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By ARTHUR B. LAFFER
Policy makers in Washington and other capitals around the world
are debating whether to implement another round of stimulus
spending to combat high unemployment and sputtering growth
rates. But before they leap, they should take a good hard look
at how that worked the first time around.
It worked miserably, as indicated by the table nearby, which
shows increases in government spending from 2007 to 2009 and
subsequent changes in GDP growth rates. Of the 34 Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development nations, those with the
largest spending spurts from 2007 to 2009 saw the least growth
in GDP rates before and after the stimulus.
The four nations�Estonia, Ireland, the Slovak Republic and
Finland�with the biggest stimulus programs had the steepest
declines in growth. The United States was no different, with
greater spending (up 7.3%) followed by far lower growth rates
(down 8.4%).
Still, the debate rages between those who espouse stimulus
spending as a remedy for our weak economy and those who argue it
is the cause of our current malaise. The numbers at stake aren't
small. Federal government spending as a share of GDP rose to a
high of 27.3% in 2009 from 21.4% in late 2007. This increase is
virtually all stimulus spending, including add-ons to the
agricultural and housing bills in 2007, the $600 per capita tax
rebate in 2008, the TARP and Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac
bailouts, "cash for clunkers," additional mortgage relief
subsidies and, of course, President Obama's $860 billion
stimulus plan that promised to deliver unemployment rates below
6% by now. Stimulus spending over the past five years totaled
more than $4 trillion.
If you believe, as I do, that the macro economy is the sum total
of all of its micro parts, then stimulus spending really doesn't
make much sense. In essence, it's when government takes
additional resources beyond what it would otherwise take from
one group of people (usually the people who produced the
resources) and then gives those resources to another group of
people (often to non-workers and non-producers).
Often as not, the qualification for receiving stimulus funds is
the absence of work or income�such as banks and companies that
fail, solar energy companies that can't make it on their own,
unemployment benefits and the like. Quite simply, government
taxing people more who work and then giving more money to people
who don't work is a surefire recipe for less work, less output
and more unemployment.
Yet the notion that additional spending is a "stimulus" and less
spending is "austerity" is the norm just about everywhere.
Without ever thinking where the money comes from, politicians
and many economists believe additional government spending adds
to aggregate demand. You'd think that single-entry accounting
were the God's truth and that, for the government at least,
every check written has no offsetting debit.
Well, the truth is that government spending does come with
debits. For every additional government dollar spent there is an
additional private dollar taken. All the stimulus to the
spending recipients is matched on a dollar-for-dollar basis
every minute of every day by a depressant placed on the people
who pay for these transfers. Or as a student of the dismal
science might say, the total income effects of additional
government spending always sum to zero.
Meanwhile, what economists call the substitution or price
effects of stimulus spending are negative for all parties. In
other words, the transfer recipient has found a way to get paid
without working, which makes not working more attractive, and
the transfer payer gets paid less for working, again lowering
incentives to work.
But all of this is just old-timey price theory, the stuff that
used to be taught in graduate economics departments. Today, even
stimulus spending advocates have their Ph.D. defenders. But
there's no arguing with the data in the nearby table, and the
fact that greater stimulus spending was followed by lower growth
rates. Stimulus advocates have a lot of explaining to do. Their
massive spending programs have hurt the economy and left us with
huge bills to pay. Not a very nice combination.
Sorry, Keynesians. There was no discernible two or three dollar
multiplier effect from every dollar the government spent and
borrowed. In reality, every dollar of public-sector spending on
stimulus simply wiped out a dollar of private investment and
output, resulting in an overall decline in GDP. This is an even
more astonishing result because government spending is counted
in official GDP numbers. In other words, the spending was more
like a valium for lethargic economies than a stimulant.
In many countries, an economic downturn, no matter how it's
caused or the degree of change in the rate of growth, will
trigger increases in public spending and therefore the
appearance of a negative relationship between stimulus spending
and economic growth. That is why the table focuses on changes in
the rate of GDP growth, which helps isolate the effects of
additional spending.
The evidence here is extremely damaging to the case made by Mr.
Obama and others that there is economic value to spending more
money on infrastructure, education, unemployment insurance, food
stamps, windmills and bailouts. Mr. Obama keeps saying that if
only Congress would pass his second stimulus plan, unemployment
would finally start to fall. That's an expensive leap of faith
with no evidence to confirm it.
Mr. Laffer, chairman of Laffer Associates and the Laffer Center
for Supply-Side Economics, is co-author, with Stephen Moore, of
"Return to Prosperity: How America Can Regain Its Economic
Superpower Status" (Threshold, 2010).