So, the long awaited book is now out, and I received my paper-
back copy yesterday.
My interest predictably centring upon Charles Nicholl's chapter
"The Case for Marlowe", I have given a tad more attention to
that, and particularly those bits where he actually mentions
me. Hot off the press, therefore, are my comments upon those
mentions. I'll use the old chevrons format (as if he had posted
it here) to make them.
The first concerns the ancient stylometric work of Thomas
Corwin Mendenhall. Nicholl says:
> The obvious fallacy in Mendenhall's method when applied to
> early modern texts is the fluidity of spelling in that period
> and the extent to which printed copy has been prey to the
> vicissitudes of transmission. Spellings may be the author's,
> but are at least as likely to be those of copyists and
> compositors. In the case of compositors, their spelling
> choices are governed by extraneous factors such as lineation
> and availability of type. Thus these computations for Marlowe
> and Shakespeare are partly based on an ungovernable sample of
> anonymous orthographers.
This isn't a problem. Although Mendenhall didn't tell us which
texts he made use of, it is fairly clear from the method
employed that they would have been printed editions with moder-
nized spelling, as both Daryl Pinksen and I used. (Although in
their recent book *Shakespeare, Computers and the Mystery of
Authorship* Craig and Kinney used original texts, they also
standardized the words they counted to the modern spelling and
usage.)
> It has also been shown that word-length distributions vary
> according to genre; an analysis of the works of Sir Philip
> Sidney by C. B. Williams (1975) gives very different readings
> for his prose and his poetry.
Mendenhall was "convinced that 100,000 words will be necessary
and sufficient to furnish the characteristic curve of a writer."
C. B. Williams's analysis used only 1,552 of Sidney's verse
(i.e. poems) and 1,553 words of his prose. Yet such minimal
data from one author is used to deduce a conclusion applicable
to *all* English renaissance writers!
> This would also affect a comparison of Shakespeare's plays
> with those of Marlowe, which feature much less prose.
This is Nicholl's own addition to Williams's work. Our most
interesting comparison is between Marlowe's later works
(9,452 words) and Shakespeare excluding the comedies (66,402).
The former has about 86% verse (blank verse, not poems) and
the latter about 81%. Hardly enough of a difference to cause
concern, even if Williams had been right.
> Despite these caveats, current Marlovians such as Daryl
> Pinksen and Peter Farey have continued to elaborate on Menden-
> hall's stylometry.
Taking full account of such caveats, and using statistical and
technological methods unknown to Mendenhall, we greatly extended
and improved his work.
It might be worth quoting what I actually said in the piece he
presumably read:
"What [Hoffman] did not realize, however, was that authors may
vary over time and between genres. It is true nevertheless that
the pattern for Marlowe's later plays correlates (at an astonish-
ing r = .9998, where r = 1 is perfect correlation) more closely
with Shakespeare's histories, tragedies and 'Roman' plays than
Shakespeare's own comedies do with them (.9986), or than
Marlowe's earlier plays do with his later ones (.9943)".
Secondly, he refers to what I have said about the legality of
Marlowe's inquest:
> Peter Farey, one of [p.38] the more industrious and level-
> headed of current Marlovians,
How kind!
> has sought to prove that on 30 May 1593 the royal court was at
> Nonsuch Palace rather than Greenwich,
I have "sought to" do no such thing. In fact it's a mystery to
me why biographers such as Urry, Kuriyama, Riggs and Nicholl all
thought it was at Greenwich in the first place. In the Declared
Accounts of the Treasurer of the Chamber there is the record of
a payment to "Romano Cavaliere: upon a warrant signed by the
Lord Treasurer dated at the Court the 18th day of May 1593, for
bringing of letters in post [...] to the Court at Nonsuch" and,
according to The Acts of the Privy Council, they met "at the
Courte at Nonsuch, the last of May, 1593". It was actually the
Marlovian William Honey who first pointed this out as early as
1983, and I think it was only because Park Honan had read my
essay *Marlowe's Sudden and Fearful End* that the correct
location eventually appeared in a biography – his 2005 book
*Christopher Marlowe: Poet & Spy* (p.354).
> that the Deptford killing did not therefore fall *infra virgam*
> ('within the verge', defined as a twelve-mile radius around the
> body of the Queen),
On the contrary, I show why – even though Nonsuch Palace and
Deptford Strand were about twelve and three quarter miles apart
as the crow flies – it would at that time have still have been
assumed to have been within twelve miles. The relevant fact is
that the standard mile was not made law in England until that
very year, 1593. The mile in use before that was some twenty to
thirty percent longer and continued to be used for some time after
the standard mile was officially adopted, so most maps would have
still shown Deptford Strand as being well within twelve miles of
Nonsuch, and thus within the verge.
> and that the involvement of the Royal Coroner in the case was a
> suspicious intervention rather than a routine requirement.
> (Note 21: Peter Farey, 'Marlowe's Sudden and Fearful End,'
> Appendix I, and 'Was Marlowe's Inquest Void?' Parts 1 and 2.)
This is the complete opposite of what I say in the articles he
cites. Danby was certainly supposed to be there. My argument is
concerned solely with the law as it affected inquests within the
verge, a law going back to the time of Edward II but which was
still being rigorously applied in the late sixteenth century.
This required such inquests to be held jointly by a local coroner
and the Coroner of the Queen's Household, which was clearly not
the case here. The only circumstances in which Danby could have
legally done it on his own is if he himself had occupied both
roles. Although no records survive to support this, it is
certainly quite likely, given that his predecessor as Queen's
Coroner, Richard Vale, had also been a coroner for Middlesex (and
even today's Coroner of the Queen's Household is a coroner for
Surrey too) and Danby is thought to have lived in Woolwich in Kent.
On the other hand, to make this legal, the dual responsibility
would have had to be clearly stated in the report of the inquest
(the 'inquisition'), and this is something he obviously failed to
do. This means that if the findings of the inquest had been
challenged for any reason it should have been found to be null and
void. That Nicholl correctly cites where I say all of this yet so
woefully misrepresents it is unacceptable, especially in what is
supposed to be a scholarly publication.
Peter F.
<
http://www2.prestel.co.uk/rey/>