness is already on display. In
December 2010, Iran participated in a training exercise with Djibouti
during a port call there. Tehran sailed away from that engagement with a
partnership agreement that could allow Iran to use Djibouti as a
logistical base supporting a larger and persistent Iranian presence in
the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea. Two months later, for the first time
since 1979, Iran sent two ships through the Suez Canal to the Eastern
Mediterranean, inducing the ire of both Israel and the United States.
Neither country retaliated, but Israel closely tracked the ships as they
sailed along the Israeli coast. This summer, Iran sent one of its Kilo
class submarines to the Red Sea on a counter-piracy operation. Finally,
Iran recently asserted plans to send naval patrols to the Western
Atlantic. Although Iran probably doesn't have the capacity for such a
mission, this kind of rhetoric speaks to Tehran's grand ambitions and is
a way of emphasizing what it sees as the illegitimacy of the U.S. naval
presence in the Persian Gulf.
On numerous occasions in recent years, IRGCN small boats have come
dangerously close to U.S. and Western naval ships operating in the
Persian Gulf. By all accounts, this is not an abnormal occurrence and
usually ends with the small boat being turned away. But a recent change
has increased the danger of escalation. Since 2005, Iran has been
decentralizing command and control, not requiring subordinate commanders
to get approval for all actions from senior leaders in Tehran. Thus, an
IRGCN boat commander was able to take the initiative and capture a small
crew of British sailors in 2007, a tactical action with strategic
consequences. Should the IRGCN become more assertive, such engagements
could spiral out of control.
Iran's emboldened navy is also increasing the country's influence
throughout the region. The navy is the only service with the operational
reach to visit countries that do not share a border with Iran. These
visits help foster good political relations, but, more important, they
provide a foundation for military-to-military ties that can also yield
operational benefits. For example, using ports in places such as Djibouti
as resupply points allows Iran to increase the length and duration of
deployments to waters outside its navy's traditional areas of operation.
More worryingly, such an extended reach could also allow the IRIN to
deliver weapons to various Iranian proxy groups abroad.
Moreover, the United States must now contend with the presence of IRIN
ships well outside the Persian Gulf. This has enormous implications for
U.S. military planners and commanders - for example, it could force the
U.S. Navy to implement increased force protection measures in waters,
such as the Red Sea, that were once considered less volatile. Iran could
soon have the ability to deny the U.S. entry through the Strait of Hormuz
and into the Persian Gulf.
In many ways, the origins of Iran's naval buildup stem from embargoes
that the U.S. slapped on Tehran during its war with Iraq, more than two
decades ago. Since then, Tehran has sought what it calls "self-
sufficiency." It has invested heavily in a domestic defense industrial
base. Employing Chinese, Russian, and North Korean technology, Iran has
begun building its own ships, submarines, and missiles.
That industry is now producing. In 2010, the IRIN put its first
domestically manufactured traditional surface combatant, the Mowj class
destroyer, to sea. Tehran has also built four Combattante II class guided
missile patrol boats. In August 2010, it expanded the Peykaap/Tir class
line, a fast-attack craft capable of carrying anti-ship cruise missiles
and hitting a cruising speed of 55 knots. The U.S. Office of Naval
Intelligence says that these programs "demonstrate Iran's ability to
produce mid- to large-size ships" and "will likely be followed by
others."
Iran is also producing its own submarines and missiles. It has added
multiple Ghadir class mini-subs to its order of battle since the
reorganization. In 2007, Iran had only three in service. Now it has
eleven, with another nine expected in the next three years. In 2008
Tehran announced the opening of a production line for a larger, more
potent submarine platform, the 1,000 ton Qa'em class. It is working on
its own missile designs, too, by reverse-engineering older Chinese
models. The IRGCN test fired one such missile last spring, claiming an
effective range of 186 miles. Last month, Tehran announced that it had
begun full production of one based on those tests.
Reaction to the buildup in the Gulf has been mixed. For most of the six
states that make up the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran's nuclear program
remains the dominant regional security concern. With the United States'
Fifth Fleet stationed in Bahrain and serving as the prime guarantor of
maritime security across the region, the GCC has displayed little angst
over Iran's growing naval power. Saudi Arabia, however, has been taking
Tehran's growing assertiveness seriously. According to news reports,
Riyadh is looking to spend another $30 billion to upgrade the Royal Saudi
Navy (on top of the $60 billion arms deal that Washington and Riyadh
signed in 2010). Final word on the new agreement could be announced by
the end of the year.
Washington, meanwhile, has responded in a few different ways. Then
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen suggested last
month that Tehran and Washington link up a hotline to avoid
miscommunication and prevent accidental tactical naval engagements from
spiraling out of control. Tehran rejected the idea, presumably because it
would give legitimacy to an ongoing U.S. naval presence in the Persian
Gulf. Asked about Iran's September announcement that it would deploy
naval vessels to the U.S. Atlantic coast, White House spokesman Jay
Carney dismissed the possibility, saying that the White House did not
take such pronouncements seriously.
Iran will obviously never reach naval parity with the United States, but
the GCC countries, even with their newer, Western-supplied ships, would
likely find themselves on the losing end of a naval engagement with Iran,
mainly because of their minimal force numbers and their inability to
coordinate any naval campaign. As long as the United States continues to
provide maritime security in the Middle East, the GCC will be able to
rest easy. But Iran has a head start and the GCC should start thinking
about implementing a naval modernization and development plan of its own.
The views expressed in this article are solely those of W. Jonathan Rue
Post by: W. Jonathan Rue