முஸ்ஸீம்களுடன் சேர்ந்தால் விடுதலை கிடைத்துவிடும் என நினைக்கும் தலித் விடுதலை போராளிகள் படிக்கவேண்டிய ஒரு கடிதம்.
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Rajasankar
May 3, 2011, 9:15:20 PM5/3/11
to பண்புடன், errajasa...@gmail.com
இந்திய அரசின் முதல் சட்ட அமைச்சராக அம்பேத்கார் இருந்தது போல்
பாகிஸ்தானின் முதல் சட்ட அமைச்சராக இருந்தவர் ஜோகேந்திர நாத் மண்டல்.
ஜோகேந்திர நாத் மண்டலுக்கும் அம்பேத்கருக்கும் நிறைய ஒற்றுமைகள் உண்டு.
இருவரும் தலித்துகள். கடின உழைப்பில் முன்னேறி பெரும் பதவிகளை
அடைந்தவர்கள். ஆனால் இருந்த பெரிய வேற்றுமை அம்பேத்கர் பாகிஸ்தான்
பிரிவினை தலித்துகளுக்கு ஏதும் நல்லது செய்யாது என சொன்னார். மண்டல்
நல்லது நடக்கும் என நம்பி வங்காள பிரிவினையை ஆதரித்தார்.
ஆனால் ஜோகேந்திர நாத் ஏறியது மண் குதிரை என்பது இரண்டு மூன்று
வருடங்களிலேயே தெரிந்து விட்டது. தலித்துகள் கூட்டம் கூட்டமாக
கொல்லப்படுவதையும் இந்து பெண்கள் வரைமுறையற்று கற்பழிக்க படுவதையும்
தடுத்து நிறுத்த முடியாமல் மூன்றாவது வருடம் தன்னுடைய பதவியை ராஜினாமா
செய்கிறார். பின்பு இந்தியாவுக்கு திரும்பி வந்து தன்னுடைய கடைசி காலத்தை
கழிக்கிறார்.
தன்னுடை பதவியை ராஜினாமா செய்யும் போது எழுதிய கடிதத்தில் கிழக்கு
பாகிஸ்தானாக இருந்து இப்போது வங்காள தேசமாக இருக்கும் நாட்டில் நிலவிய
இந்துக்கள் ஒழிப்பு கலவரத்தையும் தற்போதைய பாகிஸ்தானில் எப்படி
திட்டமிட்டு இந்து ஒழிப்பு நடைபெறுகிறது என்பதையும்
விளக்கியிருக்கிறார்.
இங்கு தமிழ்நாட்டில் தலித் விடுதலை என்று பேசிக்கொண்டு முஸ்ஸீம்களுடன்
சேர்ந்து விடுதலை அடைவோம் என்று பேசுபவர்கள் இதை சிந்திப்பார்களா.
அம்பேத்கர் இதற்கு ஒரு தனி நூலே எழுதியிருக்கிறார்.
விக்கி சோர்ஸ்ஸில் இருக்கும் அவருடைய முழு ராஜினாமா கடிதம் கீழே. நேரம்
கிடைக்கும் போது கொஞ்சம் கொஞ்சமாக தமிழ் படுத்தி போடுகிறேன்.
My dear Prime Minister
It is with a heavy heart and a sense of utter frustration at the
failure of my lifelong mission to uplift the backward Hindu masses of
East Bengal that I feel compelled to tender resignation of my
membership of your cabinet. It is proper that I should set forth in
detail the reasons which have prompted me to take this decision at
this important juncture of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.
1. Before I narrate the remote and immediate causes of my resignation,
it may be useful to give a short background of the important events
that have taken place during the period of my co-operation with the
League. Having been approached by a few prominent League leaders of
Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work with them in the Bengal
Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haq ministry in
March 1943, with a party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.A.s, I agreed to
cooperate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League
Parliamentary Party who formed the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-
operation was conditional on certain specific terms, such as the
inclusion of three Scheduled Caste Ministers in the Cabinet,
sanctioning of a sum of Rupees Five Lakhs as annual recurring grant
for the education of the Scheduled Castes, and the unqualified
application of the communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment
to Government services.
2. Apart from these terms, the principal objectives that prompted me
to work in co-operation with the Muslim League was, first that the
economic interests of the Muslims in Bengal were generally identical
with those of the Scheduled Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators
and labourers, and so were members of the Scheduled Castes. One
section of Muslims were fishermen, so was a section of the Scheduled
Castes as well, and secondly that the Scheduled Castes and the Muslims
were both educationally backward. I was persuaded that my co-operation
with the League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking on a
wide scale of legislative and administrative measures which, while
promoting the mutual welfare of the vas bulk of Bengal's population,
and undermining the foundations of vested interest and privilege,
would further the cause of communal peace and harmony. It may be
mentioned here that Khwaja Nazimuddin took three Scheduled Caste
Ministers in his cabinet and appointed three Parliamentary Secretaries
from amongst the members of my community.
SUHRAWARDY MINISTRY
3. After the general elections held in March 1946 Mr. H.S.Suhrawardy
became the leader of the League Parliamentary Party in March 1946 and
formed the League Ministry in April 1946. I was the only Scheduled
Caste member returned on the federation ticket. I was included in Mr.
Suhrawardy's Cabinet. The 16th day of August of that year was observed
in Calcutta as 'The Direct Action Day' by the Muslim League. It
resulted, as you know, in a holocaust. Hindus demanded my resignation
from the League Ministry. My life was in peril. I began to receive
threatening letters almost every day. But I remained steadfast to my
policy. Moreover, I issued an appeal through our journal 'Jagaran' to
the Scheduled Caste people to keep themselves aloof from the bloody
feud between the Congress and the Muslim League even at the risk of my
life. I cannot but gratefully acknowledge the fact that I was saved
from the wrath of infuriated Hindu mobs by my Caste Hindu neighbours.
The Calcutta carnage was followed by the 'Noakhali Riot' in October
1946. There, Hindus including Scheduled Castes were killed and
hundreds were converted to Islam. Hindu women were raped and abducted.
Members of my community also suffered loss of life and property.
Immediately after these happenings, I visited Tipperah and Feni and
saw some riot-affected areas. The terrible sufferings of Hindus
overwhelmed me with grief, but still I continued the policy of co-
operation with the Muslim League. Immediately after the massive
Calcutta Killing, a no-confidence motion was moved against the
Suhrawardy Ministry. It was only due to my efforts that the support of
four Anglo-Indian Members and of four Scheduled Caste members of the
Assembly who had hitherto been with the Congress could be secured, but
for which the Ministry would have been defeated.
4. In October 1946, most unexpectedly came to me through Mr.
Suhrawardy the offer of a seat in the Interim Government of India.
After a good deal of hesitation and being given only one hour's time
to take my final decision, I consented to accept the offer subject to
the condition only that I should be permitted to resign if my leader
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar disapproved of my action. Fortunately, however, I
received his approval in a telegram sent from London. Before I left
for Delhi to take over as Law Member, I persuaded Mr. Suhrawardy, the
then Chief Minister of Bengal, to agree to take two Ministers in his
Cabinet in my place and to appoint two Parliamentary Secretaries from
the Scheduled Case Federation Group.
5. I joined the Interim Government on November 1, 1946. After about a
month when I paid a visit to Calcutta, Mr.Suhrawardy apprised me of
the communal tension in some parts of East Bengal, especially in
Gopalganj Sub-division, where the Namahsudras were in majority, being
very high. He requested me to visit those areas and address meetings
of Muslims and Namahsudras. The fact was that Namahsudras in those
areas had made preparations for retaliation. I addressed about a dozen
of largely attended meetings. The result was that Namahsudras gave up
the idea of retaliation. Thus an inevitable dangerous communal
disturbance was averted.
6. After a few months, the British Government made their June 3
Statement (1947) embodying certain proposals for the partition of
India. The whole country, especially the entire non-Muslim India, was
startled. For the sake of truth I must admit that I had always
considered the demand of Pakistan by the Muslim League as a bargaining
counter. Although I honestly felt that in the context of India as a
whole Muslims had legitimate cause for grievance against upper class
Hindu chauvinism, I held the view very strongly indeed that the
creation of Pakistan would never solve the communal problem. On the
contrary, it would aggravate communal hatred and bitterness. Besides,
I maintained that it would not ameliorate the condition of Muslims in
Pakistan. The inevitable result of the partition of the country would
be to prolong, if not perpetuate, the poverty, illiteracy and
miserable condition of the toiling masses of both the States. I
further apprehended that Pakistan might turn to be one of the most
backward and undeveloped countries of the South East Asia.
LAHORE RESOLUTION
7. I must make it clear that I have thought that an attempt would be
made, as is being done at present, to develop Pakistan as a purely
'Islamic' State based on the Shariat and the injunctions and formulae
of Islam. I presumed that it would be set up in all essentials after
the pattern contemplated in the Muslim League resolution adopted at
Lahore on March 23, 1940. That resolution stated inter alia that (I)
"geographically contiguous areas are demarcated into regions which
should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be
necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in
majority as in the north-western and eastern zones of India, should be
grouped to constitute independent States in which the Constituent
units shall be autonomous and sovereign" and (II) "adequate, effective
and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the
Constitution for minorities in these units and in these regions for
the protection of their religious, cultural, political, administrative
and other rights and interests in consultation with them." Implicitly
in this formula were (a) that North western and eastern Muslim zones
should be constituted into two independent States, (b) that the
constituent units of these States should be autonomous and sovereign,
(c) that minorities' guarantee should be in respect of rights as well
as of interest and extend to every sphere of their lives, and (d) that
Constitutional provisions should be made in these regards in
consultation with the minorities themselves. I was fortified in my
faith in this resolution and the professions of the League Leadership
by the statement Qaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was pleased to make
on the 11th August 1947 as the President of the Constituent Assembly
giving solemn assurance of equal treatment for Hindus & Muslims alike
and calling upon them to remember that they were all Pakistanis. There
was then no question of dividing he people on the basis of religion
into full-fledged Muslim citizens and zimmies [i][1] being under the
perpetual custody of the Islamic State and its Muslims citizens. Every
one of these pledges is being flagrantly violated apparently to your
knowledge and with your approval in complete disregard of the Qaid-e-
Azam's wishes and sentiments and to the detriment and humiliation of
the minorities.
PARTITION OF BENGAL
8. It may also be mentioned in this connection that I was opposed to
the partition of Bengal. In launching a campaign in this regard I had
to face not only tremendous resistance from all quarters but also
unspeakable abuse, insult and dishonour. With great regret, I
recollect those days when 32 crores of Hindus of this Indo-Pakistan
Sub-continent turned their back against me and dubbed me as the enemy
of Hindus and Hinduism, but I remained undaunted and unmoved in my
loyalty to Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude that my appeal to 7
million Scheduled Caste people of Pakistan evoked a ready and
enthusiastic response from them. They lent me their unstinted support
sympathy and encouragement.
9. After the establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 you formed
the Pakistan Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin
formed a provisional Cabinet for East Bengal. On August 10, I had
spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin at Karachi and requested him to take 2
Scheduled Caste Ministers in the East Bengal Cabinet. He promised to
do the same sometime later. What happened subsequently in this regard
was a record of unpleasant and disappointing negotiation with you,
Khwaja Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the present Chief Minister of
East Bengal. When I realised that Khwaja Nazimuddin was avoiding the
issue on this or that excuse, I became almost impatient and
exasperated. I further discussed the matter with the Presidents of the
Pakistan Muslim League and its East Bengal Branch. Ultimately, I
brought the matter to your notice. You were pleased to discuss the
subject with Khwaja Nazimuddin in my presence at your residence.
Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to take one Scheduled Caste Minister on his
return to Dacca. As I had already became sceptic about the assurance
of Khwaja Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite about the time-frame. I
insisted that he must act in this regard with a month, failing which I
should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed
to the condition. But alas! you did not perhaps mean what you said.
Khwaja Nazimuddin did not keep his promise. After Mr. Nurul Amin had
became the Chief Minister of East Bengal, I again took up the matter
with him. He also followed the same old familiar tactics of evasion.
When I again called your attention to this matter prior to your visit
to Dacca in 1949, you were pleased to assure me that Minority
Ministers would be appointed in East Bengal, and you asked 2/3 names
from me for consideration. In stat deference to your wish, I sent you
a note stating the Federation Group in the East Bengal Assembly and
suggesting three names. When I made enquiries as to what had happened
on your return from Dacca, you appeared to be very cold and only
remarked : "Let Nurul Amin return from Delhi". After a few days I
again pressed the matter. But you avoided the issue. I was then forced
to come to the conclusion that neither you not Mr. Nurul Amin had any
intention to take any Scheduled Caste Minister in the East Bengal
Cabinet. Apart from this, I was noticing that Mr. Nurul Amin and some
League leaders of East Bengal were trying to create disruption among
the Members of the Scheduled Caste Federation. It appeared to me that
my leadership and wide-spread popularity were considered ominous. My
outspokenness, vigilance and sincere efforts to safeguard the
interests of the minorities of Pakistan, in general, and of the
Scheduled Caste, in particular, were considered a matter on annoyance
to the East Bengal Govt. and few League leaders. Undaunted, I took my
firm stand to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan.
ANTI-HINDU POLICY
10. When the question of partition of Bengal arose, the Scheduled
Caste people were alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of
partition. Representation on their behalf were made to Mr. Suhrawardy,
the then Chief Minister of Bengal who was pleased to issue a statement
to the press declaring that none of the rights and privileges hitherto
enjoyed by the Scheduled Caste People would be curtailed after
partition and that they would not only continue to enjoy the existing
rights and privileges but also receive additional advantages. This
assurance was given by Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his personal
capacity but also in his capacity as the Chief Minister of the League
Ministry. To my utter regret it is to be stated that after partition,
particularly after the death of Qaid-e-Azam, the Scheduled Castes have
not received a fair deal in any matter. You will recollect that from
time to time I brought the grievances of the Scheduled Castes to your
notice. I explained to you on several occasions the nature of
inefficient administration in East Bengal. I made serious charges
against the police administration. I brought to your notice incidents
of barbarous atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous
grounds. I did not hesitate to bring to your notice the anti-Hindu
policy pursued by the East Bengal Government especially the police
administration and a section of Muslim League leaders.
SOME INCIDENTS
11. The first incident that shocked me took place at a village called
Digharkul near Gopalganj where on the false complaint of a Muslim
brutal atrocities were committed on the local Namahsudras. The fact
was that a Muslim who was going in a boat attempted to throw his net
to catch fish. A Namahsudra who was already there for the same purpose
opposed the throwing of the net in his front. This was followed by
some altercation and the Muslim got annoyed and went to the nearby
Muslim village and made a false complaint that he and a woman in his
boat had been assaulted by the Namahsudras. At that time, the S.D.O.
of Gopalganj was passing in a boat through the canal, who without
making any enquiry accepted the complaint as true and sent armed
police to the spot to punish the Namahsudras. The armed police came
and the local Muslims also joined them. They not only raided some
houses of the Namahsudras but mercilessly beat both men and women,
destroyed their properties and took away valuables. The merciless
beating of a pregnant women resulted in abortion on the spot. This
brutal action on the part of the local authority created panic over a
large area.
12. The second incidence of police oppression took place in early part
of 1949 under P.S. Gournadi in the district of Barisal. Here a quarrel
took place between two groups of members of a Union Board. One group
which was in the good books of the police conspired against the
opponents on the plea of their being Communists. On the information of
a threat of attack on the Police Station, the O.C., Gournadi
requisitioned armed forces from the headquarters. The Police, helped
by the armed forces, then raided a large number of houses in the area,
took away valuable properties, even from the house of absentee-owners
who were never in politics, far less in the Communist Party. A large
number of persons over a wide area were arrested. Teachers and
students of many High English Schools were Communist suspects and
unnecessarily harassed. This area being very near to my native
village, I was informed of the incident. I wrote to the District
Magistrate and the S.P. for an enquiry. A section of the local people
also prayed for an enquiry by the S.D.O. But no enquiry was held. Even
my letters to the District authorities were not acknowledged. I then
brought this matter to the notice of the highest Authority in
Pakistan, including yourself but to no avail.
WOMEN FOR MILITARY
13. The atrocities perpetrated by the police and the military on the
innocent Hindus, especially the Scheduled Castes of Habibgarh in the
District of Sylhet deserve description. Innocent men and women were
brutally tortured, some women ravished, their houses raided and
properties looted by the police and the local Muslims. Military
pickets were posted in the area. The military not only oppressed these
people and took away stuff forcibly from Hindu houses, but also forced
Hindus to send their women-folk at night to the camp to satisfy the
carnal desires of the military. This fact also I brought to your
notice. You assured me of a report on the matter, but unfortunately no
report was forthcoming.
14. Then occurred the incident at the Nachole in the District of
Rajshahi where in the name of suppression of Communists not only the
police but also the local Muslims in collaboration with the police
oppressed the Hindus and looted their properties. The Santhals then
crossed the border and came over to West Bengal. They narrated the
stories of atrocities wantonly committed by the Muslims and the
police.
15. An instance of callous and cold-blooded brutality is furnished by
the incident that took place on December 20, 1949 in Kalshira under
P.S. Mollarhat in the District of Khulna. What happened was that late
at night four constables raided the house of one Joydev Brahma in
village Kalshira in search of some alleged Communists. At the scent of
the police, half a dozen of young men, some of whom might have been
Communists, escaped from the house. The police constable entered into
the house and assaulted the wife of Joydev Brahma whose cry attracted
her husband and a few companions who escaped from the house. They
became desperate, re-entered the house, found 4 constables with one
gun only. That perhaps might have encouraged the young men who struck
a blow on an armed constable who died on the spot. The young men then
attacked another constable when the other two ran away and raised
alarm which attracted some neighbouring people who came to their
rescue. As the incident took place before sunrise when it was dark,
the assailants fled with the dead body before the villagers could
come. The S.P. of Khulna with a contingent of military and armed
police appeared on the scene in the afternoon of the following day. In
the meantime, the assailants fled and the intelligent neighbours also
fled away. But the bulk of the villagers remained in their houses as
they were absolutely innocent and failed to realise the consequence of
the happening. Subsequently, the S.P., the military and armed police
began to beat mercilessly the innocents of the entire village,
encouraged the neighbouring Muslims to take away their properties. A
number of persons were killed and men and women were forcibly
converted. House-hold deities were broken and places of worship
desecrated and destroyed. Several women were raped by the police,
military and local Muslims. Thus a veritable hell was let loose not
only in the village of Kalshira which is 1-1/2 miles in length with a
large population, but also in a number of neighbouring Namahsudra
villages. The village Kalshira was never suspected by the authority to
be a place of Communist activities. Another village called
Jhalardanga, which was at a distance of 3 miles from Kalshira, was
known to be a centre of Communist activities. This village was raided
by a large contingent of police on that day for hunt of the alleged
Communists, a number of whom fled away and took shelter in the
aforesaid house of village Kalshira which was considered to be a safe
place for them.
16. I visited Kalshira and one or two neighbouring villages on the
28th February 1950. The S.P., Khulna and some of the prominent League
leaders of the district were with me. When I came to the village
Kalshira, I found the place desolate and in ruins. I was told in the
presence of S.P. that there were 350 homesteads in this village, of
these, only three had been spared and the rest had been demolished.
Country boats and heads of cattle belonging to the Namasudras had been
all taken away. I reported these facts to the Chief Minister, Chief
Secretary and Inspector of General of Police of East Bengal and to
you.
17. It may be mentioned in this connection that the news of this
incident was published in West Bengal Press and this created some
unrest among the Hindus there. A number of sufferers of Kalshira, both
men and women, homeless and destitute had also come to Calcutta and
narrated the stories of their sufferings which resulted in some
communal disturbances in West Bengal in the last part of January.
பாகிஸ்தானின் முதல் சட்ட அமைச்சராக இருந்தவர் ஜோகேந்திர நாத் மண்டல்.
ஜோகேந்திர நாத் மண்டலுக்கும் அம்பேத்கருக்கும் நிறைய ஒற்றுமைகள் உண்டு.
இருவரும் தலித்துகள். கடின உழைப்பில் முன்னேறி பெரும் பதவிகளை
அடைந்தவர்கள். ஆனால் இருந்த பெரிய வேற்றுமை அம்பேத்கர் பாகிஸ்தான்
பிரிவினை தலித்துகளுக்கு ஏதும் நல்லது செய்யாது என சொன்னார். மண்டல்
நல்லது நடக்கும் என நம்பி வங்காள பிரிவினையை ஆதரித்தார்.
ஆனால் ஜோகேந்திர நாத் ஏறியது மண் குதிரை என்பது இரண்டு மூன்று
வருடங்களிலேயே தெரிந்து விட்டது. தலித்துகள் கூட்டம் கூட்டமாக
கொல்லப்படுவதையும் இந்து பெண்கள் வரைமுறையற்று கற்பழிக்க படுவதையும்
தடுத்து நிறுத்த முடியாமல் மூன்றாவது வருடம் தன்னுடைய பதவியை ராஜினாமா
செய்கிறார். பின்பு இந்தியாவுக்கு திரும்பி வந்து தன்னுடைய கடைசி காலத்தை
கழிக்கிறார்.
தன்னுடை பதவியை ராஜினாமா செய்யும் போது எழுதிய கடிதத்தில் கிழக்கு
பாகிஸ்தானாக இருந்து இப்போது வங்காள தேசமாக இருக்கும் நாட்டில் நிலவிய
இந்துக்கள் ஒழிப்பு கலவரத்தையும் தற்போதைய பாகிஸ்தானில் எப்படி
திட்டமிட்டு இந்து ஒழிப்பு நடைபெறுகிறது என்பதையும்
விளக்கியிருக்கிறார்.
இங்கு தமிழ்நாட்டில் தலித் விடுதலை என்று பேசிக்கொண்டு முஸ்ஸீம்களுடன்
சேர்ந்து விடுதலை அடைவோம் என்று பேசுபவர்கள் இதை சிந்திப்பார்களா.
அம்பேத்கர் இதற்கு ஒரு தனி நூலே எழுதியிருக்கிறார்.
விக்கி சோர்ஸ்ஸில் இருக்கும் அவருடைய முழு ராஜினாமா கடிதம் கீழே. நேரம்
கிடைக்கும் போது கொஞ்சம் கொஞ்சமாக தமிழ் படுத்தி போடுகிறேன்.
My dear Prime Minister
It is with a heavy heart and a sense of utter frustration at the
failure of my lifelong mission to uplift the backward Hindu masses of
East Bengal that I feel compelled to tender resignation of my
membership of your cabinet. It is proper that I should set forth in
detail the reasons which have prompted me to take this decision at
this important juncture of the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.
1. Before I narrate the remote and immediate causes of my resignation,
it may be useful to give a short background of the important events
that have taken place during the period of my co-operation with the
League. Having been approached by a few prominent League leaders of
Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work with them in the Bengal
Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haq ministry in
March 1943, with a party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.A.s, I agreed to
cooperate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League
Parliamentary Party who formed the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-
operation was conditional on certain specific terms, such as the
inclusion of three Scheduled Caste Ministers in the Cabinet,
sanctioning of a sum of Rupees Five Lakhs as annual recurring grant
for the education of the Scheduled Castes, and the unqualified
application of the communal ratio rules in the matter of appointment
to Government services.
2. Apart from these terms, the principal objectives that prompted me
to work in co-operation with the Muslim League was, first that the
economic interests of the Muslims in Bengal were generally identical
with those of the Scheduled Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators
and labourers, and so were members of the Scheduled Castes. One
section of Muslims were fishermen, so was a section of the Scheduled
Castes as well, and secondly that the Scheduled Castes and the Muslims
were both educationally backward. I was persuaded that my co-operation
with the League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking on a
wide scale of legislative and administrative measures which, while
promoting the mutual welfare of the vas bulk of Bengal's population,
and undermining the foundations of vested interest and privilege,
would further the cause of communal peace and harmony. It may be
mentioned here that Khwaja Nazimuddin took three Scheduled Caste
Ministers in his cabinet and appointed three Parliamentary Secretaries
from amongst the members of my community.
SUHRAWARDY MINISTRY
3. After the general elections held in March 1946 Mr. H.S.Suhrawardy
became the leader of the League Parliamentary Party in March 1946 and
formed the League Ministry in April 1946. I was the only Scheduled
Caste member returned on the federation ticket. I was included in Mr.
Suhrawardy's Cabinet. The 16th day of August of that year was observed
in Calcutta as 'The Direct Action Day' by the Muslim League. It
resulted, as you know, in a holocaust. Hindus demanded my resignation
from the League Ministry. My life was in peril. I began to receive
threatening letters almost every day. But I remained steadfast to my
policy. Moreover, I issued an appeal through our journal 'Jagaran' to
the Scheduled Caste people to keep themselves aloof from the bloody
feud between the Congress and the Muslim League even at the risk of my
life. I cannot but gratefully acknowledge the fact that I was saved
from the wrath of infuriated Hindu mobs by my Caste Hindu neighbours.
The Calcutta carnage was followed by the 'Noakhali Riot' in October
1946. There, Hindus including Scheduled Castes were killed and
hundreds were converted to Islam. Hindu women were raped and abducted.
Members of my community also suffered loss of life and property.
Immediately after these happenings, I visited Tipperah and Feni and
saw some riot-affected areas. The terrible sufferings of Hindus
overwhelmed me with grief, but still I continued the policy of co-
operation with the Muslim League. Immediately after the massive
Calcutta Killing, a no-confidence motion was moved against the
Suhrawardy Ministry. It was only due to my efforts that the support of
four Anglo-Indian Members and of four Scheduled Caste members of the
Assembly who had hitherto been with the Congress could be secured, but
for which the Ministry would have been defeated.
4. In October 1946, most unexpectedly came to me through Mr.
Suhrawardy the offer of a seat in the Interim Government of India.
After a good deal of hesitation and being given only one hour's time
to take my final decision, I consented to accept the offer subject to
the condition only that I should be permitted to resign if my leader
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar disapproved of my action. Fortunately, however, I
received his approval in a telegram sent from London. Before I left
for Delhi to take over as Law Member, I persuaded Mr. Suhrawardy, the
then Chief Minister of Bengal, to agree to take two Ministers in his
Cabinet in my place and to appoint two Parliamentary Secretaries from
the Scheduled Case Federation Group.
5. I joined the Interim Government on November 1, 1946. After about a
month when I paid a visit to Calcutta, Mr.Suhrawardy apprised me of
the communal tension in some parts of East Bengal, especially in
Gopalganj Sub-division, where the Namahsudras were in majority, being
very high. He requested me to visit those areas and address meetings
of Muslims and Namahsudras. The fact was that Namahsudras in those
areas had made preparations for retaliation. I addressed about a dozen
of largely attended meetings. The result was that Namahsudras gave up
the idea of retaliation. Thus an inevitable dangerous communal
disturbance was averted.
6. After a few months, the British Government made their June 3
Statement (1947) embodying certain proposals for the partition of
India. The whole country, especially the entire non-Muslim India, was
startled. For the sake of truth I must admit that I had always
considered the demand of Pakistan by the Muslim League as a bargaining
counter. Although I honestly felt that in the context of India as a
whole Muslims had legitimate cause for grievance against upper class
Hindu chauvinism, I held the view very strongly indeed that the
creation of Pakistan would never solve the communal problem. On the
contrary, it would aggravate communal hatred and bitterness. Besides,
I maintained that it would not ameliorate the condition of Muslims in
Pakistan. The inevitable result of the partition of the country would
be to prolong, if not perpetuate, the poverty, illiteracy and
miserable condition of the toiling masses of both the States. I
further apprehended that Pakistan might turn to be one of the most
backward and undeveloped countries of the South East Asia.
LAHORE RESOLUTION
7. I must make it clear that I have thought that an attempt would be
made, as is being done at present, to develop Pakistan as a purely
'Islamic' State based on the Shariat and the injunctions and formulae
of Islam. I presumed that it would be set up in all essentials after
the pattern contemplated in the Muslim League resolution adopted at
Lahore on March 23, 1940. That resolution stated inter alia that (I)
"geographically contiguous areas are demarcated into regions which
should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be
necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in
majority as in the north-western and eastern zones of India, should be
grouped to constitute independent States in which the Constituent
units shall be autonomous and sovereign" and (II) "adequate, effective
and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the
Constitution for minorities in these units and in these regions for
the protection of their religious, cultural, political, administrative
and other rights and interests in consultation with them." Implicitly
in this formula were (a) that North western and eastern Muslim zones
should be constituted into two independent States, (b) that the
constituent units of these States should be autonomous and sovereign,
(c) that minorities' guarantee should be in respect of rights as well
as of interest and extend to every sphere of their lives, and (d) that
Constitutional provisions should be made in these regards in
consultation with the minorities themselves. I was fortified in my
faith in this resolution and the professions of the League Leadership
by the statement Qaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was pleased to make
on the 11th August 1947 as the President of the Constituent Assembly
giving solemn assurance of equal treatment for Hindus & Muslims alike
and calling upon them to remember that they were all Pakistanis. There
was then no question of dividing he people on the basis of religion
into full-fledged Muslim citizens and zimmies [i][1] being under the
perpetual custody of the Islamic State and its Muslims citizens. Every
one of these pledges is being flagrantly violated apparently to your
knowledge and with your approval in complete disregard of the Qaid-e-
Azam's wishes and sentiments and to the detriment and humiliation of
the minorities.
PARTITION OF BENGAL
8. It may also be mentioned in this connection that I was opposed to
the partition of Bengal. In launching a campaign in this regard I had
to face not only tremendous resistance from all quarters but also
unspeakable abuse, insult and dishonour. With great regret, I
recollect those days when 32 crores of Hindus of this Indo-Pakistan
Sub-continent turned their back against me and dubbed me as the enemy
of Hindus and Hinduism, but I remained undaunted and unmoved in my
loyalty to Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude that my appeal to 7
million Scheduled Caste people of Pakistan evoked a ready and
enthusiastic response from them. They lent me their unstinted support
sympathy and encouragement.
9. After the establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 you formed
the Pakistan Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin
formed a provisional Cabinet for East Bengal. On August 10, I had
spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin at Karachi and requested him to take 2
Scheduled Caste Ministers in the East Bengal Cabinet. He promised to
do the same sometime later. What happened subsequently in this regard
was a record of unpleasant and disappointing negotiation with you,
Khwaja Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the present Chief Minister of
East Bengal. When I realised that Khwaja Nazimuddin was avoiding the
issue on this or that excuse, I became almost impatient and
exasperated. I further discussed the matter with the Presidents of the
Pakistan Muslim League and its East Bengal Branch. Ultimately, I
brought the matter to your notice. You were pleased to discuss the
subject with Khwaja Nazimuddin in my presence at your residence.
Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to take one Scheduled Caste Minister on his
return to Dacca. As I had already became sceptic about the assurance
of Khwaja Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite about the time-frame. I
insisted that he must act in this regard with a month, failing which I
should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed
to the condition. But alas! you did not perhaps mean what you said.
Khwaja Nazimuddin did not keep his promise. After Mr. Nurul Amin had
became the Chief Minister of East Bengal, I again took up the matter
with him. He also followed the same old familiar tactics of evasion.
When I again called your attention to this matter prior to your visit
to Dacca in 1949, you were pleased to assure me that Minority
Ministers would be appointed in East Bengal, and you asked 2/3 names
from me for consideration. In stat deference to your wish, I sent you
a note stating the Federation Group in the East Bengal Assembly and
suggesting three names. When I made enquiries as to what had happened
on your return from Dacca, you appeared to be very cold and only
remarked : "Let Nurul Amin return from Delhi". After a few days I
again pressed the matter. But you avoided the issue. I was then forced
to come to the conclusion that neither you not Mr. Nurul Amin had any
intention to take any Scheduled Caste Minister in the East Bengal
Cabinet. Apart from this, I was noticing that Mr. Nurul Amin and some
League leaders of East Bengal were trying to create disruption among
the Members of the Scheduled Caste Federation. It appeared to me that
my leadership and wide-spread popularity were considered ominous. My
outspokenness, vigilance and sincere efforts to safeguard the
interests of the minorities of Pakistan, in general, and of the
Scheduled Caste, in particular, were considered a matter on annoyance
to the East Bengal Govt. and few League leaders. Undaunted, I took my
firm stand to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan.
ANTI-HINDU POLICY
10. When the question of partition of Bengal arose, the Scheduled
Caste people were alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of
partition. Representation on their behalf were made to Mr. Suhrawardy,
the then Chief Minister of Bengal who was pleased to issue a statement
to the press declaring that none of the rights and privileges hitherto
enjoyed by the Scheduled Caste People would be curtailed after
partition and that they would not only continue to enjoy the existing
rights and privileges but also receive additional advantages. This
assurance was given by Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his personal
capacity but also in his capacity as the Chief Minister of the League
Ministry. To my utter regret it is to be stated that after partition,
particularly after the death of Qaid-e-Azam, the Scheduled Castes have
not received a fair deal in any matter. You will recollect that from
time to time I brought the grievances of the Scheduled Castes to your
notice. I explained to you on several occasions the nature of
inefficient administration in East Bengal. I made serious charges
against the police administration. I brought to your notice incidents
of barbarous atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous
grounds. I did not hesitate to bring to your notice the anti-Hindu
policy pursued by the East Bengal Government especially the police
administration and a section of Muslim League leaders.
SOME INCIDENTS
11. The first incident that shocked me took place at a village called
Digharkul near Gopalganj where on the false complaint of a Muslim
brutal atrocities were committed on the local Namahsudras. The fact
was that a Muslim who was going in a boat attempted to throw his net
to catch fish. A Namahsudra who was already there for the same purpose
opposed the throwing of the net in his front. This was followed by
some altercation and the Muslim got annoyed and went to the nearby
Muslim village and made a false complaint that he and a woman in his
boat had been assaulted by the Namahsudras. At that time, the S.D.O.
of Gopalganj was passing in a boat through the canal, who without
making any enquiry accepted the complaint as true and sent armed
police to the spot to punish the Namahsudras. The armed police came
and the local Muslims also joined them. They not only raided some
houses of the Namahsudras but mercilessly beat both men and women,
destroyed their properties and took away valuables. The merciless
beating of a pregnant women resulted in abortion on the spot. This
brutal action on the part of the local authority created panic over a
large area.
12. The second incidence of police oppression took place in early part
of 1949 under P.S. Gournadi in the district of Barisal. Here a quarrel
took place between two groups of members of a Union Board. One group
which was in the good books of the police conspired against the
opponents on the plea of their being Communists. On the information of
a threat of attack on the Police Station, the O.C., Gournadi
requisitioned armed forces from the headquarters. The Police, helped
by the armed forces, then raided a large number of houses in the area,
took away valuable properties, even from the house of absentee-owners
who were never in politics, far less in the Communist Party. A large
number of persons over a wide area were arrested. Teachers and
students of many High English Schools were Communist suspects and
unnecessarily harassed. This area being very near to my native
village, I was informed of the incident. I wrote to the District
Magistrate and the S.P. for an enquiry. A section of the local people
also prayed for an enquiry by the S.D.O. But no enquiry was held. Even
my letters to the District authorities were not acknowledged. I then
brought this matter to the notice of the highest Authority in
Pakistan, including yourself but to no avail.
WOMEN FOR MILITARY
13. The atrocities perpetrated by the police and the military on the
innocent Hindus, especially the Scheduled Castes of Habibgarh in the
District of Sylhet deserve description. Innocent men and women were
brutally tortured, some women ravished, their houses raided and
properties looted by the police and the local Muslims. Military
pickets were posted in the area. The military not only oppressed these
people and took away stuff forcibly from Hindu houses, but also forced
Hindus to send their women-folk at night to the camp to satisfy the
carnal desires of the military. This fact also I brought to your
notice. You assured me of a report on the matter, but unfortunately no
report was forthcoming.
14. Then occurred the incident at the Nachole in the District of
Rajshahi where in the name of suppression of Communists not only the
police but also the local Muslims in collaboration with the police
oppressed the Hindus and looted their properties. The Santhals then
crossed the border and came over to West Bengal. They narrated the
stories of atrocities wantonly committed by the Muslims and the
police.
15. An instance of callous and cold-blooded brutality is furnished by
the incident that took place on December 20, 1949 in Kalshira under
P.S. Mollarhat in the District of Khulna. What happened was that late
at night four constables raided the house of one Joydev Brahma in
village Kalshira in search of some alleged Communists. At the scent of
the police, half a dozen of young men, some of whom might have been
Communists, escaped from the house. The police constable entered into
the house and assaulted the wife of Joydev Brahma whose cry attracted
her husband and a few companions who escaped from the house. They
became desperate, re-entered the house, found 4 constables with one
gun only. That perhaps might have encouraged the young men who struck
a blow on an armed constable who died on the spot. The young men then
attacked another constable when the other two ran away and raised
alarm which attracted some neighbouring people who came to their
rescue. As the incident took place before sunrise when it was dark,
the assailants fled with the dead body before the villagers could
come. The S.P. of Khulna with a contingent of military and armed
police appeared on the scene in the afternoon of the following day. In
the meantime, the assailants fled and the intelligent neighbours also
fled away. But the bulk of the villagers remained in their houses as
they were absolutely innocent and failed to realise the consequence of
the happening. Subsequently, the S.P., the military and armed police
began to beat mercilessly the innocents of the entire village,
encouraged the neighbouring Muslims to take away their properties. A
number of persons were killed and men and women were forcibly
converted. House-hold deities were broken and places of worship
desecrated and destroyed. Several women were raped by the police,
military and local Muslims. Thus a veritable hell was let loose not
only in the village of Kalshira which is 1-1/2 miles in length with a
large population, but also in a number of neighbouring Namahsudra
villages. The village Kalshira was never suspected by the authority to
be a place of Communist activities. Another village called
Jhalardanga, which was at a distance of 3 miles from Kalshira, was
known to be a centre of Communist activities. This village was raided
by a large contingent of police on that day for hunt of the alleged
Communists, a number of whom fled away and took shelter in the
aforesaid house of village Kalshira which was considered to be a safe
place for them.
16. I visited Kalshira and one or two neighbouring villages on the
28th February 1950. The S.P., Khulna and some of the prominent League
leaders of the district were with me. When I came to the village
Kalshira, I found the place desolate and in ruins. I was told in the
presence of S.P. that there were 350 homesteads in this village, of
these, only three had been spared and the rest had been demolished.
Country boats and heads of cattle belonging to the Namasudras had been
all taken away. I reported these facts to the Chief Minister, Chief
Secretary and Inspector of General of Police of East Bengal and to
you.
17. It may be mentioned in this connection that the news of this
incident was published in West Bengal Press and this created some
unrest among the Hindus there. A number of sufferers of Kalshira, both
men and women, homeless and destitute had also come to Calcutta and
narrated the stories of their sufferings which resulted in some
communal disturbances in West Bengal in the last part of January.
Rajasankar
May 3, 2011, 9:16:12 PM5/3/11
to பண்புடன், errajasa...@gmail.com
கடிதத்தின் தொடர்ச்சி
CAUSES OF THE FEBRUARY DISTURBANCE
18. It must be noted that stories of a few incidents of communal
disturbance that took place in West Bengal as a sort of repercussion
of the incidents at Kalshira were published in exaggerated form in he
East Bengal press. In the second week of February 1950 when the Budget
Session of the East Bengal Assembly commenced, the Congress Members
sought permission to move two adjournment motions to discuss the
situation created at Kalshira and Nachole. But the motions were
disallowed. The Congress members walked out of the Assembly in
protest. This action of the Hindu members of the Assembly annoyed and
enraged not only the Ministers but also the Muslim leaders and
officials of the Province. This was perhaps one of the principal
reasons for Dacca and East Bengal riots in February 1950.
19. It is significant that on February 10, 1950 at about 10 o'clock in
the morning a woman was painted with red to show that her breast was
cut off in Calcutta riot, and was taken round the East Bengal
Secretariat at Dacca. Immediately the Government servants of the
Secretariat stuck work and came out in procession raising slogans of
revenge against the Hindus. The procession began to swell as it passed
over a distance of more than a mile. It ended in a meeting at Victoria
Park at about 12 o'clock in the noon where violent speeches against
the Hindus were delivered by several speakers, including officials.
The fun of the whole show was that while the employees of the
Secretariat went out of procession, the Chief Secretary of the East
Bengal Government was holding a conference with his West Bengal
counterpart in the same building to find out ways and means to stop
communal disturbances in the two Bengals.
OFFICIALS HELPED LOOTERS
20. The riot started at about 1 p.m. simultaneously all over the city.
Arson, looting of Hindu shops and houses and killing of Hindus,
wherever they were found, commenced in full swing in all parts of the
city. I got evidence even from the Muslims that arson and looting were
committed even in the presence of high police officials. Jewellery
shops belonging to the Hindus were looted in the presence of police
officers. They not only did not attempt to stop loot, but also helped
the looters with advice and direction. Unfortunately for me, I reached
Dacca at 5 o'clock in the afternoon on the same day, in February10,
1950. To my utter dismay, I had occasion to see and know things from
close quarters. What I saw and learnt from firsthand information was
simply staggering and heart-rending.
BACKGROUND OF THE RIOT
21. The reasons for the Dacca riot were mainly five:
(i) To punish the Hindus for the daring action of their
representatives in the Assembly in their expression of protest by
walking out of the Assembly when two adjournment motions on Kalshira
and Nachole affairs were disallowed.
(ii) Dissension and differences between the Suhrawardy Group and the
Nazimuddin Group in the Parliamentary Party were becoming acute.
(iii) Apprehension of launching of a movement for re-union of East and
West Bengal by both Hindu and Muslim leaders made the East Bengal
Ministry and the Muslim League nervous. They wanted to prevent such a
move. They though that any large-scale communal riot in East Bengal
was sure to produce reactions in West Bengal where Muslims might be
killed. The result of such riots in both East and West Bengal, it was
believed, would prevent any movement for re-union of Bengals.
(iv) Feeling of antagonism between the Bengali Muslims and non-Bengali
Muslims in East Bengal was gaining ground. This could only be
prevented by creating hatred between Hindus and Muslims of East
Bengal. The language question was also connected with it and
(v) The consequences of non-devaluation and the Indo-Pakistan trade
deadlock to the economy of East Bengal were being felt most acutely
first in urban and rural areas and the Muslim League members and
officials wanted to divert the attention of the Muslim masses from the
impending economic breakdown by some sort of Jihad against Hindus.
STAGGERING DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED
22. During my nine days' stay at Dacca, I visited most of the riot-
affected areas of the city and suburbs. I visited Mirpur also under
P.S. Tejgaon. The news of the killing of hundreds of innocent Hindus
in trains, on railway lines between Dacca and Narayanganj, and Dacca
and Chittagong gave me the rudest shock. On the second day of Dacca
riot, I met the Chief Minister of East Bengal and requested him to
issue immediate instructions to the District authorities to take all
precautionary measures to prevent spreading of the riot in district
towns and rural areas. On the 20th February 1950, I reached Barisal
town and was astounded to know of the happenings in Barisal. In the
District town, a number of Hindu houses were burnt and a large number
of Hindus killed. I visited almost all riot-affected areas in the
District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc wrought by the Muslim
rioters even at places like Kasipur, Madhabpasha and Lakutia which
were within a radius of six miles from the District town and were
connected with motorable roads. At the Madhabpasha Zamindar's house,
about 200 people were killed and 40 injured. A place, called Muladi,
witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi Bandar alone, the number killed
would total more than three hundred, as was reported to me by the
local Muslims including some officers. I visited Muladi village also,
where I found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I found dogs
and vultures eating corpses on he river-side. I got the information
there that after the whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the
young girls were distributed among the ringleaders of the miscreants.
At a place called Kaibartakhali under P.S. Rajapur, 63 persons were
killed. Hindu houses within a stone's throw distance from the said
thana office were looted, burnt and inmates killed. All Hindu shops of
Babuganj Bazar were looted and then burnt and a large number of Hindus
were killed. From detailed information received, the conservative
estimate of casualties was placed at 2,500 killed in the District of
Barisal alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were
estimated to be in the neighbourhood of 10,000 killed. The lamentation
of women and children who had lost their all including near and dear
ones melted my heart. I only asked myself "What was coming to Pakistan
in the name of Islam."
NO EARNEST DESIRE TO IMPLEMENT DELHI PACT
23. The large scale exodus of Hindus from Bengal commenced in the
latter part of March. It appeared that within a short time all the
Hindus would migrate to India. A war cry was raised in India. The
situation became extremely critical. A national calamity appeared to
be inevitable. The apprehended disaster, however, was avoided by the
Delhi Agreement of April 8. With a view to reviving the already lost
morale of the panicky Hindus, I undertook an extensive tour of East
Bengal. I visited a number of places of the districts of Dacca,
Barisal, Faridpur, Khulna and Jessore. I addressed dozens of largely
attended meetings and asked the Hindus to take courage and not to
leave their ancestral hearths and homes. I had this expectation that
the East Bengal Govt. and Muslim League leaders would implement the
terms of the Delhi Agreement. But with the lapse of time, I began to
realise that neither the East Bengal Govt. nor the Muslim League
leaders were really earnest in the matter of implementation of the
Delhi Agreement. The East Bengal Govt. was not only ready to set up a
machinery as envisaged in the Delhi Agreement, but also was not
willing to take effective steps for the purpose. A number of Hindus
who returned to native village immediately after the Delhi Agreement
were not given possession of their homes and lands which were occupied
in the meantime by the Muslims.
MOULANA AKRAM KHAN'S INCITATIONS
24. My suspicion about the intention of League leaders was confirmed
when I read editorial comments by Moulana Akram Khan, the President of
the Provincial Muslim League in the "Baisak" issue of a monthly
journal called 'Mohammadi'. In commenting on the first radio-broadcast
of Dr.A.M.Malik, Minister for Minority Affairs of Pakistan, from Dacca
Radio Station, wherein he said, "Even Prophet Mohammed had given
religious freedom to the Jews in Arabia", Moulana Akram Khan said,
"Dr.Malik would have done well had he not made any reference in his
speech to the Jews of Arabia. It is true that the Jews in Arabia had
been given religious freedom by Prophet Mohammed; but it was the first
chapter of the history. The last chapter contains the definite
direction of prophet Mohammed which runs as follows:- "Drive away all
the Jews out of Arabia". Even despite this editorial comment of a
person who held a very high position in the political, social and
spiritual life of the Muslim community, I entertained some expectation
that the Nurul Amin Ministry might not be so insincere. But that
expectation of mine was totally shattered when Mr.Nurul Amin selected
D.N.Barari as a Minister to represent the minorities in terms of the
Delhi Agreement which clearly states that to restore confidence in the
minds of the minorities one of their representatives will be taken in
the Ministry of East Bengal and West Bengal Govt.
NURUL AMIN GOVERNMENT'S INSINCERITY
25. In one of my public statement, I expressed the view that the
appointment of D.N.Barari as a Minister representing the minorities
not only did not help restore any confidence, but, on the contrary,
destroyed all expectations illusions, if there was any in the minds of
the minorities about the sincerity of Mr.Nurul Amin's Govt. My own
reaction was that Mr.Nurul Amin's Govt. was not only insincere but
also wanted to defeat the principal objectives of the Delhi Agreement.
I again repeat that D.N.Barari does not represent anybody except
himself. He was returned to the Bengal Legislature Assembly on the
Congress ticket with the money and organisation of the Congress. He
opposed the Scheduled Caste Federation candidates. Some time after his
election, he betrayed the Congress and joined the Federation. When he
was appointed a Minister he had ceased to be a member of the
Federation too. I know that East Bengal Hindus agree with me that by
antecedents, character and intellectual attainments Barari is not
qualified to hold the position of a Minister as envisaged in the Delhi
Agreement.
26. I recommended three names to Mr.Nurul Amin for this office. One of
the persons I recommended was an MA.,LL.B., Advocate, Dacca High
Court. He was Minister for more than 4 years in the first Fazlul Huq
Ministry in Bengal. He was chairman of the Coal Mines Stowing Board,
Calcutta, for about 6 years. He was the senior Vice-President of the
Scheduled Caste Federation. My second nominee was a B.A., LL.B. He was
a member of the Legislative Council for 7 years in the pre-reform
regime. I would like to know what earthly reasons there might be for
Mr.Nurul Amin in not selecting any of these two gentlemen and
appointing instead a person whose appointment as Minister I strongly
objected to for very rightly considerations. Without any fear of
contradiction I can say that this action of Mr.Nurul Amin in selecting
Barari as a Minister in terms of the Delhi Agreement is conclusive
proof that the East Bengal Govt. was neither serious nor sincere in
its professions about the terms of the Delhi Agreement whose main
purpose is to create such conditions as would enable the Hindus to
continue to live in East Bengal with a sense of security to their
life, property, honour and religion.
GOVERNMENT PLAN TO SQUEEZE OUT HINDUS
27. I would like to reiterate in this connection my firm conviction
that East Bengal Govt. is still following the well-planned policy of
squeezing Hindus out of the Province. in my discussion with you on
more than one occasion, I gave expression to this view of mine. I must
say that this policy of driving out Hindus from Pakistan has succeeded
completely in West Pakistan and is nearing completion in East Pakistan
too. The appointment of D.N.Barari as a Minister and the East Bengal
Government's unceremonious objection to my recommendation in this
regard strictly conform to name of what they call an Islamic State.
Pakistan has not given the Hindus entire satisfaction and a full sense
of security. They now want to get rid of the Hindu intelligentsia so
that the political, economic and social life of Pakistan may not in
any way be influenced by them.
EVASIVE TACTICS TO SHELVE JOINT ELECTORATE
28. I have failed to understand why the question of electorate has not
yet been decided. It is now three years that the minority Sub-
Committee has been appointed. It sat on three occasions. The question
of having joint or separation electorate came up for consideration at
a meting of the Committee held in December last when all the
representatives of recognised minorities in Pakistan expressed their
view in support of Joint Electorate with reservation of seats for
backward minorities. We, on behalf of the Scheduled Castes, demanded
joint electorate with reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes. This
matter again came up for consideration at a meeting called in August
last. But without any discussion whatsoever on this point, the meeting
was adjourned sine die. It is not difficult to understand what the
motive is behind this kind of evasive tactics in regard to such a
vital matter on the part of Pakistan's rulers.
DISMAL FUTURE FOR HINDUS
29. Coming now to the present condition and the future of Hindus in
East Bengal as a result of the Delhi Agreement, I should say that the
present condition is not only unsatisfactory but absolutely hopeless
and that the future completely dark and dismal. Confidence of Hindus
in East Bengal has not been restored in the least. The Agreement is
treated as a mere scrap of paper alike by the East Bengal Government
and the Muslim League. That a pretty large number of Hindus migrants,
mostly Scheduled Caste cultivators are returning to East Bengal is no
indication that confidence has been restored. It only indicates that
their stay and rehabilitation in West Bengal, or elsewhere in the
Indian Union have not been possible. The sufferings of refugee life
are compelling them to go back to their homes. Besides, many of them
are going back to bring movable articles and settle or dispose of
immovable properties. That no serious communal disturbance has
recently taken place in East Bengal is not to be attributed to the
Delhi Agreement. It could not simply continue even if there were no
Agreement or Pact.
30. It must be admitted that the Delhi Pact was not an end in itself.
It was intended that such conditions would be created as might
effectively help resolve so many disputes and conflict existing
between India and Pakistan. But during this period of six months after
the Agreement, no dispute or conflict has really been resolved. On the
contrary, communal propaganda and anti-India propaganda by Pakistan
both at home and abroad are continuing in full swing. The observance
of Kashmir Day by the Muslim League all over Pakistan is an eloquent
proof of communal anti-India propaganda by Pakistan. The recent speech
of the Governor of Punjab (Pak) saying that Pakistan needed a strong
Army for the security of Indian Muslims has betrayed the real attitude
of Pakistan towards India. It will only increase the tension between
the two countries.
WHAT IS HAPPENING IN EAST BENGAL TODAY
31. What is today the condition in East Bengal? About fifty lakhs of
Hindus have left since the partition of the country. Apart from the
East Bengal riot of last February, the reasons for such a large scale
exodus of Hindus are many. The boycott by the Muslims of Hindu
lawyers, medical practitioners, shop-keepers, traders and merchants
has compelled Hindus to migrate to West Bengal in search of their
means of livelihood. Wholesale requisition of Hindu houses even
without following due process of law in many and non-payment of any
rent whatsoever to the owners have compelled them to seek for Indian
shelter. Payments of rent to Hindu landlords was stopped long before.
Besides, the Ansars against whom I received complaints all over are a
standing menace to the safety and security of Hindus. Inference in
matters of education and methods adopted by the Education Authority
for Islamisation frightened the teaching staff of Secondary Schools
and Colleges out of their old familiar moorings. They have left East
Bengal. As a result, most of the educational institutions have been
closed. I have received information that sometime ago the Educational
Authority issued circular in Secondary Schools enjoining compulsory
participation of teachers and students of all communities in
recitation from the Holy Koran before the school work commenced.
Another circular requires Headmasters of schools to name the different
blocks of the premises after 12 distinguished Muslims, such as,
Jinnah, Iqbal, Liaquat Ali, Nazimuddin, etc. Only very recently in an
educational conference held at Dacca, the President disclosed that out
of 1,500 High English Schools in East Bengal, only 500 were working.
Owing to the migration of Medical Practitioners there is hardly any
means of proper treatment of patients. Almost all the priests who used
to worship the household deities at Hindu houses have left. Important
places of worship have been abandoned. The result is that the Hindus
of East Bengal have got now hardly any means to follow religious
pursuits and performance of social ceremonies like marriage where the
services of a priest are essential. Artisans who made images of gods
and goddesses have also left. Hindu Presidents of Union Boards have
been replaced by Muslims by coercive measures with the active help and
connivance of the police and Circle Officers. Hindu Headmasters and
Secretaries of Schools have been replaced by Muslims. The Life of the
few Hindu Govt. servants has been made extremely miserable as many of
them have either been superseded by junior Muslims or dismissed
without sufficient or any cause. Only very recently a Hindu Public
Prosecutor of Chittagong was arbitrarily removed from service as has
been made clear in a statement made by Srijukta Nellie Sengupta
against whom at least no change of anti-Muslim bias prejudice or
malice can be leveled.
HINDUS VIRTUALLY OUTLAWED
32. Commission of thefts and dacoities even with murder is going on as
before. Thana offices seldom record half the complaints made by the
Hindus. That the abduction and rape of Hindu girls have been reduced
to a certain extent is due only to the fact that there is no Caste
Hindu girl between the ages of 12 and 30 living in East Bengal at
present. The few depressed class girls who live in rural areas with
their parents are not even spared by Muslim goondas. I have received
information about a number of incidents of rape of Scheduled Caste
Girls by Muslims. Full payment is seldom made by Muslims buyers for
the price of jute and other agricultural commodities sold by Hindus in
market places. As a matter of fact, there is no operation of law,
justice or fair-play in Pakistan, so far as Hindus are concerned.
FORCED CONVERSIONS IN WEST PAKISTAN
33. Leaving aside the question of East Pakistan, let me now refer to
West Pakistan, especially Sind. The West Punjab had after partition
about a lakh of Scheduled Castes people. It may be noted that a large
number of them were converted to Islam. Only 4 out of a dozen
Scheduled Castes girls abducted by Muslims have yet been recovered in
spite of repeated petitions to the Authority. Names of those girls
with names of their abductors were supplied to the government. The
last reply recently given by the Officer-in-Charge of recovery of
abducted girls said that "his function was to recover Hindu girls and
'Achhuts' (Scheduled Castes) were not Hindus". The condition of the
small number of Hindus that are still living in Sind and Karachi, the
capital of Pakistan, is simply deplorable. I have got a list of 363
Hindu temples and gurdwaras of Karachi and Sind (which is by no means
an exhaustive list) which are still in possession of Muslims. Some of
the temples have been converted into cobbler's shops, slaughter houses
and hotels. None of the Hindus has got back. Possession of their
landed properties were taken away from them without any notice and
distributed amongst refugees and local Muslims. I personally know that
200 to 300 Hindus were declared non-evacuees by the Custodian a pretty
long time ago. But up till now properties have no been restored to any
one of them. Even the possession of Karachi Pinjirapole[ii][2] has not
been restored to the trustees, although it was declared non-evacuee
property sometime ago. In Karachi I had received petitions from many
unfortunate fathers and husbands of abducted Hindu girls, mostly
Scheduled Castes. I drew the attention of the 2nd Provisional
Government to this fact. There was little or no effect. To my extreme
regret I received information that a large number of Scheduled Castes
who are still living in Sind have been forcibly converted to Islam.
PAKISTAN 'ACCURSED' FOR HINDUS
34. Now this being in brief the overall picture of Pakistan so far as
the Hindus are concerned, I shall not be unjustified in stating that
Hindus of Pakistan have to all intents and purposes been rendered
"Stateless" in their own houses. They have no other fault than that
they profess the Hindu religion. Declarations are being repeatedly
made by Muslim League leaders that Pakistan is and shall be an Islamic
State. Islam is being offered as the sovereign remedy for all earthly
evils. In the matchless dialectics of capitalism and socialism you
present the exhilarating democratic synthesis of Islamic equality and
fraternity. In that grand setting of the Shariat Muslims alone are
rulers while Hindus and other minorities are zimmies who are entitled
to protection at price, and you know more than anybody else Mr.Prime
Minister, what that price is. After anxious and prolonged struggle I
have come to the conclusion that Pakistan is no place for Hindus to
live in and that their future is darkened by the ominous shadow of
conversion or liquidation. The bulk of the upper class Hindus and
politically conscious scheduled castes have left East Bengal. Those
Hindus who will continue to stay accursed in Pakistan will, I am
afraid, by gradual stages and in a planned manner be either converted
to Islam or completely exterminated. It is really amazing that a man
of your education, culture and experience should be an exponent of a
doctrine fraught with so great a danger to humanity and subversive of
all principles of equality and good sense. I may tell you and your
fellow workers that Hindus will allow themselves, whatever the treat
or temptation, to be treated as Zimmies in the land of their birth.
Today they may, as indeed many of them have already done, abandon
their hearths and homes in sorrow but in panic. Tomorrow they strive
for their rightful place in the economy of life. Who knows what is in
the womb of the future ? When I am convinced that my continuance in
office in the Pakistan Central Government is not of any help to Hindus
I should not with a clear conscience, create the false impression in
the minds of the Hindus of Pakistan and peoples abroad that Hindus can
live there with honour and with a sense of security in respect of
their life, property and religion. This is about Hindus.
NO CIVIL LIBERTY EVEN FOR MUSLIMS
35. And what about the Muslims who are outside the charmed circle of
the League rulers and their corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy ?
There is hardly anything called civil liberty in Pakistan . Witness
for example, the fate of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan than whom a more
devout Muslim had not walked this earth for many years and of his
gallant patriotic brother Dr. Khan Sahib. A large number of erstwhile
League leaders of the Northwest and also of the Eastern belt of
Pakistan are in detention without trial. Mr. Suhrawardy to whom is due
in a large measure the League's triumph in Bengal is for practical
purpose a Pakistani prisoner who has to move under permit and open his
lips under orders. Mr. Fazlul Haq, that dearly loved grand old man of
Bengal, who was the author of that now famous Lahore resolution, is
ploughing his lonely furrow in the precincts of the Dacca High Court
of Judicature, and the so called Islamic planning is as ruthless as it
is complete. About the East Bengal Muslims general, the less said the
better. They were promised of autonomous and sovereign units of the
independent State. What have they got instead ? East Bengal has been
transformed into a colony of the western belt of Pakistan, although it
contained a population which is larger than that of all the units of
Pakistan put together. It is a pale ineffective adjunct of Karachi
doing the latter's bidding and carrying out its orders. East Bengal
Muslims in their enthusiasm wanted bread and they have by the
mysterious working of the Islamic State and the Shariat got stone
instead from the arid deserts of Sind and the Punjab.
MY OWN SAD AND BITTER EXPERIENCE
36. Leaving aside the overall picture of Pakistan and the callous and
cruel injustice done to others, my own personal experience is no less
sad, bitter and revealing. You used your position as the Prime
Minister and leader of the Parliamentary Party to ask me to issue a
statement, which I did on the 8th September last. You know that I was
not willing to make a statement containing untruths and half truths,
which were worse that untruths. It was not possible for me to reject
your request so long as I was there working as a Minister with you and
under your leadership. But I can no longer afford to carry this load
of false pretensions and untruth on my conscience and I have decided
to offer my resignation as your Minister, which I am hereby placing in
your hands and which, I hope, you will accept without delay. You are
of course at liberty to dispense with that office or dispose of it in
such a manner as may suit adequately and effectively the objectives of
your Islamic State.
Yours sincerely,
Sd./- J.N. Mandal
8th October 1950
CAUSES OF THE FEBRUARY DISTURBANCE
18. It must be noted that stories of a few incidents of communal
disturbance that took place in West Bengal as a sort of repercussion
of the incidents at Kalshira were published in exaggerated form in he
East Bengal press. In the second week of February 1950 when the Budget
Session of the East Bengal Assembly commenced, the Congress Members
sought permission to move two adjournment motions to discuss the
situation created at Kalshira and Nachole. But the motions were
disallowed. The Congress members walked out of the Assembly in
protest. This action of the Hindu members of the Assembly annoyed and
enraged not only the Ministers but also the Muslim leaders and
officials of the Province. This was perhaps one of the principal
reasons for Dacca and East Bengal riots in February 1950.
19. It is significant that on February 10, 1950 at about 10 o'clock in
the morning a woman was painted with red to show that her breast was
cut off in Calcutta riot, and was taken round the East Bengal
Secretariat at Dacca. Immediately the Government servants of the
Secretariat stuck work and came out in procession raising slogans of
revenge against the Hindus. The procession began to swell as it passed
over a distance of more than a mile. It ended in a meeting at Victoria
Park at about 12 o'clock in the noon where violent speeches against
the Hindus were delivered by several speakers, including officials.
The fun of the whole show was that while the employees of the
Secretariat went out of procession, the Chief Secretary of the East
Bengal Government was holding a conference with his West Bengal
counterpart in the same building to find out ways and means to stop
communal disturbances in the two Bengals.
OFFICIALS HELPED LOOTERS
20. The riot started at about 1 p.m. simultaneously all over the city.
Arson, looting of Hindu shops and houses and killing of Hindus,
wherever they were found, commenced in full swing in all parts of the
city. I got evidence even from the Muslims that arson and looting were
committed even in the presence of high police officials. Jewellery
shops belonging to the Hindus were looted in the presence of police
officers. They not only did not attempt to stop loot, but also helped
the looters with advice and direction. Unfortunately for me, I reached
Dacca at 5 o'clock in the afternoon on the same day, in February10,
1950. To my utter dismay, I had occasion to see and know things from
close quarters. What I saw and learnt from firsthand information was
simply staggering and heart-rending.
BACKGROUND OF THE RIOT
21. The reasons for the Dacca riot were mainly five:
(i) To punish the Hindus for the daring action of their
representatives in the Assembly in their expression of protest by
walking out of the Assembly when two adjournment motions on Kalshira
and Nachole affairs were disallowed.
(ii) Dissension and differences between the Suhrawardy Group and the
Nazimuddin Group in the Parliamentary Party were becoming acute.
(iii) Apprehension of launching of a movement for re-union of East and
West Bengal by both Hindu and Muslim leaders made the East Bengal
Ministry and the Muslim League nervous. They wanted to prevent such a
move. They though that any large-scale communal riot in East Bengal
was sure to produce reactions in West Bengal where Muslims might be
killed. The result of such riots in both East and West Bengal, it was
believed, would prevent any movement for re-union of Bengals.
(iv) Feeling of antagonism between the Bengali Muslims and non-Bengali
Muslims in East Bengal was gaining ground. This could only be
prevented by creating hatred between Hindus and Muslims of East
Bengal. The language question was also connected with it and
(v) The consequences of non-devaluation and the Indo-Pakistan trade
deadlock to the economy of East Bengal were being felt most acutely
first in urban and rural areas and the Muslim League members and
officials wanted to divert the attention of the Muslim masses from the
impending economic breakdown by some sort of Jihad against Hindus.
STAGGERING DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED
22. During my nine days' stay at Dacca, I visited most of the riot-
affected areas of the city and suburbs. I visited Mirpur also under
P.S. Tejgaon. The news of the killing of hundreds of innocent Hindus
in trains, on railway lines between Dacca and Narayanganj, and Dacca
and Chittagong gave me the rudest shock. On the second day of Dacca
riot, I met the Chief Minister of East Bengal and requested him to
issue immediate instructions to the District authorities to take all
precautionary measures to prevent spreading of the riot in district
towns and rural areas. On the 20th February 1950, I reached Barisal
town and was astounded to know of the happenings in Barisal. In the
District town, a number of Hindu houses were burnt and a large number
of Hindus killed. I visited almost all riot-affected areas in the
District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc wrought by the Muslim
rioters even at places like Kasipur, Madhabpasha and Lakutia which
were within a radius of six miles from the District town and were
connected with motorable roads. At the Madhabpasha Zamindar's house,
about 200 people were killed and 40 injured. A place, called Muladi,
witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi Bandar alone, the number killed
would total more than three hundred, as was reported to me by the
local Muslims including some officers. I visited Muladi village also,
where I found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I found dogs
and vultures eating corpses on he river-side. I got the information
there that after the whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the
young girls were distributed among the ringleaders of the miscreants.
At a place called Kaibartakhali under P.S. Rajapur, 63 persons were
killed. Hindu houses within a stone's throw distance from the said
thana office were looted, burnt and inmates killed. All Hindu shops of
Babuganj Bazar were looted and then burnt and a large number of Hindus
were killed. From detailed information received, the conservative
estimate of casualties was placed at 2,500 killed in the District of
Barisal alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were
estimated to be in the neighbourhood of 10,000 killed. The lamentation
of women and children who had lost their all including near and dear
ones melted my heart. I only asked myself "What was coming to Pakistan
in the name of Islam."
NO EARNEST DESIRE TO IMPLEMENT DELHI PACT
23. The large scale exodus of Hindus from Bengal commenced in the
latter part of March. It appeared that within a short time all the
Hindus would migrate to India. A war cry was raised in India. The
situation became extremely critical. A national calamity appeared to
be inevitable. The apprehended disaster, however, was avoided by the
Delhi Agreement of April 8. With a view to reviving the already lost
morale of the panicky Hindus, I undertook an extensive tour of East
Bengal. I visited a number of places of the districts of Dacca,
Barisal, Faridpur, Khulna and Jessore. I addressed dozens of largely
attended meetings and asked the Hindus to take courage and not to
leave their ancestral hearths and homes. I had this expectation that
the East Bengal Govt. and Muslim League leaders would implement the
terms of the Delhi Agreement. But with the lapse of time, I began to
realise that neither the East Bengal Govt. nor the Muslim League
leaders were really earnest in the matter of implementation of the
Delhi Agreement. The East Bengal Govt. was not only ready to set up a
machinery as envisaged in the Delhi Agreement, but also was not
willing to take effective steps for the purpose. A number of Hindus
who returned to native village immediately after the Delhi Agreement
were not given possession of their homes and lands which were occupied
in the meantime by the Muslims.
MOULANA AKRAM KHAN'S INCITATIONS
24. My suspicion about the intention of League leaders was confirmed
when I read editorial comments by Moulana Akram Khan, the President of
the Provincial Muslim League in the "Baisak" issue of a monthly
journal called 'Mohammadi'. In commenting on the first radio-broadcast
of Dr.A.M.Malik, Minister for Minority Affairs of Pakistan, from Dacca
Radio Station, wherein he said, "Even Prophet Mohammed had given
religious freedom to the Jews in Arabia", Moulana Akram Khan said,
"Dr.Malik would have done well had he not made any reference in his
speech to the Jews of Arabia. It is true that the Jews in Arabia had
been given religious freedom by Prophet Mohammed; but it was the first
chapter of the history. The last chapter contains the definite
direction of prophet Mohammed which runs as follows:- "Drive away all
the Jews out of Arabia". Even despite this editorial comment of a
person who held a very high position in the political, social and
spiritual life of the Muslim community, I entertained some expectation
that the Nurul Amin Ministry might not be so insincere. But that
expectation of mine was totally shattered when Mr.Nurul Amin selected
D.N.Barari as a Minister to represent the minorities in terms of the
Delhi Agreement which clearly states that to restore confidence in the
minds of the minorities one of their representatives will be taken in
the Ministry of East Bengal and West Bengal Govt.
NURUL AMIN GOVERNMENT'S INSINCERITY
25. In one of my public statement, I expressed the view that the
appointment of D.N.Barari as a Minister representing the minorities
not only did not help restore any confidence, but, on the contrary,
destroyed all expectations illusions, if there was any in the minds of
the minorities about the sincerity of Mr.Nurul Amin's Govt. My own
reaction was that Mr.Nurul Amin's Govt. was not only insincere but
also wanted to defeat the principal objectives of the Delhi Agreement.
I again repeat that D.N.Barari does not represent anybody except
himself. He was returned to the Bengal Legislature Assembly on the
Congress ticket with the money and organisation of the Congress. He
opposed the Scheduled Caste Federation candidates. Some time after his
election, he betrayed the Congress and joined the Federation. When he
was appointed a Minister he had ceased to be a member of the
Federation too. I know that East Bengal Hindus agree with me that by
antecedents, character and intellectual attainments Barari is not
qualified to hold the position of a Minister as envisaged in the Delhi
Agreement.
26. I recommended three names to Mr.Nurul Amin for this office. One of
the persons I recommended was an MA.,LL.B., Advocate, Dacca High
Court. He was Minister for more than 4 years in the first Fazlul Huq
Ministry in Bengal. He was chairman of the Coal Mines Stowing Board,
Calcutta, for about 6 years. He was the senior Vice-President of the
Scheduled Caste Federation. My second nominee was a B.A., LL.B. He was
a member of the Legislative Council for 7 years in the pre-reform
regime. I would like to know what earthly reasons there might be for
Mr.Nurul Amin in not selecting any of these two gentlemen and
appointing instead a person whose appointment as Minister I strongly
objected to for very rightly considerations. Without any fear of
contradiction I can say that this action of Mr.Nurul Amin in selecting
Barari as a Minister in terms of the Delhi Agreement is conclusive
proof that the East Bengal Govt. was neither serious nor sincere in
its professions about the terms of the Delhi Agreement whose main
purpose is to create such conditions as would enable the Hindus to
continue to live in East Bengal with a sense of security to their
life, property, honour and religion.
GOVERNMENT PLAN TO SQUEEZE OUT HINDUS
27. I would like to reiterate in this connection my firm conviction
that East Bengal Govt. is still following the well-planned policy of
squeezing Hindus out of the Province. in my discussion with you on
more than one occasion, I gave expression to this view of mine. I must
say that this policy of driving out Hindus from Pakistan has succeeded
completely in West Pakistan and is nearing completion in East Pakistan
too. The appointment of D.N.Barari as a Minister and the East Bengal
Government's unceremonious objection to my recommendation in this
regard strictly conform to name of what they call an Islamic State.
Pakistan has not given the Hindus entire satisfaction and a full sense
of security. They now want to get rid of the Hindu intelligentsia so
that the political, economic and social life of Pakistan may not in
any way be influenced by them.
EVASIVE TACTICS TO SHELVE JOINT ELECTORATE
28. I have failed to understand why the question of electorate has not
yet been decided. It is now three years that the minority Sub-
Committee has been appointed. It sat on three occasions. The question
of having joint or separation electorate came up for consideration at
a meting of the Committee held in December last when all the
representatives of recognised minorities in Pakistan expressed their
view in support of Joint Electorate with reservation of seats for
backward minorities. We, on behalf of the Scheduled Castes, demanded
joint electorate with reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes. This
matter again came up for consideration at a meeting called in August
last. But without any discussion whatsoever on this point, the meeting
was adjourned sine die. It is not difficult to understand what the
motive is behind this kind of evasive tactics in regard to such a
vital matter on the part of Pakistan's rulers.
DISMAL FUTURE FOR HINDUS
29. Coming now to the present condition and the future of Hindus in
East Bengal as a result of the Delhi Agreement, I should say that the
present condition is not only unsatisfactory but absolutely hopeless
and that the future completely dark and dismal. Confidence of Hindus
in East Bengal has not been restored in the least. The Agreement is
treated as a mere scrap of paper alike by the East Bengal Government
and the Muslim League. That a pretty large number of Hindus migrants,
mostly Scheduled Caste cultivators are returning to East Bengal is no
indication that confidence has been restored. It only indicates that
their stay and rehabilitation in West Bengal, or elsewhere in the
Indian Union have not been possible. The sufferings of refugee life
are compelling them to go back to their homes. Besides, many of them
are going back to bring movable articles and settle or dispose of
immovable properties. That no serious communal disturbance has
recently taken place in East Bengal is not to be attributed to the
Delhi Agreement. It could not simply continue even if there were no
Agreement or Pact.
30. It must be admitted that the Delhi Pact was not an end in itself.
It was intended that such conditions would be created as might
effectively help resolve so many disputes and conflict existing
between India and Pakistan. But during this period of six months after
the Agreement, no dispute or conflict has really been resolved. On the
contrary, communal propaganda and anti-India propaganda by Pakistan
both at home and abroad are continuing in full swing. The observance
of Kashmir Day by the Muslim League all over Pakistan is an eloquent
proof of communal anti-India propaganda by Pakistan. The recent speech
of the Governor of Punjab (Pak) saying that Pakistan needed a strong
Army for the security of Indian Muslims has betrayed the real attitude
of Pakistan towards India. It will only increase the tension between
the two countries.
WHAT IS HAPPENING IN EAST BENGAL TODAY
31. What is today the condition in East Bengal? About fifty lakhs of
Hindus have left since the partition of the country. Apart from the
East Bengal riot of last February, the reasons for such a large scale
exodus of Hindus are many. The boycott by the Muslims of Hindu
lawyers, medical practitioners, shop-keepers, traders and merchants
has compelled Hindus to migrate to West Bengal in search of their
means of livelihood. Wholesale requisition of Hindu houses even
without following due process of law in many and non-payment of any
rent whatsoever to the owners have compelled them to seek for Indian
shelter. Payments of rent to Hindu landlords was stopped long before.
Besides, the Ansars against whom I received complaints all over are a
standing menace to the safety and security of Hindus. Inference in
matters of education and methods adopted by the Education Authority
for Islamisation frightened the teaching staff of Secondary Schools
and Colleges out of their old familiar moorings. They have left East
Bengal. As a result, most of the educational institutions have been
closed. I have received information that sometime ago the Educational
Authority issued circular in Secondary Schools enjoining compulsory
participation of teachers and students of all communities in
recitation from the Holy Koran before the school work commenced.
Another circular requires Headmasters of schools to name the different
blocks of the premises after 12 distinguished Muslims, such as,
Jinnah, Iqbal, Liaquat Ali, Nazimuddin, etc. Only very recently in an
educational conference held at Dacca, the President disclosed that out
of 1,500 High English Schools in East Bengal, only 500 were working.
Owing to the migration of Medical Practitioners there is hardly any
means of proper treatment of patients. Almost all the priests who used
to worship the household deities at Hindu houses have left. Important
places of worship have been abandoned. The result is that the Hindus
of East Bengal have got now hardly any means to follow religious
pursuits and performance of social ceremonies like marriage where the
services of a priest are essential. Artisans who made images of gods
and goddesses have also left. Hindu Presidents of Union Boards have
been replaced by Muslims by coercive measures with the active help and
connivance of the police and Circle Officers. Hindu Headmasters and
Secretaries of Schools have been replaced by Muslims. The Life of the
few Hindu Govt. servants has been made extremely miserable as many of
them have either been superseded by junior Muslims or dismissed
without sufficient or any cause. Only very recently a Hindu Public
Prosecutor of Chittagong was arbitrarily removed from service as has
been made clear in a statement made by Srijukta Nellie Sengupta
against whom at least no change of anti-Muslim bias prejudice or
malice can be leveled.
HINDUS VIRTUALLY OUTLAWED
32. Commission of thefts and dacoities even with murder is going on as
before. Thana offices seldom record half the complaints made by the
Hindus. That the abduction and rape of Hindu girls have been reduced
to a certain extent is due only to the fact that there is no Caste
Hindu girl between the ages of 12 and 30 living in East Bengal at
present. The few depressed class girls who live in rural areas with
their parents are not even spared by Muslim goondas. I have received
information about a number of incidents of rape of Scheduled Caste
Girls by Muslims. Full payment is seldom made by Muslims buyers for
the price of jute and other agricultural commodities sold by Hindus in
market places. As a matter of fact, there is no operation of law,
justice or fair-play in Pakistan, so far as Hindus are concerned.
FORCED CONVERSIONS IN WEST PAKISTAN
33. Leaving aside the question of East Pakistan, let me now refer to
West Pakistan, especially Sind. The West Punjab had after partition
about a lakh of Scheduled Castes people. It may be noted that a large
number of them were converted to Islam. Only 4 out of a dozen
Scheduled Castes girls abducted by Muslims have yet been recovered in
spite of repeated petitions to the Authority. Names of those girls
with names of their abductors were supplied to the government. The
last reply recently given by the Officer-in-Charge of recovery of
abducted girls said that "his function was to recover Hindu girls and
'Achhuts' (Scheduled Castes) were not Hindus". The condition of the
small number of Hindus that are still living in Sind and Karachi, the
capital of Pakistan, is simply deplorable. I have got a list of 363
Hindu temples and gurdwaras of Karachi and Sind (which is by no means
an exhaustive list) which are still in possession of Muslims. Some of
the temples have been converted into cobbler's shops, slaughter houses
and hotels. None of the Hindus has got back. Possession of their
landed properties were taken away from them without any notice and
distributed amongst refugees and local Muslims. I personally know that
200 to 300 Hindus were declared non-evacuees by the Custodian a pretty
long time ago. But up till now properties have no been restored to any
one of them. Even the possession of Karachi Pinjirapole[ii][2] has not
been restored to the trustees, although it was declared non-evacuee
property sometime ago. In Karachi I had received petitions from many
unfortunate fathers and husbands of abducted Hindu girls, mostly
Scheduled Castes. I drew the attention of the 2nd Provisional
Government to this fact. There was little or no effect. To my extreme
regret I received information that a large number of Scheduled Castes
who are still living in Sind have been forcibly converted to Islam.
PAKISTAN 'ACCURSED' FOR HINDUS
34. Now this being in brief the overall picture of Pakistan so far as
the Hindus are concerned, I shall not be unjustified in stating that
Hindus of Pakistan have to all intents and purposes been rendered
"Stateless" in their own houses. They have no other fault than that
they profess the Hindu religion. Declarations are being repeatedly
made by Muslim League leaders that Pakistan is and shall be an Islamic
State. Islam is being offered as the sovereign remedy for all earthly
evils. In the matchless dialectics of capitalism and socialism you
present the exhilarating democratic synthesis of Islamic equality and
fraternity. In that grand setting of the Shariat Muslims alone are
rulers while Hindus and other minorities are zimmies who are entitled
to protection at price, and you know more than anybody else Mr.Prime
Minister, what that price is. After anxious and prolonged struggle I
have come to the conclusion that Pakistan is no place for Hindus to
live in and that their future is darkened by the ominous shadow of
conversion or liquidation. The bulk of the upper class Hindus and
politically conscious scheduled castes have left East Bengal. Those
Hindus who will continue to stay accursed in Pakistan will, I am
afraid, by gradual stages and in a planned manner be either converted
to Islam or completely exterminated. It is really amazing that a man
of your education, culture and experience should be an exponent of a
doctrine fraught with so great a danger to humanity and subversive of
all principles of equality and good sense. I may tell you and your
fellow workers that Hindus will allow themselves, whatever the treat
or temptation, to be treated as Zimmies in the land of their birth.
Today they may, as indeed many of them have already done, abandon
their hearths and homes in sorrow but in panic. Tomorrow they strive
for their rightful place in the economy of life. Who knows what is in
the womb of the future ? When I am convinced that my continuance in
office in the Pakistan Central Government is not of any help to Hindus
I should not with a clear conscience, create the false impression in
the minds of the Hindus of Pakistan and peoples abroad that Hindus can
live there with honour and with a sense of security in respect of
their life, property and religion. This is about Hindus.
NO CIVIL LIBERTY EVEN FOR MUSLIMS
35. And what about the Muslims who are outside the charmed circle of
the League rulers and their corrupt and inefficient bureaucracy ?
There is hardly anything called civil liberty in Pakistan . Witness
for example, the fate of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan than whom a more
devout Muslim had not walked this earth for many years and of his
gallant patriotic brother Dr. Khan Sahib. A large number of erstwhile
League leaders of the Northwest and also of the Eastern belt of
Pakistan are in detention without trial. Mr. Suhrawardy to whom is due
in a large measure the League's triumph in Bengal is for practical
purpose a Pakistani prisoner who has to move under permit and open his
lips under orders. Mr. Fazlul Haq, that dearly loved grand old man of
Bengal, who was the author of that now famous Lahore resolution, is
ploughing his lonely furrow in the precincts of the Dacca High Court
of Judicature, and the so called Islamic planning is as ruthless as it
is complete. About the East Bengal Muslims general, the less said the
better. They were promised of autonomous and sovereign units of the
independent State. What have they got instead ? East Bengal has been
transformed into a colony of the western belt of Pakistan, although it
contained a population which is larger than that of all the units of
Pakistan put together. It is a pale ineffective adjunct of Karachi
doing the latter's bidding and carrying out its orders. East Bengal
Muslims in their enthusiasm wanted bread and they have by the
mysterious working of the Islamic State and the Shariat got stone
instead from the arid deserts of Sind and the Punjab.
MY OWN SAD AND BITTER EXPERIENCE
36. Leaving aside the overall picture of Pakistan and the callous and
cruel injustice done to others, my own personal experience is no less
sad, bitter and revealing. You used your position as the Prime
Minister and leader of the Parliamentary Party to ask me to issue a
statement, which I did on the 8th September last. You know that I was
not willing to make a statement containing untruths and half truths,
which were worse that untruths. It was not possible for me to reject
your request so long as I was there working as a Minister with you and
under your leadership. But I can no longer afford to carry this load
of false pretensions and untruth on my conscience and I have decided
to offer my resignation as your Minister, which I am hereby placing in
your hands and which, I hope, you will accept without delay. You are
of course at liberty to dispense with that office or dispose of it in
such a manner as may suit adequately and effectively the objectives of
your Islamic State.
Yours sincerely,
Sd./- J.N. Mandal
8th October 1950
ஸ் பெ
May 4, 2011, 7:16:05 AM5/4/11
to panb...@googlegroups.com
தலித்துகள் இஸ்லாமியர்களாக மாறும் பட்சத்தில் அவர்கள் மேல் விழும் சாதீய கொடுமைகள் கொஞ்சமேனும் விலகும் என கண்டிப்பாக நம்புகிறேன்.
2011/5/4 Rajasankar <errajasa...@gmail.com>
-- தோழமையுடன்
ஸ்டாலின் பெலிக்ஸ்
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
ஸ்டாலின் பெலிக்ஸ்
வரலாற்றுக்குள்ளே தேடு. அங்கே சிறைப்பட்டுக் கிடக்கும் உண்மைகளை விடுதலை செய்.
விடுதலை பெற்ற உண்மைகள் உன்னை விடுதலை செய்யும்.
விடுதலை பெற்ற உண்மைகள் உன்னை விடுதலை செய்யும்.
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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Rajasankar
May 4, 2011, 9:11:16 AM5/4/11
to பண்புடன்
பதான்களும் அன்சாரிகளும் சித்திக்களும் சையதுகளும் பீர்களும் இருக்கும்
இடத்தில் இன்னொரு அஜ்லப் ஆக இருக்கவேண்டியிருக்கும்.
அதைத்தவிர வேறு ஏதும் நடந்தாக சரித்திரம் சொல்லவில்லை.
முடிந்தால் மண்டல் தன்னுடைய கடிதத்தில் என்ன எழுதியிருக்கிறார் என்று
படித்து விட்டு பதில் போடுவது நல்லது.
ஸ் பெ
May 4, 2011, 9:14:07 AM5/4/11
to panb...@googlegroups.com
ரொம்ப கஷ்டப்பட போறதில்ல... நீங்க தான் தமிழ் படுத்துறீங்களே...... ;)
போடுங்க, அப்புறம் பேசலாம்
போடுங்க, அப்புறம் பேசலாம்
2011/5/4 Rajasankar <errajasa...@gmail.com>
பதான்களும் அன்சாரிகளும் சித்திக்களும் சையதுகளும் பீர்களும் இருக்கும்
இடத்தில் இன்னொரு அஜ்லப் ஆக இருக்கவேண்டியிருக்கும்.
அதைத்தவிர வேறு ஏதும் நடந்தாக சரித்திரம் சொல்லவில்லை.
முடிந்தால் மண்டல் தன்னுடைய கடிதத்தில் என்ன எழுதியிருக்கிறார் என்று
படித்து விட்டு பதில் போடுவது நல்லது.
Rajasankar
May 4, 2011, 9:20:50 AM5/4/11
to பண்புடன், errajasa...@gmail.com
கடிதத்தின் சுட்டி.
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Resignation_letter_of_Jogendra_Nath_Mandal
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