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Silencing General Petraeus
No keen observer could believe the government's Pollyanna version of
these events.
By Andrew Napalitano November 15, 2012
The evidence that Gen. David Petraeus, formerly the commander of U.S.
troops in Afghanistan, the author of the current Army field manual,
Princeton Ph.D. and, until last week, the director of the Central
Intelligence Agency, was forced to resign from the CIA to silence him
is far stronger than is the version of events that the Obama
administration has given us.
The government would have us believe that because the FBI confronted
Petraeus with his emails showing a pattern of inappropriate personal
private behavior, he voluntarily departed his job as the country's
chief spy to avoid embarrassment. The government would also have us
believe that the existence of the general's relationship with Paula
Broadwell, an unknown military scholar who wrote a book about him last
year, was recently and inadvertently discovered by the FBI while it
was conducting an investigation into an alleged threat made by
Broadwell to another woman. And the government would as well have us
believe that the president learned of all this at 5 p.m. on Election
Day.
We now know that the existence of a personal relationship between
Broadwell and Petraeus had been suspected and whispered about by his
senior-level colleagues and by his personal staff in the military, who
worried that it might become publicly known, since before the time
that he came to run the CIA.
We also know that when he was nominated to run the CIA, that
nomination was preceded by a two-month FBI-conducted background check
that likely would have revealed the existence of his relationship with
Broadwell. The FBI agents conducting that background check surely
would have seen his visitor logs while he commanded our troops and
would have interviewed his military colleagues and regular visitors
and those colleagues who knew him well and worked with him every day,
and thus learned about his personal life. That's their job.
And that information would have been reported immediately to President
Obama and to the Senate Intelligence Committee, prior to Petraeus'
formal nomination and prior to his Senate confirmation hearing.
In the modern era, office-holders with forgiving spouses simply do not
resign from powerful jobs because of a temporary, non-criminal,
consensual adult sexual liaison, as the history of the FDR,
Eisenhower, JFK, LBJ, and Clinton presidencies attest. So, why is
Petraeus different? Someone wants to silence him.
Petraeus told the Senate and House Intelligence Committees on
September 14, 2012, that the mob attack on the U.S. consulate in
Benghazi, Libya, three days earlier, was a spontaneous reaction of
Libyans angered over a YouTube clip some believed insulted the prophet
Muhammad. He even referred to that assault—which resulted in the
murders of four Americans, now all thought to have been CIA agents—as
a "flash mob." His scheduled secret testimony this week before the
same congressional committees will produce a chastened, diminished
Petraeus who will be confronted with a mountain of evidence
contradicting his September testimony, perhaps exposing him to charges
of perjury or lying to Congress and causing substantial embarrassment
to the president.
It's obvious that someone was out to silence Petraeus. Who could
believe the government version of all this? The same government that
wants us to believe that FBI agents innocently and accidentally
discovered the Petraeus/Broadwell affair a few months ago and
confronted Petraeus with his emails a few weeks ago is a cauldron of
petty jealousies. From the time of its creation in 1947, the CIA has
been a bitter rival of the FBI. The two agencies are both equipped
with lethal force, they both often operate outside the law, and they
are each seriously potent entities. Their rivalry was tempered by
federal laws that until 2001 kept the CIA from operating in the U.S.
and the FBI from operating outside the U.S.
In one of his many overreactions to the events of 9/11, however,
President George W. Bush changed all that with an ill-conceived
executive order that unlawfully unleashed the CIA inside the U.S. and
the FBI into foreign countries. Rather than facilitating a cooperative
spirit in defense of individual freedom and national security, this
reignited their rivalry. FBI agents, for example, publicly exposed CIA
agents whom they caught torturing detainees at Gitmo, and Bush was
forced to restrain the CIA.
Isn't it odd that FBI agents would be reading the emails of the CIA
director to his mistress and that the director of the FBI, who briefs
the president weekly, did not make the president aware of this? The
FBI could only lawfully spy on Petraeus by the use of a search
warrant, and it could only get a search warrant if its agents
persuaded a federal judge that Petraeus himself—not his mistress—was
involved in criminal behavior under federal law.
The agents also could have bypassed the federal courts and written
their own search warrant under the Patriot Act, but only if they could
satisfy themselves (a curious and unconstitutional standard) that the
general was involved in terror-related activity. Both preconditions
for a search warrant are irrelevant and would be absurd in this case.
All this—the FBI spying on the CIA—constitutes the government
attacking itself. Anyone who did this when neither federal criminal
law nor national security has been implicated and kept the president
in the dark has violated about four federal statutes and should be
fired and indicted. The general may be a cad and a bad husband, but he
has the same constitutional rights as the rest of us.
No keen observer could believe the government's Pollyanna version of
these events. When did the CIA become a paragon of honesty? When did
the FBI become a paragon of transparency? When did the government
become a paragon of telling the truth?