"Hank" <
nineb...@aol.com> wrote in message
news:612a3578-ac00-489c...@googlegroups.com...
The founding fathers were smart people who knew exactly how low
politics could sink.
http://www.freakonomics.com/2007/11/06/the-complete-history-of-dirty-politics-a-qa-on-anything-for-a-vote/
"
The Complete History of Dirty Politics: A Q&A on Anything for a Vote
Melissa Lafsky
11/06/2007 | 3:12 pm
Today, you'll recall, is Election Day. Which means that one year from now,
we will be electing a new president (as if it really matters). The race is
starting to heat up, as candidates shed their friendly veneers and start
getting nasty with their rivals. (For what it's worth, on the Republican
side, Ron Paul - whom we've discussed before - seems to have pulled ahead of
Fred Thompson.)
Historian and author Joseph Cummins is no stranger to the dirty underside of
the American democratic process. His latest book, Anything for a Vote: Dirty
Tricks, Cheap Shots, and October Surprises, chronicles the campaign smears,
attacks, and misdirections that have typified U.S. elections since George
Washington's win in 1789. The upshot of Cummins's book: campaigns are no
dirtier now than they were in the past. He agreed to answer our questions
about his book.
Q: From your research, have you found any overarching trends among
presidential candidates, political parties, and campaigns?
A: Anything for a Vote came about because I was fascinated by commentators
in recent presidential contests claiming that American politics is getting
nastier and nastier - lots of hand-wringing over whether democracy would
survive the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth. Every election, it seemed, was
getting dirtier and dirtier.
But is this really true? After researching every presidential contest from
1789 to 2004, my answer is that elections are not getting dirtier. They're
just as dirty as they have always been. Whether that's a heartening trend
depends on your point of view. I myself am a great fan of the unruly
democratic process, which I think will always be unruly.
In terms of trends, a rough rule of thumb is that incumbent parties tend to
play the most dirty tricks, perhaps because they have the ways and means to
do so. It's also true that parties with the strongest ideologies - be they
Democratic or Republican - fight dirtier, possibly because they are not only
pushing a candidate, but an entire way of life.
Both parties at different times in American history have been guilty of
mind-boggling attempts to influence elections. In the 1880s, one of the
worst decades in terms of dirty tricks, Republicans sent bagmen to Indiana -
then a pivotal state - with hundreds of thousands of dollars in two dollar
bills (dubbed "Soapy Sams" for their ability to grease palms) in order to
purchase votes. The 1960s was the era of Democratic dirty tricks - in 1964,
Lyndon Johnson oversaw one of the most corrupt elections ever, against Barry
Goldwater.
In 1840, the American Whig politician Thomas Elder had a eureka moment when
he wrote to a friend: "Passion and prejudice properly aroused and directed
do about as well as principle and reason in any party contest."
I think this has been the guiding dictum of presidential politics all
throughout our history.
Q: You describe the intense mudslinging that went on during the 19th
century, with accusations being thrown around of infidelity, substance
abuse, cross dressing, and treason, among others. Has campaigning gotten any
more civilized over time? How have mudslinging and other forms of negative
campaigning evolved throughout U.S. history?
A: I think the mudslinging definitely is still a big part of our election
process, but it's less broad and vulgar. For instance, there is less aimed
at other people's physical attributes. The 19th century was very big on
that. In the election of 1800, one of the dirtiest in American history, the
venomous hack writer James Callendar (secretly hired by Thomas Jefferson)
assailed then-President John Adams as a "repulsive pedant" and "a hideous
hermaphroditical character," whatever that means. Later in the 19th century,
Martin Van Buren was accused of wearing women's corsets (by Davy Crockett,
no less) and James Buchanan (who had a congenital condition that caused his
head to tilt to the left) was accused of have unsuccessfully tried to hang
himself. Oh, and Abraham Lincoln reportedly had stinky feet.
The 20th century began this way; at the 1912 Republican National Convention,
Teddy Roosevelt, wearing a sombrero and smoking a cigar, cheerfully referred
to William Howard Taft, the sitting President and Roosevelt's former vice
president, as "a rat in a corner." (The rodent motif is popular - FDR liked
to call Alf Landon, his 1936 opponent, "the White Mouse who wants to live in
the White House.") You won't find this kind of thing out in the open too
much today, although you still see it in some of the nastier primary
campaigns, such as the hatchet job done on John McCain in 2000 by his fellow
Republicans.
Q: What role did the media play in early elections? What was the
relationship between journalists and presidential candidates? How did it
change over time?
A: The first attack I found against a newspaper came in 1800, when a
Federalist poet decided that his party's defeat at the hands of the
Republicans could be blamed entirely on the media. He penned this bit of
doggerel.
And lo! In meretricious dress
Forth comes a strumpet called "THE PRESS."
Whose haggard, unrequested charms
Rush into every blaggard's arms.
In early American elections, newspapers - then the only form of media
around - played a huge role. Papers were unabashed party cheerleaders,
rooting openly for their candidates and leading the way in smearing the
candidate of the opposing party. Being trashed by a 19th century newspaper
was no joke. They really sank their teeth into you. Even no less an
authority than the New York Times (sorry) was guilty of this. In the epic
William McKinley vs. William Jennings Bryan contest of 1896, the Times,
which supported McKinley, published a series of articles in which prominent
alienists discussed quite seriously whether Bryan was crazy. One expert
wrote: "I don't think Bryan is ordinarily crazy . but I should like to
examine him as a degenerate."
By the latter part of the 20th century, this type of blatant electioneering
for candidates had pretty much died out, although newspapers obviously still
have their preferences. But certain television networks and talk radio
shows, on both sides, have taken up the slack with a vengeance, and I think
they are just as influential among voters as the old party newspapers were."
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