3. Keep framing the moral argument
Too often we forget that there are basic issues of right and wrong involved here. We're perpetrating an unethical system as long as bankers can gamble with discounted Federal Reserve money or other public subsidies, and as long as they know taxpayers will bail them out whenever they lose. When financiers can make more money speculating than they can serving consumers and smaller businesses, the system isn't working for its intended purpose.
California readers were outraged to read yesterday that welfare recipients can use the debit cards issued by the state at ATMs in casinos, making it possible to receive a public subsidy and immediately gamble with it. Isn't it ironic that more voters don't feel the same level of outrage when bankers do it? Bankers, who hardly need the money, receive far more in public funds for their gambling - and they endanger the entire system when they do it.
Concerned citizens can and must keep making the case for financial reform as a moral issue.
4. Keep pointing out the risks
Those of us who keep warning that we're still at risk must feel sometimes like Kevin McCarthy in Invasion of the Body Snatchers, screaming "they're here! they're here!" as indifferent drivers whiz past in their comfortable cars. Keep those warnings coming anyway. Our system is just as much at risk as it was before this bill was finalized. Millions of people are still victims of the last crisis. There are those who suggest another downturn may be coming soon. Historical trends suggest that crises will keep returning every seven years on average - unless and until we do something to change things. From a risk management point of view, we're flying a plane with our eyes closed and congratulating ourselves that we haven't crashed into
anything ... lately.
There are political risks, too, and we shouldn't hesitate to point those out. If we experience another crisis after this bill passes, voters will be ruthless toward the incumbents who celebrated its passage. Polls show that the public despises big banks, so the concessions we've seen will be a political liability - that is, until tougher reforms are enacted.
5. Look for teachable moments
There will be a temptation to put this issue behind us now that the bill has passed. But history has a way of offering teachable moments - another economic downturn, a "flash crash" like the one Wall Street experienced a few weeks ago, or the conviction of a malefactor like Bernie Madoff. Negative events are tragic, but the hard truth is that they will keep coming until we make systemic changes . They are "teachable moments" for voters and elected officials alike, and should be opportunities to speak out. The Federal Reserve audit will provide additional opportunities to inform the public.
Activists and concerned citizens should be pushing for indictments of corrupt bankers, too. There are a number of signs of malfeasance, with so many potential crime scenes to investigate that half the buildings on Wall Street should be marked with yellow police tape. A perp walk is a very teachable moment.
___________________________
So, if someone were to ask me what to do now, I'd say keep those letters, emails, and calls coming - to your Representatives, to the White House, to newspapers and talk shows. Keep talking to people around you. Be unstinting in your praise for what's been accomplished and unhesitating in your demands for demand more. Their job is to respond to pressure. Our job is to provide pressure for the right things.
Financial reform has been passed. Long live the movement to demand financial reform. Let's pause for a moment of celebration ... and then get back to work. ++
Sticking the Public With the Bill for the Bankers' Crisis
Naomi Klein, HuffPo
June 28, 2010
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/naomi-klein/sticking-the-public-with_b_627805.html?ir=Daily%2520Brief
My city feels like a crime scene, and the criminals are all melting into the night, fleeing the scene. No, I'm not talking about the kids in black who smashed windows and burned cop cars on Saturday.
I'm talking about the heads of state who, on Sunday night, smashed social safety nets and burned good jobs in the middle of a recession. Faced with the effects of a crisis created by the world's wealthiest and most privileged strata, they decided to stick the poorest and most vulnerable people in their countries with the bill.
How else can we interpret the G20's final communique, which includes not even a measly tax on banks or financial transactions, yet instructs governments to slash their deficits in half by 2013. This is a huge and shocking cut, and we should be very clear who will pay the price: students who will see their public educations further deteriorate as their fees go up; pensioners who will lose hard earned benefits; public sector workers whose jobs will be eliminated. And the list goes on. These types of cuts have already begun in many G20 countries including Canada, and they are about to get a lot worse. For instance, reducing the projected 2010 deficit in the U.S. by half, in the absence of a sizeable tax increase, would mean a whopping $780-billion cut.
They are happening for a simple reason. When the G20 met in London in 2009, at the height of the financial crisis, the leaders failed to band together to regulate the financial sector so that this type of crisis would never happen again. All we got was empty rhetoric, and an agreement to put trillions of dollars in public monies on the table to shore up the banks around the world. Meanwhile, the U.S. government did little to keep people in their homes and jobs, so in addition to hemorrhaging public money to save the banks, the tax base collapsed, creating an entirely predictable debt and deficit crisis.
At this weekend's summit, Prime Minister Stephen Harper convinced his fellow leaders that it simply wouldn't be fair to punish those banks that behaved well and did not create the crisis (despite the fact that Canada's highly protected banks are consistently profitable and could easily absorb a tax). Yet, somehow, these leaders had no such concerns about fairness when they decided to punish blameless individuals for a crisis created by derivative traders and absentee regulators.
Last week, the Globe and Mail ran a fascinating article about the origins of the G20. It turns out the entire concept was conceived in a meeting back in 1999 between then Finance Minister Paul Martin and his U.S. counterpart Lawrence Summers (itself interesting since Summers was, at that time playing a central role in creating the conditions for this financial crisis, allowing a wave of bank consolidation and refusing to regulate derivatives).
The two men wanted to expand the G7, but only to countries they considered strategic and safe. They needed to make a list but apparently they didn't have paper handy. So, according to reporters John Ibbitson and Tara Perkins, "the two men grabbed a brown manila envelope, put it on the table between them, and began sketching the framework of a new world order." Thus was born the G20.
The story is a good reminder that history is shaped by human decisions, not natural laws. Summers and Martin changed the world with the decisions they scrawled on the back on that envelope. But there is nothing to say that citizens of G20 countries need to take orders from this handpicked club.
Already, workers, pensioners and students have taken to the streets against austerity measures in Italy, Germany, France, Spain and Greece, often marching under the slogan "We won't pay for your crisis." And they have plenty of suggestions for how to raise revenues to meet their respective budget shortfalls.
Many are calling for a financial transaction tax that would slow down hot money and raise new money for social programs and climate change. Others are calling for steep taxes on polluters that would underwrite the cost of dealing with the effects of climate change and moving away from fossil fuels. And ending losing wars is always a good cost saver.
The G20 is an ad-hoc institution with none of the legitimacy of the United Nations. Since it just tried to stick us with a huge bill for a crisis most of us had no hand in creating, I say we take a cue from Martin and Summers. Flip it over, and write on the back of the envelope: Return to sender. ++