When a country declare independence, everyone on
this side of the pond cheers! We understand that "breaking from the
mother-country" stuff ... we're children of revolution.
So when a small
country votes to break from its mentor, and subsequently gets its ass kicked, we
should be cheering that a bigger entity comes along to flex muscles and fight
back.
Not if it's the Ruskie's, I guess. And not if we've given Georgia
arms, trained its army, established it as a pro-Western ally and have plans for
it ... and lets never, for one second, forget the oil! Fuck a democratic vote
and the will of the people, under those circumstances; screw independence,
unless it profits us in some manner. And a little pro-security dust up at the
moment serves the "bring it on" Republican's Just Fine!
The
Pub's have taken on a Cartoon Network feel -- not only is their hypocritically
repugnant rhetoric, but they're actually beginning to look like 'toons to me.
Elmer McFudd had this absurdity to say, John Wayne style,
yesterday: 'In the 21st century, nations don't invade other nations.' He left
out pesky wabbit. He also left out any sense of irony or reality; we
all noticed.
In a move his war-loving admirer's will applaud, he's
sending his "foreign affairs team" to Georgia to represent his interests [no
doubt with a handwritten note of affection from his adviser and former
Georgia-lobbyiest, Randy Scheunemann] -- note that this is one of those moments of
pre-presidential presumption he accuses Obama of.
That team would be
side-kicks and [whisper in my ear at press conferences] fact-correctors, Joe
Droopy Dog Lieberman and Lindsey Chip or Dale -- take
yer pick Graham. Meanwhile, Dubby is sending Tweety
Bird ... errrr, Condi to assess the situation.
McFudd has to get
his licks in now -- turns out the Iraqi's are moments away from signing on to a
deal to start removing troops in the summer and have a complete withdrawal
within three years; Johnny Mac will have to find him another war to "win."
Probably Iran, for starters, but who knows -- he seems to have a
lot of war plans.
At the moment there is a VERY loose and
ill-fitting cease fire between Georgia and Russia, brokered by the French -- by
the time the 'toons get there, it will probably still be
hot.
The two bonus
reads today can be defined by another non-human entity,
Yoda:
"Fear leads to anger. Anger leads to hate.
Hate leads to suffering."
... or maybe that defines every post and
every news story in the world today. Ya think?
Jude
Resistance Heroes in Tbilisi - In
Baghdad, only Terrorists
Laura Flanders, The Nation
The New York Times ran a feature August 12, on
Georgian civilians who've joined the fight against the Russian invasion of that
former Soviet republic. The story, by Nicholas Kulish and Michael Schwirtz is
full of empathy and heart.
Nika Kharadze and Giorgi Monasalidze went to war
last week, the Times report begins… "even though they were not warriors."
It goes on to describe how the men's parents have been searching for
them ever since. They've gone from hospital to hospital, to the local and
International Red Cross. Mom and dad even asked the cellphone company to trace
the last known location of their son's phone. No luck.
And then there's this line: as parts of the
country fell before the Russian invaders, the Times writes, "it was not only the
army that rose in its defense but also regular citizens." Resistance, we learn,
was part of a tradition, inscribed in local history and culture going back to
"medieval times."
To make the point, the writers describe a
government employee, standing under a statue of Stalin in the city's main square
with a rifle slung over his civilian clothes. The man is part of a group of a
dozen locals who tell the reporter they're there to defend their town.
The story also describes displacement caused by
bombing. "The planes came in and they started to bomb. The ground was covered
with dead people, and there was nowhere to go," says Goderzi Zenashvili, 48.
"The people that died, they died from their houses falling in on them, from the
shrapnel and from concussions."
So now we know! The New York Times can do it when
they want to. They can paint a picture of war that's hard to shake: heroic,
hapless young men who take up arms to defend their homelands; moms and dads and
lovers worried sick. The Times can explain how invading armies provoke righteous
resistance. When they want to.
But they didn't – not when it was Baghdad instead
of Tbilisi, and the statue Saddam's, not Stalin's. Then, local people in
resistance were called dead enders, killers, terrorists. Because of course --
here's the difference: then the resisters were the enemy and the invaders were –
are – us. ++
Putin's war enablers: Bush and
Cheney
Russia's escalating war on Georgia reveals the consequences of the
Bush administration's long assault on the international rule of
law.
Juan Cole, Salon
Aug. 14, 2008
The run-up to the current chaos in the Caucasus
should look quite familiar: Russia acted unilaterally rather than going through
the U.N. Security Council. It used massive force against a small, weak
adversary. It called for regime change in a country that had defied Moscow. It
championed a separatist movement as a way of asserting dominance in a region it
coveted.
Indeed, despite George W. Bush and Dick Cheney's
howls of outrage at Russian aggression in Georgia and the disputed province of
South Ossetia, the Bush administration set a deep precedent for Moscow's actions
-- with its own systematic assault on international law over the past seven
years. Now, the administration's condemnations of Russia ring hollow.
Bush said on Monday, responding to reports that
Russia might attack the Georgian capital, "It now appears that an effort may be
under way to depose [Georgia's] duly elected government. Russia has invaded a
sovereign neighboring state and threatens a democratic government elected by its
people. Such an action is unacceptable in the 21st century." By Wednesday, with
more Russian troops on the move and a negotiated cease-fire quickly unraveling,
Bush stepped up the rhetoric, announcing a sizable humanitarian-aid mission to
Georgia and dispatching Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to the region.
While U.S. leaders have tended to back Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili, there are two sides to every dispute, and in the
ethnically diverse Caucasus it may be more like a hundred sides. Abkhazia and
Ossetia are claimed by Georgia, but they have their own distinctive languages,
cultures and national aspirations. Both fought for independence in the early
1990s, without success, though neither was Georgia able to assert its full
sovereignty over them, accepting Russian mediation and peacekeeping troops.
The separatist leaders of South Ossetia and
Abkhazia now speak of Saakashvili in terms reminiscent of the way separatists in
Darfur speak of Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir. Sergei Bagapsh of Abkhazia
and Eduard Kokoity of South Ossetia have come out against conducting any further
talks with Georgia, calling instead for Saakashvili to be tried for war crimes.
Kokoity told Interfax, "There can be no talks with the organizers of genocide."
The Russian press is full of talk of putting Saakashvili on trial for ordering
attacks on Ossetian civilians.
All sides have committed massacres and behaved
abominably. There are no clean hands involved, notwithstanding the strong
support for Georgia visible in the press of most NATO member countries. (Georgia
has been jockeying to join NATO, something Moscow stridently opposes.) Still,
not everyone in NATO agrees that Saakashvili is a hero. While traveling with the
negotiating team of President Nicolas Sarkozy, one French official observed that
"Saakashvili was crazy enough to go in the middle of the night and bomb a city"
in South Ossetia. The consequence of Russia's riposte, he said, is "a Georgia
attacked, pulverized, through its own fault."
An emboldened Russian Prime Minister Vladimir
Putin sarcastically likened Russia's actions to Bush's foreign policy. Pointing
to the invasion of Iraq and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein, Putin said, "Of
course, Saddam Hussein ought to have been hanged for destroying several Shiite
villages ... And the incumbent Georgian leaders who razed 10 Ossetian villages
at once, who ran over elderly people and children with tanks, who burned
civilians alive in their sheds -- these leaders must be taken under protection."
In the run-up to the Iraq war, Bush officials
repeated ad nauseam the mantra that Saddam Hussein had killed his own people.
Thus, they helped create a case for unilateral "humanitarian intervention" of
the sort Putin says Russia is now pursuing.
Washington had failed to get a U.N. Security
Council resolution authorizing a war on Iraq, and Iraq had not attacked the
United States, so no principle of self-defense was at stake. But since all
governments (even the United States under Abraham Lincoln) repress separatist
movements, often ruthlessly, Bush was turning actions such as Saakashvili's
attack on South Ossetia into a more legitimate cause for an outside power
(especially one bordering it) to wage war against Georgia.
Indeed, Putin's invoking Bush's Iraq adventure
points directly to the way in which Bush has enabled other world powers to act
impulsively. With his doctrine of preemptive warfare, Bush single-handedly tore
down the architecture of post-World War II international law erected by the
founders of the United Nations to ensure that rogue states did not go about
launching wars of aggression the way Hitler had. While safeguarding minorities
at risk is a praiseworthy goal, the U.N. Charter states that the Security
Council must approve a war launched for this purpose or any other, excepting
self-defense. No individual nation is authorized to wage aggressive war on a
vigilante basis, as Bush did in Iraq or Russia is now doing in the Caucasus.
Eight years ago, the United States would have
been in a position to condemn Russia for its unilateral war without necessarily
seeming hypocritical. After all, even the Korean War had been sanctioned by the
United Nations, and President Dwight Eisenhower had condemned the 1956
tripartite attack on Egypt by Britain, France and Israel for violating the U.N.
Charter.
Bush's recent argument, that a democratically
elected government should not be overthrown (no matter what its behavior,
apparently), was intended to sidestep comparisons between his own unilateral
wars of aggression and ones such as the current Russian intervention. He was
implying that his invasion of Iraq toppled a government that lacked the
legitimacy enjoyed by Saakashvili's.
In fact, Bush's foreign policy includes a long
list of actions intended to undermine elected governments.
Whether the United States was actively involved
in the attempted coup in 2002 against Hugo Chavez, the democratically elected
president of Venezuela, or merely cheered it on, it is clear that Venezuelan
popular sovereignty meant nothing to Bush if it resulted in a government
unfriendly to and critical of Washington.
An even more egregious example came with the
destabilization and overthrow of the Hamas government, which won control of the
Palestine Authority in January 2006. Bush insisted on allowing the participation
in elections of Hamas, a fundamentalist party with a covert paramilitary that
has struck at Israeli targets, including civilians. When the party unexpectedly
won, however, Bush refused to recognize the legitimacy of the new government,
denying it funds and sympathizing with the Israeli attempt to overthrow it.
Israeli security forces kidnapped elected Hamas representatives and cabinet
ministers, and harmed civilians by blocking medical aid and food that might go
to people via the Hamas government.
In 2007, Bush and the Israelis supported a
takeover in the West Bank by forces of the Palestine Liberation Organization,
lead by Palestine Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. Similar attempts were made
in Gaza, but they failed, leaving the elected Hamas government in charge of the
small territory. Palestinian popular sovereignty, and Hamas' victory in what
were widely judged to have been relatively free and fair elections, were
disregarded by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Bush.
Bush and Cheney also repeatedly sided with
military dictator Pervez Musharraf against elected civilian politicians in
Pakistan. Even when the Pakistani Parliament, elected in open polls last
February, initiated impeachment proceedings against Musharraf earlier this week,
the Bush administration came out against the idea of Musharraf's going into
exile if convicted, urging that he be allowed to stay "honorably" in Pakistan if
he stepped down.
Bush's exceptionalism, whereby he implicitly
maintained that no international laws or institutions would be allowed to
constrain U.S. actions taken in the name of national security, grew out of the
sole superpower status of the United States after fall of the Soviet Union. A
unipolar world is, however, an exceedingly rare circumstance in modern world
history, and it was unlikely to last very long. China may soon have the economic
and technological clout to go toe to toe with the United States; and Russia,
fueled by the energy boom, is recovering from its economic disaster of the
1990s.
The collapse of the Soviet economy produced
tremendous misery and downward mobility. Uncertainty made couples unwilling to
risk having children. In one of the great demographic reversals in history, the
Russian Federation's population fell by 10 million in the years after 1991.
Russian need for U.S. foreign aid and goodwill led Moscow to acquiesce for a
time in the expansion of U.S. influence into Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
Russia is now reemerging and flexing its muscles.
The run-up in the price of oil and gas has filled Moscow's coffers, since it is
one of the great producers of natural gas in the world (prices of natural gas
tend to track with those of petroleum).
Russia has reasserted its influence in countries
such as Uzbekistan, which had briefly licensed a base to U.S. forces but then
kicked them out, and in Turkmenistan, which recently agreed to pipe its natural
gas through Moscow.
Russian President Dmitri Medvedev and Prime
Minister Putin are increasingly acting like Gulf emirs, flush with petrodollars
and assured of political leverage because of their control over energy
resources.
In a unipolar world, the Bush doctrine of
preemptive war allowed Washington to assert itself without fear of
contradiction. The Bush doctrine, however, was never meant to be emulated by
others and was therefore implicitly predicated on the notion that all
challengers would be weaker than the United States throughout the 21st century.
Bush and Cheney are now getting a glimpse of a multipolar world in which other
powers can adopt their modus operandi with impunity. Bush's rhetoric may have
sounded like that of President Woodrow Wilson, but his policy has often been to
support the overthrow or hobbling of elected governments that he does not like
-- and that has not gone unnoticed by countries that also count themselves great
powers and would not mind following suit.
The problem with international law for a
superpower is that it is a constraint on overweening ambition. Its virtue is
that it constrains the aggressive ambitions of others. Bush gutted it because he
thought the United States would not need it anytime soon. But Russia is now
demonstrating that the Bush doctrine can just as easily be the Putin doctrine.
And that leaves America less secure in a world of vigilante powers that spout
rhetoric about high ideals to justify their unchecked military interventions. It
is the world that Bush has helped build. ++
Russia
Capitalizes on New World Disorder
Gerhard Spörl, Der Spiegel
http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/0,1518,572059,00.html
The war in the Caucasus is a truly global crisis. Russia's action
against the western-looking Georgia testifies to an extreme craving for
recognition and is reminiscent of the Cold War. It reveals the reality of the
chaotic new world order -- a result of the failures of President Bush's foreign
policy.
Ossetian soldiers on top of a tank enter Tskhinvali next to a
giant portrait of Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.When the German Foreign
Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier describes the overall situation in the world,
he likes to refer to what he calls a "new complexity" of circumstances. Yet
things were already complex before the war in the Caucasus region, which has its
roots in the 19th century more than in the 21st, but now we have been deprived
of one small piece of ignorance. Who would have even bothered to try and
pinpoint South Ossetia on the map or to carefully differentiate it from North
Ossetia before the conflict? And this is supposed to be a world crisis?
But it is one indeed, because the crisis has given oil and gas producer
Russia an alibi for cleaning up along its borders in places like Georgia, where
the United States and NATO were beginning to exert their influence. It is a
world crisis, because this wounded ex-superpower decided, some time ago, that it
was going to put an end to a phase of humiliation and losses, of NATO and
American expansion.
People took to the streets in the Baltic states, and the Polish
president traveled to Georgia to participate in a show of solidarity among the
weak, among countries with a long historical memory of what Russia can do to the
weak. It is no coincidence that Eastern Europeans suspect that the West is
hedging its bets, as it did in 1938, 1956, 1961 and 1968, in loud silence and
inactive appeasement. Their illusions are suddenly dropping away like autumn
leaves.
Part of the truth is that the United States had rather relished
treating Russia and its then president, Vladimir Putin, as yesterday's
superpower and leader. US President George W. Bush withdrew from the
Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty and invented a missile shield in the Czech
Republic and Poland. The revolutions in Ukraine and Georgia, reverberations of
the revolutionary fall of 1989, were made possible by the gracious assistance
and coaching of American foundations and think tanks. There was nothing wrong
with this approach, but America, the overwhelmingly superior superpower, was
petty enough to gloat over its achievements.
A Touch of the Old Cold War
John McCain, who hopes to become the 44th US president, has come up with
the spectacular idea of establishing a league of democracies that would address
the world's problems whenever the United Nations is gridlocked, in other words,
whenever there is an important issue on the table. If this league existed today,
would intervention forces already have been deployed to the Caucasus? And now
McCain has come up with the no less original idea of excluding Russia from the
golden circle of G8 nations. Does anyone have any other bright ideas on how to
punish the miscreant?
The new complexity consists of the fact that a few opportunities were
missed after 1989, such as the chance to develop a resilient relationship among
the European Union, NATO and Russia. Before long, our only concern will be over
whether we should in fact entrust the Russia, as uninterested in democracy as
they are, with our energy security.
It is true that there is a touch of the old Cold War to August 2008. And
yet it is also true that the month's events constitute only a subcategory of the
larger complexity in which the world finds itself today. The United States is
the common denominator. On the one hand, it had no qualms about tormenting
Russia, and yet it is incapable of coming to Georgia's aid. It was also
apparently unable to dissuade the Georgian president from embarking on his
adventure. CNN is so enamored of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili that he
is constantly asked to appear on the news network for interviews, so that he can
instill his view of things -- of Georgia on the road to democracy, and of Russia
succumbing to revanchism -- in Americans, to the delight of the White
House.
A Lopsided Multipolarity
The world ceased to be a unipolar place when the Iraq war began. When the
neocons used the word unipolarity, they were referring to the idea that the
world's sole superpower, thanks to its military superiority, could assume that
it was entitled to the role of global cop, and that the world must bend to its
will, whether it wanted to or not.
Now a new technical term has come into circulation: multipolarity. It means
that a number of powers can do as they please, without punishment, and no one
can do much about it. China can do as it pleases with Tibet, the Uyghurs and its
dissidents, and it can buy its energy where it pleases. India can sign a nuclear
treaty with the United States, and can then vacillate between choosing to ditch
the agreement and keep it in place. Iran can decide to become a nuclear power
and then wait to see what happens, to see whether Israel and the United States,
for example, will issue empty threats of air strikes while Russia and China
obstruct the superpower in the UN Security Council whenever it calls for
effective resolutions.
But the new multipolarity is lopsided. America is
still the power without which nothing works -- whether it be sensible or
senseless. China is moving in its own orbit and is unlikely to move forward as
quickly as it had hoped until recently. It's easier to win gold medals than
establish a stable world power by combining capitalism with communism. India is
drifting along behind China, struggling with its own domestic problems and
unable to decide whether it should throw in its lot with China or the United
States.
And Russia? It has a tremendous craving for recognition and a ludicrous
amount of money. That money could be put to great use, to develop a nation, for
example. That would be a goal that made sense. In the long run, Putin will have
to stop playing the bare-chested macho man, the great loner who couldn't care
less about alliances and world opinion.
And so the world finds itself in a state of new complexity. It's a
nice, inoffensive term, one difficult to criticize. Things are already
tremendously in flux. But aren't things always in flux, sometimes more,
sometimes less? In 1957, the new British Prime Harold McMillan was asked what
would determine the course of his government. "Events, my good man, events," he
replied. Yesterday there was Iraq, today there is the Caucasus, and the
Palestinian problem never seems to go away. What happens tomorrow?
++
McCain sends pals to war
Mike Madden,
Salon
Russia has decided not to withdraw from Georgia after all; its foreign
minister says to "forget about any talk about Georgia's territorial integrity,"
and NATO powers are scrambling to figure out how to end the war.
But don't worry, because John McCain has a plan: Joe Lieberman and Lindsey
Graham are on their way.
McCain and Barack Obama have been waging a low-level battle of their own
ever since Russian troops moved into the neighboring former Soviet republic on
Aug. 8. While Obama initially called for restraint on both sides, before
gradually ratcheting up demands that Russia back off, McCain immediately blasted
the Russians for the invasion. When it became clear that McCain was taking a
harder line than the White House was, Obama's aides started pushing the idea
that McCain's ties to lobbyists for Georgia were the reason.
What, exactly, McCain hopes to accomplish by packing his two closest Senate
pals off to a war zone isn't entirely clear. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
is also on her way to Tbilisi, with the ability to negotiate on behalf of the
U.S. government (instead of just the McCain campaign). Graham and Lieberman are,
like McCain, members of the Senate Armed Services Committee; they frequently
accompany him on trips to the Middle East and joined him on a mission to
Colombia and Mexico earlier this summer.
But considering that one of the main lines of attack Republicans are
pushing against Obama these days is that he's presumptuously declared himself
president before Election Day, it's a little curious that the GOP nominee thinks
sending campaign surrogates to visit the war is a good idea.
Then again, as Marc Ambinder points out, officials in Tbilisi aren't too
impressed with McCain's passionate "Today, we are all Georgians" rhetoric.
"Yesterday, I heard Sen. McCain say, 'We are all Georgians now,'" Georgian
President Mikheil Saakashvili told CNN on Wednesday. "Well, very nice, you know,
very cheering for us to hear that, but OK, it's time to pass from this. From
words to deeds."
Maybe this is just McCain's way of telling Saakashvili, "Don't tell me
words don't matter." After all, if dispatching Lieberman and Graham doesn't
count as an immensely powerful deed, what does? ++
Obama's
Giving McCain Enough Rope to Hang HImself With Russia Georgia
Reaction
Folks are saying McCain has the advantage with the conflict between
Russia and Georgia.
It seems that Obama is holding back, letting McCain hang himself and McCain
is doing a great job.
The Wall Street Journal reports that Georgia, a US ally, had been strongly
advised not to react confrontively with Russia. They didn't listen and Russia
came back hard.
McCain makes like Billy Goat Gruff and threatens, huffing and
puffing.
It is remarkable that CNN, at least, keeps putting on partisan political
experts, not real experts on the region. So it is not surprising that the
commentary they get is incredibly dumb. Richard Bennett suggests that the US
might deliver stinger missiles to the Georgians. Simply brilliant! That would
pretty much be the same as declaring war on Russia. Do we really want to do
that?
McCain is talking tough with Russia. Problem is, he's a gnat on a lions ass
and he doesn't realize it. McCain is having a flashback to 1969. Back then, in
THAT cold war, the US was a superpower and Russia was a hollow chimera. We know
that now. But now, we also know that Russia is up to its eyeballs in oil money.
The Russia of today is far more powerful and capable, massively more so than was
true in '68.
McCain talks about putting pressure on Russia. Right. So does Bush. Problem
is, they are impotent. The Viagra they've been delivering to their white male
supporters who get their sense of masculinity by supporting war doesn't work in
the real world. The real world says the US is helpless and all the nations of
the world know it. McCain has multiple phone conversations with Saakashvilli and
then Saackashvilli used it on national TV. Didn't McCain talk about Obama being
manipulated by Ahmadinejead? But it's okay to meddle with the workings of real
diplomatic efforts. ...Well, as real as you're going to get with Condi Rice, the
worst Secretary of State n the history of the US.
Gee whiz, Condi speaks Russian. That means she can say things like, "Huh,"
and "what" and "didn't know that," and "Nobody told me that."
McCain and his team seem to be set on demonstrating that he can be a tough,
bellicose commander-in-chief. What he's showing is total lack of nuance. He's
showing that his experience during the war was as a prisoner, not a leader. His
willingness to jump into confrontation so fast when the stakes are so high, is
astounding. Who knows what Russia is willing to do in response? Well, they have
demonstrated what they were willing to do in response to Georgia's affront to
their expectations.
Meanwhile, Obama just holds his own, keeping his powder dry, letting McCain
run his mouth and fully show what kind of leader he really is and is not. I
don't think today's Americans are in the same throes of anti-communism, or fears
of the "red menace." I don't think Americans like to see McCain talking so
tough, putting the US at risk of a big war we managed to avoid going nuclear in
for nigh on 40 years.
Ironically, McCain plays games with politics, even though his surrogates
accuse him of stealing the stage with his Commander-in-Chief Demonstration. But
McCain and his surrogates are milking this tragedy to the mad.
We'll see where the coming poll meanderings lead us. Meanwhile, Israel must
be watching this with great interest.
The Russian incursion into Georgia sets the precedent. They get away with
it, so, does that mean Israel does too, when it goes after Iran?
Some say we're re-entering the cold war. Seems pretty hot to me.
++
bonus
Ark. Dems' party
chairman shot dead
Suspect killed after chase; cops say he had been fired by
store earlier in day
The Associated Press
updated 11:14 p.m. CT,
Wed., Aug. 13, 2008
http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/26181389/
LITTLE ROCK, Ark. - A man recently fired from a Target store barged into
the Arkansas Democratic headquarters Wednesday and fatally shot the state party
chairman before speeding off in his pickup. Police later shot and killed the
suspect after a 30-mile chase.
Police identified the suspect as 50-year-old Timothy Dale Johnson of
Searcy, a town about 50 miles northeast of Little Rock. They said that moments
after the shooting, Johnson pointed a handgun at a worker at the nearby Arkansas
Baptist headquarters. An official there said he told the worker, "I lost my
job."
Chairman Bill Gwatney died four hours after the shooting. The 48-year-old
former state senator had been planning to travel to the Democratic National
Convention later this month as a superdelegate. He had backed Hillary Rodham
Clinton but endorsed Barack Obama after she dropped out of the race.
Clinton and her husband, former President and former Arkansas Gov. Bill
Clinton, issued a statement saying Gwatney was "not only a strong chairman of
Arkansas' Democratic Party, but ... also a cherished friend and confidant."
Conway police said a Target store 30 miles north of Little Rock had fired
Johnson earlier Wednesday because he had written graffiti on a store wall. The
age and address provided by Conway officers matched those provided by Little
Rock police for its suspect.
Witnesses said the gunman entered the party offices shortly before noon and
said he wanted to see Gwatney.
"He said he was interested in volunteering, but that was obviously a lie,"
said 17-year-old party volunteer Sam Higginbotham. He said that when the suspect
was refused a meeting with Gwatney, he pushed past employees to reach the
chairman's office.
Suspect led police on chase
Little Rock police spokesman Lt. Terry Hastings said the suspect and
Gwatney introduced themselves to one another, at which time the suspect "pulled
out a handgun and shot Gwatney several times." Hastings didn't say what the two
discussed, but said their discussion was not a heated one.
Police said after leaving the office, the suspect pointed a gun at a worker
at the Baptist headquarters seven blocks away. When asked what was wrong, the
man said "I lost my job" said Dan Jordan, the group's business manager.
After the suspect avoided spike strips and a roadblock along U.S. 167 near
Sheridan, police rammed his car, spinning it, said Grant County Sheriff Lance
Huey. He got out of his truck and began shooting, and state police and sheriff's
deputies fired back, striking him several times, he said.
Hastings said investigators found at least two handguns in the suspect's
truck.
There was a busy signal Wednesday night at a phone number listed
under Johnson's name. Little Rock police said they could find no criminal record
for him.
According to Conway police spokeswoman Sharen Carter, Target fired Johnson
before 8 a.m. Wednesday because he had written on a wall. Other store employees
said Johnson's body shook as he turned in his ID badge. A Target manager had
called police because of the incident but the wall had already been cleaned.
The state Capitol was locked down for about an hour until police got word
the gunman had been captured, said Arkansas State Capitol police Sgt. Charlie
Brice.
'Shocking and senseless attack'
Gov. Mike Beebe, a Democrat who served with Gwatney in the state Senate,
had been on a flight to Springdale in northwestern Arkansas. He returned to
Little Rock and joined an impromptu vigil at University Hospital after what he
called a "shocking and senseless attack." Gwatney had been Beebe's finance
chairman during the governor's 2006 campaign.
"Arkansas has lost a great son, and I have lost a great friend. There is
deep pain in Arkansas tonight because of the sheer number of people who knew,
respected and loved Bill Gwatney," Beebe said.
Karen Ray, executive director of the Republican Party of Arkansas, sent her
workers home early "out of an abundance of caution."
"Our hearts go out to everyone at the Democratic headquarters. What a
tragedy," Ray said. "This is just a very upsetting, troubling and scary thing
for our staff as well."
Sarah Lee, a sales clerk at a flower shop across street from the party
headquarters, said that around noon Gwatney's secretary ran into the shop and
asked someone to call 911.
Lee said the secretary told her the man had come into the party's office
and asked to speak with Gwatney. When the secretary said she wouldn't allow him
to meet with Gwatney, the man went into his office and shot him, Lee said.
Last November, a distraught man wearing what appeared to be a bomb walked
into a Clinton campaign office in New Hampshire and demanded to speak to the
candidate about access to mental health care. A hostage drama dragged on for
nearly six hours until he peacefully surrendered.
The confrontation brought Clinton's campaign to a standstill just five
weeks before the New Hampshire primary. Security for her was increased as a
precaution. She said she did not know the suspect. ++
The rise in social intolerance
The hate-crime and incident blotter is filling so fast now, it suggests the
mean side of our national character is rising. To look away from what is
happening could mean something equally telling -- a failure to face a problem
needing national attention.
The latest entry, on July 19, found two white teenagers in Shenandoah, Pa.,
charged with homicide and ethnic intimidation in the beating death of a
25-year-old undocumented immigrant from Mexico. Those charged are just 16 and
17. A third youth is charged with aggravated assault.
In Nashville, Tenn., a pregnant Mexican woman stopped on a traffic
violation July 3 and found to have a pending immigration-violation charge was
held in handcuffs and shackles by the sheriff's department as she was in labor
prior to giving birth.
In North Carolina, Hispanic leaders received death threats for supporting a
bill that would allow some undocumented immigrants the right to attend state
colleges. Two of the U.S.-born leaders reported receiving profanity-laced
messages and were told to "go back where you came from." Other demeaning remarks
included -- you guessed it -- their Hispanic ethnicity.
In Phoenix, five individuals and Somos America, a Latino community-based
coalition, have sued Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, his department and the
county government, in U.S. district court for unlawfully stopping and
mistreating Latinos in violation of the U.S. Constitution's Fourth and 14th
Amendments, Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and the Arizona
Constitution.
Plaintiff Manuel Nieto, Jr., a U.S. citizen, claims he was detained in
front of his family's auto-repair shop after police heard him listening to music
in Spanish. The two Democratic Party contenders for county attorney, seeking to
oppose incumbent Republican Andrew Thomas in November, say some undocumented
immigrants were singled out at the expense of overall prosecution of
crimes.
Many, many more infamous incidents have received media attention -- in
Farmers Branch, Texas, in Hazleton, Pa., in Long Island, N.Y., in Pottsville,
Iowa. They have played out in virtually every state.
If left uncorrected, this social intolerance will become a part of our
national character, just as segregation became part of it.
It gives license to discriminate. And all the while, nice people look
on.
The numbers -- especially the smaller-scale prejudicial infractions -- are
corroborated in a 2007 Pew Research Center. Astoundingly, the report found a
majority of Hispanics stating that discrimination is a major problem for
them.
Nothing like the current dimension has occurred in our country since the
Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 when racists threw Chinese workers out of Western
towns, driving many to seek refuge in Mexico.
During the 1930s' Depression years, more than half a million "Mexicans,"
thousands of them with legal papers and thousands more born here, were uprooted
and shipped to Mexico like cattle, in trains and trucks.
An unthinking rationalization says it's their fault. They have it coming.
They probably entered our country without permission.
Did the 75 undocumented immigrant employees working in the Twin Towers in
New York on Sept. 11, 2001, have it coming when they perished along with 2,700
others? Did they deserve to die?
The need today is to reconcile and account, admit and acknowledge what
happened and what's driving it. One step in that direction would be to call on
all those running for a federal office to commit to conducting a national
reconciliation inquiry that identifies what was responsible for the irrational
overreaction to the immigration issue. Who are the opportunists and
provocateurs?
Church leaders and human rights institutions should form part of the
inquiry to hear from victims of abuse living among us. And we ought to invite
those in neighboring countries to come forward with their perspectives. We
shouldn't listen only to ourselves anymore.
Voters in November should demand not just a commitment to logical
immigration reform but to a national strategy to eliminate policies that
encourage predatory practices against our national scapegoats, the most
vulnerable among us. We can air out this pestilence with truth. ++
"So keep fightin' for freedom and justice, beloveds, but don't you
forget to have fun doin' it. Lord, let your laughter ring forth. Be outrageous,
ridicule the fraidy-cats, rejoice in all the oddities that freedom can produce.
And when you get through kickin' ass and celebratin' the sheer joy of a good
fight, be sure to tell those who come after how much fun it was."
~
Molly Ivins, 1944 - 2007
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