茅于轼：大家骂开发商不骂政府是愚蠢的
wanghx
曾经和印尼同事谈到印尼反华暴乱，他是马来裔穆斯林。他表示不清楚这事情，可
见印尼的对内新闻封锁或者对人民的愚弄程度；同时，他说，华裔受到仇视，很大
程度上因为他们的商人和政府勾结，比如开发土地强拆民房在印尼也是常事，激起
对华裔的种族仇恨。现在华裔政治领袖用公开宣示效忠印尼为姿态来缓和种族冲突。
在历史上，华人曾经是荷兰殖民政权和印尼原住民之间的中间商人，因此和印尼爪
哇人产生矛盾。其次，因为印尼华人支持共产党，以及中共对印尼的输出革命，在
苏哈托反共政变之后，大批华人随同共产党一起遭屠杀迫害。而印尼华人的生存策
略，和在中国以及荷兰殖民政权时期一样，就是和当局拉关系，行贿官方，给军方
进贡财物换取容让和特权。[2]这进一步扩大他们和当地具有大量贫民（否则共产
主义也不会强盛）的原住民社会的裂痕。华商中的头面人物实际上和对华裔进行残
酷进行种族清洗的苏哈托政权，眉来眼去，关系融洽。相反苏哈托反而疏远了印尼
本土商人群体。而印尼商人仇恨给华商制造商业特权的制度，甚于仇恨华人本身。
其他族裔对华裔的偏见，是贪婪掠夺地富有（rapaciously rich）。[4]
这就是华商的要钱不要命。如今的国民党为主的台商，也是如此。少数和专制暴君
在 corruption 腐败, nepotism 裙带关系 and crony capitalism 亲信资本主义
框架中进行合作而获得巨大财富和地位的华商，成为制造仇恨华人社会矛盾的源
头，而受害者，根本不可能从专制暴政中获得庇护，相反，是双重受迫害：苏哈托
政权的反华种族主义压迫，以及其他族裔对部分华商通过贿赂购买特权的仇视波及
华人社会。然后苏哈托军政权在社会不满仇恨压力下，开始出卖华商，逼迫华商放
弃 25% 的资产。这是自然的。既然你用钱收买政府，而出卖政治利权，那么政府
对你的敲诈勒索也是名正言顺。
美国政府出于反共冷战战略的考虑而纵容甚至支持苏哈托政权的暴政，是美国政府
的类似罪行之一。
而民众对政权和制度的憎恶，却不敢，无法表达出来，自然选择容易侵犯的替罪
羊，那就是具有某种符号联系，直接可以触及的群体，比如华人，比如开发商。
[1]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Chinese_legislation_in_Indonesia#_note-1>http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Chinese_legislation_in_Indonesia
The enforcement that triggered the 1967
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1967> incident in Western Kalimantan
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalimantan> took the life of 42,000
Chinese Indonesians. They were accused to be separatists who wanted to
establish a Chinese nation in Western Kalimantan.[2]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Chinese_legislation_in_Indonesia#_note-1>
[2] http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/events/indonesia/special_report/349875.stm
Tuesday, June 1, 1999
In the Dutch colonial era, they were the merchant middlemen between the
rulers and their subjects, resented by the Javanese for their special
status and social seclusion.
After independence, anti-Chinese sentiment grew, coinciding with a rise
in the influence of the Indonesian communist party to which ethnic
Chinese turned for support.
Their method of survival was to cultivate contacts in the
administration. And the army, whatever its misgivings about the
loyalties of ethnic Chinese, had long recognised their usefulness in the
area of supply.
One of the country's biggest tycoons, Liem Sioe Liong, began his rise to
fortune through meeting the former President Suharto while he was
supplies officer for an army division in central Java.
Liem was one of a handful of ethnic Chinese who were allowed to benefit
from a string of financial favours including monopolies, state bank
loans and special licences.
President Suharto saw ethnic Chinese like Liem having a place in the
development of Indonesia as a modern industrial society with the added
advantage that they represented no political threat because of their
minority status.
But in the process, he alienated the Indonesian business class which
resented not so much the ethnic Chinese tycoons themselves as the system
which allowed them to flourish.
n 1990, President Suharto was forced to respond to increasing anger over
the dominance of the Chinese by summoning the country's leading tycoons
to his cattle ranch in West Java - where they were asked to hand over
25% of their equity to co-operatives.
The move alarmed foreign investors, but in the event was only cosmetic.
Yet the perception of all ethnic Chinese was harmed by the powerful
position attained by a few.
Already battered by the region's economic crisis and the loss of their
political patron, their future conduct will be under intense scrutiny
from a public sick of corruption, nepotism and crony capitalism.
Attention focuses on the super rich Chinese in Indonesia - but the vast
majority of ethnic Chinese are small shopkeepers and traders, or medium
sized businessmen.
They still fulfil their traditional role as the entrepreneurial middle
class but enjoy none of the protection available to tycoons.
Since the collapse of the economy which led to last year's political
turmoil, Chinese communities have been attacked in virtually every part
of the country.
The most notable violence came last May in Jakarta as student protests
took over the capital.
Orchestrated attacks
In what appeared to be a well organised operation, anti-Chinese
sentiment was mobilised - many believed by the army - to create chaos in
the city.
Hundreds of people were killed, homes and businesses were burned to the
ground, ethnic Chinese women were systematically raped and in some cases
stripped in public.
Thousands of ethnic Chinese fled abroad to neighbouring countries. Many
still have not gone back.
It will be a hard task for any new government to make ethnic Chinese
feel safe in Indonesia, given these sort of experiences.
But ending discrimination, encouraging their participation in political
life and building a society in which benefits are doled out more equally
may be a start.
[3] Indonesian Chinese http://countrystudies.us/indonesia/55.htm
[4] A golden age for Indonesian Chinese
http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/13/news/chinese.php
Indonesians said mentalities are also changing here, especially the
notion that all Indonesian Chinese are rapaciously rich, a common
perception during the Suharto years, when a select group of Chinese
cronies controlled large, high-profile businesses.
[5] Chinese diaspora: Indonesia
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4312805.stm
Thursday, 3 March 2005
Tens of thousands of ethnic Chinese died in the carnage that ripped
through Indonesia in the wake of President Suharto's coming to power in
1965.
The army, backed by civilian militias, went on the rampage, supposedly
hunting communists.
Many Chinese were killed, victims of a simplistic equation of their
ethnicity with the politics of communist China.
Suharto imposed the so-called New Order regime.
For some prominent Chinese businessmen who were friends of Suharto, the
New Order was a bonanza: they received huge government contracts and
became some of the richest men in Asia.
Insecurity
But for ordinary Chinese, the New Order was a disaster. They were forced
to adopt Indonesian names and carry identity documents that identified
them as Chinese.
They were discouraged from joining the all-powerful security forces and
banned from celebrating holidays such as the Chinese New Year or using
Chinese characters on their shops.
On May 14, 1998, as the Suharto regime limped to an ignominious end,
riots erupted in areas of cities predominantly populated by ethnic Chinese.
More than 1,200 people died, dozens of women were raped, and hundreds of
shops were burned to the ground.
Limitations - both de jure and de facto - remain. Indonesian Chinese can
now use their real names and celebrate New Year, but they are still
unlikely to get a place at a state-run university, or join the army or
police.
Although it is no longer officially necessary, it can still cost between
3 million and 7 million rupiah for a person of Chinese descent to get
the citizenship letter frequently demanded before they are allowed to go
to school, get a passport or buy land.
茅于轼：大家骂开发商不骂政府是愚蠢的
(博讯北京时间2008年3月14日)
来源：《新财经》
我认为企业家的任务就是创造利润，如果想着别的反而不是好企业家。
我同意许多经济学家的看法，我国的房地产市场有相当程度的扭曲，表现在房
价虚高；高档房的比例不适当的多，脱离了大众的需求；房地产业的利润比较高，
而且长期居高不下；资金流入房地产业数量巨大，出现泡沫。
造成这种扭曲现象的原因很多。有些人认为是房地产业的企业家造成的，他们
追逐利润，不愿意为大众服务，见利忘义。他们在舆论面前经受很大的压力，有口
难辩，自己也说不清楚。我认为企业家的任务就是创造利润，如果想着别的反而不
是好企业家。微观经济学说明企业的目标就是利润最大化，这没有错。有些国有企
业领导人就是不关心企业利润，把企业引导到错误的路上去了。现在房地产业所发
生的扭曲，原因在宏观经济中。宏观经济的问题不解决，房地产业的企业家对此是
无能为力的。
不是房地产商抬高了房价
先说房价虚高。企业作为供给方，总是想方设法提高价格，这一点也不奇怪。
但是买方不是傻瓜，他们会尽量压价。现在房价高是买方愿意，而且也有钱，出高
价买房，是他们，而不是房地产商抬高了房价。是什么原因使得那么多的人愿意出
高价买房?答案在我国收入分配的特点上，即财富集中在少数人手里，他们手里有
很多钱，他们要买好房子，买大房子，买贵房子。开发商当然瞄准这些人的需求。
难道要让开发商盖普通的低档房，可是卖不出去，同时却损失了高端客户。我国房
地产市场偏向档次高的客户，普通的低档房盖得很少，这正是与我国财富分配中贫
富悬殊有关。房地产市场反映了收入分配的状况，不改变收入分配，房地产业的结
构同样改变不了。任志强说了，房子是为有钱人盖的，我们怎么能说他们见利忘义
呢？难道要他们盖一批没有客户的、卖不掉的中低档房吗？
政府垄断
高利润就可能长期存在
再说房地产业的利润特别高，而且长期居高不下。大家知道，高利润是维持不
长的，只要竞争一出现，高利润就慢慢消失了。我国房地产业的高利润能够长期维
持，唯一的原因就是投入要素的竞争不充分。房地产的投入要素主要是资金和土
地，这两样要素都是竞争不充分的。土地是政府批的，资金是银行批的，市场在其
中起的作用不大，而是靠关系。
现在土地要求通过公开拍卖，据统计，拍卖的还是少数。正因为土地市场没有
培养起来，还是政府垄断着，高利润就有可能长期存在。资金的情况差不多，因为
利率还没有放开，获取资金不是市场竞争的结果，而是靠关系。所以，房地产商都
特别注意和政府保持一个良好的关系。个别房地产商难免有暗箱操作，做见不得人
的事。但是这不能全怪他们，主要是制度环境造成的。我国市场经济问题多多，办
一个大一点的企业都离不开政府。可以说，大企业都得搞点桌下交易，你不同流合
污事情就做不成，这叫做逼良为娼。
最后，房地产业的泡沫问题。房地产业为什么有泡沫？简单说，因为有大量资
金没有别的出路，于是都涌向了房地产业，资金往哪边走，那边的价格就上升。一
旦房价下降，大家争先恐后卖房子，就是泡沫破裂的时候。
上面提到的三方面的问题：收入分配、土地和资金市场的缺乏竞争、金融市场
没有更多的投资渠道，是造成房地产业扭曲的根本原因。换句话讲，如果这些原因
不改变，扭曲也没有办法纠正，责怪房地产开发商是没有道理的。如果上面的分析
不错，我们就有了一个分析工具，用于观察房地产业的发展和宏观经济的关系。
wanghx
见印尼的对内新闻封锁或者对人民的愚弄程度；同时，他说，华裔受到仇视，很大
程度上因为他们的商人和政府勾结，比如开发土地强拆民房在印尼也是常事，激起
对华裔的种族仇恨。现在华裔政治领袖用公开宣示效忠印尼为姿态来缓和种族冲突。
另外，我曾经看到有网页资料说，流传在网上的部分印尼反华暴乱的血腥场面照片，
其实是东帝汶暴乱中的非华裔受害者被凌虐的记录。可能被混在一起了。
在历史上，华人曾经是荷兰殖民政权和印尼原住民之间的中间商人，因此和印尼爪
哇人产生矛盾。其次，因为印尼华人支持共产党，以及中共对印尼的输出革命，在
苏哈托反共政变之后，大批华人随同共产党一起遭屠杀迫害。而印尼华人的生存策
略，和在中国以及荷兰殖民政权时期一样，就是和当局拉关系，行贿官方，给军方
进贡财物换取容让和特权。[2]这进一步扩大他们和当地具有大量贫民（否则共产
主义也不会强盛）的原住民社会的裂痕。华商中的头面人物实际上和对华裔进行残
酷进行种族清洗的苏哈托政权，眉来眼去，关系融洽。相反苏哈托反而疏远了印尼
本土商人群体。而印尼商人仇恨给华商制造商业特权的制度，甚于仇恨华人本身。
其他族裔对华裔的偏见，是贪婪掠夺地富有（rapaciously rich）。[4]
这就是华商的要钱不要命。如今的国民党为主的台商，也是如此。少数和专制暴君
在 corruption 腐败, nepotism 裙带关系 and crony capitalism 亲信资本主义
框架中进行合作而获得巨大财富和地位的华商，成为制造仇恨华人社会矛盾的源
头，而受害者，根本不可能从专制暴政中获得庇护，相反，是双重受迫害：苏哈托
政权的反华种族主义压迫，以及其他族裔对部分华商通过贿赂购买特权的仇视波及
华人社会。然后苏哈托军政权在社会不满仇恨压力下，开始出卖华商，逼迫华商放
弃 25% 的资产。这是自然的。既然你用钱收买政府，而出卖政治利权，那么政府
对你的敲诈勒索也是名正言顺。
美国政府出于反共冷战战略的考虑而纵容甚至支持苏哈托政权的暴政，是美国政府
的类似罪行之一。
而民众对政权和制度的憎恶，却不敢，无法表达出来，自然选择容易侵犯的替罪
羊，那就是具有某种符号联系，直接可以触及的群体，比如华人，比如开发商。
[1]
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Chinese_legislation_in_Indonesia#_note-1>http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anti-Chinese_legislation_in_Indonesia
The enforcement that triggered the 1967
incident in Western Kalimantan
took the life of 42,000
Chinese Indonesians. They were accused to be separatists who wanted to
establish a Chinese nation in Western Kalimantan.
[2] http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/events/indonesia/special_report/349875.stm
Tuesday, June 1, 1999
Orchestrated attacks
Insecurity
[6] 联合国:印尼欲灭绝东帝汶 强奸屠杀触目惊心
http://www.peacehall.com/news/gb/intl/2006/01/200601191657.shtml
联合国“接待、真相和调解委员会”的这一份报告是经过对东帝汶境内13个大区和65个小区的8000多名目击者进行充分的调查取证之后才撰写出台的。此外，“接待、真相和调解委员会”还曾经查阅过诸多资料，包括印尼军方文件以及来自国际渠道的情报消息，并且还采访过逃往西帝汶边界地带的难民。这份报告所披露的印尼军队在占领东帝汶期间所犯下的种种暴行简直可以用“触目惊心”来形容，他们甚至对东帝汶人进行斩首，割他们的生殖器、用烟头烫犯人，还对东帝汶妇女进行大规模的强奸与性攻击。
[7] 联合国特别专员指责印尼军队干下强奸罪行 http://www.zaobao.com/zaobao/special/indonesia/women191298.html