Complete Transcript from UN: Sept 24 UNSC Meeting Adopting the Resolution 1887 (2009)

[Sukla Sen]

Complete Transcript from UN: Sept 24 UNSC Meeting Adopting the Resolution 1887 (2009)

United Nations S/PV.6191
Security Council
Sixty-fourth year
6191st meeting

Thursday, 24 September 2009, 9.15 a.m.
New York
Provisional

This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of
the interpretation of
speeches delivered in the other languages. The final text will be
printed in the Official Records
of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the
original languages only. They
should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the
signature of a member of the
delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-506.
09-52314 (E)
*0952314*

President: Mr. Obama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . (United States of America)
Members: Austria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . Mr. Fischer
Burkina Faso . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . Mr. Compaore
China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . Mr. Hu Jintao
Costa Rica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Mr. Arias Sánchez
Croatia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . Mr. Mesić
France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . Mr. Sarkozy
Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . Mr. Hatoyama
Libyan Arab Jamahiriya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . Mr. Shalgham
Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Mr. Calderón Hinojosa
Russian Federation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . Mr. Medvedev
Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Mr. Erdoğan
Uganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Mr. Museveni
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . . . . Mr. Brown
Viet Nam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . Mr. Nguyen Minh Triet

Agenda

Maintenance of international peace and security 
Nuclear non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament
S/PV.6191
2 09-52314


The meeting was called to order at 9.35 a.m.
Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

Maintenance of international peace and security
Nuclear non-proliferation and
nuclear disarmament

The President: I wish to warmly welcome the
heads of State and Government, the Secretary-General,
the Director General of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, ministers and other representatives
present in the Security Council Chamber. Their
presence is an affirmation of the importance of the
subject matter to be discussed.

The Security Council summit will now begin its
consideration of the item on its agenda.
Members of the Council have before them
document S/2009/473, which contains the text of a
draft resolution prepared in the course of the Council’s
prior consultations.

I should like to draw the attention of Council
members’ of the Council to document S/2009/463,
containing a letter dated 15 September 2009 from the
United States of America transmitting a concept paper
on the item under consideration.

In accordance with the understanding reached in
the Council’s prior consultations, the Security Council
will take action on the draft resolution before it prior to
hearing statements from the Secretary-General and
Council members. Accordingly, I shall put the draft
resolution to the vote now.

There being no objection, it is so decided.
A vote was taken by show of hands.
In favour:

Austria, Burkina Faso, China, Costa Rica,
Croatia, France, Japan, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya,
Mexico, Russian Federation, Turkey, Uganda,
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, United States of America, Viet Nam.

The President: There were 15 votes in favour.

The draft resolution has been adopted unanimously as
resolution 1887 (2009).

I want to thank again everybody who is in
attendance, and I wish them all good morning. In the
more than six decades that this Security Council has
been in existence, only four other meetings of this
nature have been convened. I called for this meeting so
that we may address, at the highest level, a
fundamental threat to the security of all peoples and all
nations — the spread and use of nuclear weapons.

As I said yesterday (see A/64/PV.3), this very
institution was founded at the dawn of the atomic age,
in part because man’s capacity to kill had to be
contained, and although we averted a nuclear
nightmare during the cold war, we now face
proliferation of a scope and complexity that demands
new strategies and new approaches. Just one nuclear
weapon exploded in a city — be it New York, Moscow,
Tokyo, Beijing, London or Paris — could kill hundreds
of thousands of people, and would greatly destabilize
our security, our economies and our very way of life.

Once again, the United Nations has a pivotal role to
play in preventing such a crisis.

The historic resolution that we have just adopted
enshrines our shared commitment to the goal of a
world without nuclear weapons, and it brings Security
Council agreement on a broad framework for action to
reduce nuclear dangers as we work towards that goal. It
reflects the agenda that I outlined in Prague and builds
on a consensus that all nations have the right to
peaceful nuclear energy, that nations with nuclear
weapons have the responsibility to move towards
disarmament, and that those without them have the
responsibility to forsake them.

Today, the Security Council endorsed a global
effort to lock down all vulnerable nuclear materials
within four years. The United States will host a summit
next April to advance that goal and to help all nations
achieve it. This resolution will also help strengthen the
institutions and initiatives that combat the smuggling,
financing and theft of proliferation-related materials. It
calls on all States to freeze any financial assets that are
being used for proliferation, and for stronger
safeguards to reduce the likelihood that peaceful
nuclear weapons programmes can be diverted to a
weapons programme.

The resolution that we passed today will also
strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons. We have made it clear that the
Security Council has both the authority and the
responsibility to respond to violations of that Treaty.

We have made it clear that the Security Council has
both the authority and the responsibility to determine
and respond as necessary when violations of the Treaty
threaten international peace and security. That includes
full compliance with Security Council resolutions on
Iran and North Korea. I would like to be clear that this
is not about singling out individual nations. It is about
standing up for the rights of all nations that live up to
their responsibilities. The world must stand together.

We must demonstrate that international law is not an
empty promise and that treaties will be enforced.

The next 12 months will be absolutely critical in
determining whether this resolution and our overall
efforts to stop the spread and use of nuclear weapons
are successful. All nations must do their part to make
this work. In America, I have promised that we will
pursue a new agreement with Russia to substantially
reduce our strategic warheads and launchers. We will
move forward with the ratification of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and open the
door to deeper cuts in our arsenal. In January, we will
call upon countries to begin negotiations on a treaty to
end the production of fissile material for weapons. The
non-proliferation Treaty Review Conference in May
will strengthen that agreement.

We harbour no illusions about the difficulty of
bringing about a world without nuclear weapons. We
know that there are plenty of cynics and that there will
be setbacks that prove their point, but there will also be
days like today that push us forward and tell a different
story. It is the story of a world that understands that no
difference or division is worth destroying all that we
have built and all that we love. It is a recognition that
can bring people of different nationalities, ethnicities
and ideologies together. In my own country, it has
brought together Democratic and Republican leaders
like George Schultz, Bill Perry, Henry Kissinger and
Sam Nunn, who are with us here today. It was a
Republican President, Ronald Reagan, who once
articulated the goal that we now seek in the starkest of
terms: “A nuclear war cannot be won, and must never
be fought”.

And no matter how great the obstacles may seem,
we must never stop our efforts to reduce the weapons
of war. We must never stop until we see the day when
nuclear arms have been banished from the face of the
Earth. That is our task. That can be our destiny. We
will leave this meeting with a renewed determination
to achieve that shared goal.

In accordance with the understanding reached
among Council members, I wish to remind all speakers
to limit their statements to no more than five minutes
in order to enable the Council to carry out its work
expeditiously. Delegations with lengthy statements are
kindly requested to circulate their texts in writing and
to deliver a condensed version when speaking in the
Chamber.

I now invite the Secretary-General, His
Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, to take the floor.


The Secretary-General: This is a historic
moment — a moment offering a fresh start towards a
new future. I extend a warm welcome to President
Obama. We salute his leadership.

This is the first Security Council summit on
nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. I have long
advocated a stronger role for the Security Council. This
was a major element of the five-point nuclear
disarmament plan I announced in October last year.

The need for action is clear. Thousands of nuclear
weapons remain on hair-trigger alert. More States have
sought and acquired them. Nuclear tests have
continued. And every day, we live with the threat that
weapons of mass destruction could be stolen, sold or
slip away. As long as such weapons exist, so does the
risk of proliferation and catastrophic use, as does the
threat of nuclear terrorism.

Now, some might dismiss the goal of nuclear
disarmament as utopian. The cynics say, “Stop
dreaming. Be realistic.” They are wrong. Nuclear
disarmament is the only sane path to a safer world.
Nothing would work better towards eliminating the
risk of use than eliminating the weapons themselves.

The Russian Federation and the United States are
leading by example.

I urge the Security Council to make the most of
this moment. This should not be a one-time event. We
must sustain the momentum.

First, we need new ways to increase transparency
and openness regarding the weapons programmes of
the recognized nuclear-weapon States. I urge the
Council to start consultations on this matter. The
Secretariat is ready to serve as a repository.

Secondly, we must make the best use of the
United Nations disarmament machinery. I hope, for
example, that the Conference on Disarmament can
advance the programme of work it adopted this year,
including negotiations on a fissile material cut-off
treaty. For its part, the Council could promote universal
membership in key treaties, work to improve
compliance, and assess the need for new agreements,
including a nuclear weapons convention. It could also
strongly reaffirm the need for early entry into force of
the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty.

Thirdly, disarmament and non-proliferation must
proceed together. I encourage nuclear-weapon States
here to consider additional measures to enhance
security as a way of leading to total elimination. These
could include, for example, ways to achieve the
effective verification of the disarmament process. At
the same time, we must ensure that the International
Atomic Energy Agency has the resources and support it
needs to implement its growing safeguards
responsibilities.

For too long, a divided international community
has lacked the will, vision and confidence to move
ahead. Together, we have dreamed about a nuclear-free
world. Now we must act to achieve it. That starts now.

I congratulate the Council on convening this
summit. I welcome the adoption of today’s resolution,
and again salute the leadership of President Obama. I
pledge my continued support and look forward to
future meetings on these vital issues here in this
Council and beyond, including the crucial 2010
Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. This summit
truly adds a new page to the history of this Council.

Let us now write a new chapter of peace, security and
safety for all.

The President: I thank the Secretary-General for
his statement.

I now invite His Excellency Mr. Óscar Arias
Sánchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica, to
take the floor.

President Arias Sánchez (spoke in Spanish): I
am grateful for the opportunity to say a few words in a
place so emblematic of international order in the
nuclear age. The Security Council is the product of a
mixture of stupor and hope, the harvest of an atrocious
fear that led to faith in a peaceful destiny for the
human race. This institution was founded on the
promise that we would be able to sleep peacefully
following the most abominable of wars — a promise,
reflected in Article 26 of the United Nations Charter,
that the Security Council would promote “the
establishment and maintenance of international peace
and security with the least diversion for armaments of
the world’s human and economic resources”.

That promise has yet to be fulfilled. While we
sleep, death is awake. Death keeps watch from the
warehouses that store more than 23,000 nuclear
warheads, like 23,000 eyes open and waiting for a
moment of carelessness. Death is incited and spurred
on by those who perfect weapons of mass destruction
instead of destroying them, and by those who each year
allocate tens of billions of dollars to vertical
proliferation. Death is courted by fundamentalists and
megalomaniacs, radicals and populists, who sustain
their power with gunpowder.

I thank President Barack Obama for the
opportunity to discuss the reduction of nuclear
weapons in the world. A large group of Nobel peace
laureates has gone even farther. For years, we have
lobbied for the total abolition of nuclear weapons,
because we believe that they run counter to the
survival instinct of every species. However, it does not
seem plausible to discuss disarmament so long as not
even existing agreements are being honoured; so long
as there are countries that resist ratifying the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty; so long as
some hide data, store fissile material and reject
international verification mechanisms, shielded behind
their sovereign status; so long as nuclear tests continue
to take place; and so long as this Security Council
maintains its silence before widely known secrets, such
as the clandestine network of proliferation of nuclear
supplies, led with impunity from Pakistan by Abdul
Qadeer Khan in open mockery of the logic underlying
resolution 1540 (2004).

It does not seem plausible to speak of a safer
world so long as the proliferation of other types of
weapons remains in its perennial second-place position
on our international agenda. This Council fails in its
historic mission every day that it turns a blind eye to
the rampant arms race. The world spends $3.5 billion
every day on weapons and soldiers. Each year, more
than $42 billion in conventional arms are sold to
developing nations, where weak or non-existent
democracies are incapable of satisfying the most basic
needs of their peoples. Even in Latin America, which
has never been more peaceful or more democratic, this
year nearly $60 billion will be allocated to military
spending — this in a region with an average of seven
years of schooling for its population, and poverty that
affects more than 200 million inhabitants.

That is why I ask that we approve the arms trade
treaty that my Government has presented to this
Organization. If it is legitimate for us to worry about
the possibility that terrorist networks may gain access
to a nuclear weapon, it is also legitimate for us to
worry about the rifles, grenades and machine guns that
are given into their hands. Who said that killing
thousands in one blow is worse than killing thousands
every day?

Twenty years ago, I visited the United Nations
during my first presidential term. In those days, we
talked about a world without nuclear warheads, a world
in which we would finally control the weapons that
fuelled wars between brothers. I have come back again
as a modern-day Rip Van Winkle, to find that
everything has changed — everything except that.
Peace remains just out of reach. Nuclear and
conventional weapons continue to exist, despite all the
promises. It is up to us to ensure that 20 years from
now we do not awaken to the same terrors we suffer
today.

I am not unaware of the fact that the world’s
biggest arms sellers are represented here. But today I
speak not to the makers of arms, but to the leaders of
humanity, who have the responsibility to put principles
before utilitarian considerations, and make good on the
promise of a future where — finally — we can sleep in
peace.

The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Stjepan Mesić, President of the Republic of
Croatia, to take the floor.

President Mesić (spoke in Croatian; English text
provided by the delegation): It is a great honour for me
to present, on behalf of the Republic of Croatia, our
views on the issue that has been put on the agenda of
today’s meeting.

I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the United
States and to you personally, President Obama, for the
initiative to discuss in the Security Council the very
delicate issue of nuclear non-proliferation.

If this meeting brings us just one step forward on
the path towards a world free of nuclear weapons — a
world that you, President Obama, have in a visionary
manner set as the objective to which we should
aspire — then we will have succeeded. I emphasize
that even if we get only one single step closer to this
objective we will indeed have succeeded, because the
journey towards a world free of nuclear weapons is not,
cannot be and will not be easy, simple or short. This,
however, does not mean that we should give up or
allow despondency to rule our thoughts and deeds —
quite the contrary.

The world was faced with nuclear weapons
54 years ago. The horrendous effects of their use
imposed the need to start almost immediately to reflect
on how to limit their proliferation, which was also the
objective of a set of international treaties. However, in
spite of all those efforts, today we live in a world
where there are 10 or so nuclear Powers, recognized or
unrecognized. I deliberately use the term “Powers”,
because possession of a single nuclear bomb makes the
country that possesses it a Power, if one considers the
consequences of its potential use — to say nothing of
the fact that the present-day world is burdened with the
evil of international terrorism, or what it would mean if
a terrorist group were to get hold of nuclear weapons.

What we should do here today, as my country
sees it, is to reinforce the role of the United Nations,
without the least intention of replacing any institution
or forum dealing with non-proliferation, and,
unanimously and jointly, and taking into consideration
earlier documents of the Security Council and the
General Assembly, to state the following: On the one
hand, great efforts are needed to attain, first,
non-proliferation of nuclear weapons followed by
nuclear disarmament. On the other hand, at the same
time, every country must be guaranteed its right to the
peaceful use of nuclear energy — if necessary with
even more stringent measures of universally accepted
international control.

Let me be more precise: we have to work
together to affirm or establish principles that will help
us to head towards a world free of nuclear weapons
without necessarily entering into debate over this or
that concrete issue.

There are other things that we have to do. First,
we must unreservedly support a multilateral
contractual system related to nuclear arms control and
disarmament which includes strict implementation and
strengthened verification of contractual obligations.
Secondly, we must call upon all members of the world
Organization to contribute to activities aimed at
preventing the abuse of existing treaties and at
strengthening anti-proliferation efforts and resources.

Efforts focused first on limitation of nuclear
weapons, then on reduction and finally on disarmament
have a long history. They have, however, gained a new
and strong impetus since the announcement by the
United States President that his ultimate objective is a
world free of nuclear weapons. Because of that
declaration our task today is to send a message to the
world, which has authorized us to act here, that there is
political will for the pursuit of a policy providing all
countries with security without nuclear weapons.

We would thereby also respond to the longstanding
efforts of participants in the campaign for a
nuclear-free world. Among them I include the
Secretary-General, non-governmental organizations,
civil society, current and former political leaders,
parliamentarians, scholars, trade unions and students.
Our objective is peace in security. This objective
cannot be reached if the threat of nuclear weapons
exists. The decades of the cold war — when
admittedly, thanks to the balance of fear, we had global
peace, but not security — are the best proof that this is
so.

The Republic of Croatia is prepared to make its
maximum contribution to efforts aimed at achieving
this objective. As a member of the generation that
experienced the Second World War, and remembering
all later local wars and crises that threatened world
peace, I can just add that this is something that we owe
to those who come after us. When we leave, let us
bequeath to them a better world — a world free of
nuclear weapons.

The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev, President of the
Russian Federation, to take the floor.

President Medvedev (spoke in Russian): I expect
that the current meeting of the Security Council,
convened on the initiative of United States President
Barack Obama, will help address many problems
facing the international community, first and foremost
in the sphere of nuclear non-proliferation and
disarmament.

I think that today it is obvious to everyone that
the issues of security are indivisible and global.
Security is affected not only by conflict situations in
certain regions of the world, but also by instability in
individual countries. And if we want the collective
efforts of the international community to be built on
objective forecasts and to be effective, we must learn
more about each other and openly discuss the
accumulated problems, comprehensively analysing
them and jointly developing well thought-out
decisions.

That is precisely the goal of the Security Council
resolution we have just adopted. The measures it
contains are a realistic programme of action for the
international community to respond effectively to
common threats in the nuclear sphere.

Russia has always been a reliable and predictable
partner in the area of nuclear non-proliferation and
disarmament. In the sphere of strategic arms limitation,
Russia and the United States of America have carried
out unprecedented reductions of strategic nuclear
arsenals within the framework of the Treaty on the
Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms.

In doing so, we have repeatedly stated and reiterated
our readiness to move forward to reduce the number of
delivery vehicles of strategic offensive arms more than
threefold. Our proposals have been put forward at
negotiations that we are holding with the United States,
and we are prepared, as has been agreed with the
President, to continue working to meet the challenges
of missile proliferation; we hope that all interested
parties will join us in this endeavour.

Today’s meeting is ushering in a time of largescale
and serious work — work that I am convinced
will dramatically improve the situation in the world. I
am referring to the nuclear security summit and the
Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference scheduled
for next year, along with the signing of a new legally
binding Russian-American treaty on the reduction and
limitation of strategic offensive arms. We are doing our
utmost to have it signed by December.

Our main shared goal is to untangle the
problematic knots in the field of non-proliferation and
disarmament. Naturally, that is extremely complicated,
since the level of mistrust among nations remains too
high; nonetheless, it must be done.

I would like to emphasize that the situation in the
sphere of non-proliferation is changing less quickly
than we would like. The old, traditional threats persist
and new ones are emerging. One of the most dangerous
threats, just referred to by certain heads of States, is
that of nuclear components falling into the hands of
terrorists. I believe that all present would agree that the
existing back-up system needs to be modernized. We
must consider together how to make it more up-to-date
and more efficient.

The issue of peaceful nuclear energy requires
serious attention. New nuclear power plants doubtless
hold great promise for resolving many problems, in
particular those of developing countries, stimulating
the economic growth of entire regions and raising the
living standards of millions of people on the planet.

However, States that carry out such programmes must
strictly abide by non-proliferation agreements. I place
special emphasis on that here in the Security Council.
What, in our view, are the priorities for
international cooperation in this crucial area? There are
a few.

First, it is essential to improve, update and
strengthen the global non-proliferation and
disarmament regime. The tried and tested international
mechanisms — above all, the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons — continue to
play a pivotal role in this area. We must also promote
and universalize the safeguards regime of the
International Atomic Energy Agency.

Secondly, we need to encourage leading countries
to sign and ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty as soon as possible in order to ensure its
ultimate entry into force. That is very important.

Thirdly, we should make more active use of the
new non-proliferation mechanisms, above all
resolution 1540 (2004), sponsored by Russia and the
United States of America, on the non-proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction; the Global Initiative to
Combat Nuclear Terrorism; and others.

It is obvious that an effective resolution of many
of the aforementioned problems will depend on the
interested and constructive engagement of all parties.
We expect that the Russian-American efforts in this
area will be backed by all nuclear-weapon States. The
non-nuclear-weapon States should also honour their
obligations in this area, which would help to create a
climate favourable to genuine non-proliferation.

Finally, I should like to emphasize that Russia is
ready to continue working actively for peace on Earth
and for the future of civilization.

The President: I now give the floor to His
Excellency Mr. Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, President of
the United Mexican States.

President Calderón Hinojosa (spoke in
Spanish): Mexico enthusiastically welcomes the
convening by the United States of this very special
meeting of the Security Council on nuclear
disarmament and the non-proliferation of weapons of
mass destruction. Mexico is convinced that global
peace and security cannot be built on the accumulation
of nuclear arsenals. It is very encouraging that the
United States and Russia, as we have heard, are
negotiating a new strategic arms reduction treaty,
precisely because the United States and Russia control
some 90 per cent of the approximately 25,000 nuclear
warheads in existence. We believe that the ultimate aim
should be the complete elimination of nuclear
weapons.

My country also welcomes the decision of the
United States to resume the legislative process for the
ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban
Treaty because that decision and the willingness to
review deterrence models proposed in the recent past
serve as an example that should inspire other countries
to follow suit. We also appreciate the decision to
reconsider projects that only generate fear and doubt in
humankind.

We cannot accept the paralysis of the multilateral
negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament. The
time has come to act. The resolution that was
negotiated in recent days in the Council and adopted at
this meeting should be the first step of a new
movement in favour of disarmament.

A growing number of States have developed
nuclear weapons or have the capacity to produce them,
ignoring the desires of humankind and of those
countries that have established vast nuclear-weaponfree
zones, such as that in Latin America and the
Caribbean. The security of the entire planet is
weakened to the extent that the number of possessors
of such weapons is growing.

Mexico supports the right of every State to avail
itself of nuclear energy for peaceful uses under the full
supervision of the relevant international entities, such
as the International Atomic Energy Agency, which is
represented here today. Given both the gradual
exhaustion of fossil fuels and their effect on global
warming, nuclear energy represents an opportunity for
sustainable development. However, only the
exclusively peaceful use of nuclear energy can allow us
to hope that those who covet nuclear arms will
abandon their intentions to acquire and use them.

There is the danger that terrorist groups could
acquire the equipment and technology to manufacture a
nuclear device. If we are to avoid that, it is of
fundamental importance that all States comply with
resolution 1540 (2004). To demonstrate its
commitment, Mexico has taken steps to join some of
the international export control regimes, beginning
with the Nuclear Suppliers Group. States should step
up their efforts in favour of disarmament and nonproliferation
without ceasing to promote the peaceful
use of nuclear energy.

Although nuclear disarmament is the central topic
of this meeting of the Security Council, Mexico should
also like to draw attention to the proliferation of
conventional weapons. Every day, the traffic in small
arms and light weapons causes approximately 1,000
deaths and 3,000 injuries worldwide. Mexico urges the
members of the Security Council to seek ways to curb
this illicit trade without prejudice to the right of each
State to buy the weaponry necessary for its legitimate
defence and the protection of its citizens. My country
considers the negotiation within the United Nations of
an arms trade treaty to be of great urgency.

The Mexican Alfonso García Robles was awarded
the Nobel Peace Prize for his work as architect and
promoter of the world’s first nuclear-weapon-free
zone — that of Latin America and the Caribbean —
through the Treaty of Tlatelolco. He held that our
children have the right to demand that their parents
leave them a world free of nuclear threats. Sixty-four
years later, we cannot burden the coming generation
with that responsibility. It is time to move ahead not
only towards non-proliferation but towards general and
complete nuclear disarmament. There is no other way;
that is the path we must take.

The President: I now give the floor to His
Excellency Mr. Heinz Fischer, Federal President of the
Republic of Austria.

President Fischer: Today, the Security Council
pronounces its commitment to a world without nuclear
weapons. For more than half a century, this goal has
been pursued by concerned citizens and political
leaders around the world. The international community
has undertaken efforts to contain the threat, but many
have adjusted to it, almost accepting the nuclear
shadow as part of life. But any such complacency is
ill-founded; we have arrived at a fork in the road. We
can maintain our course and hope that nothing
happens, or we can seek real change. Future historians
will assess whether today is a turning point. That will
not depend on words spoken but on the deeds that
follow.

In May 2010 the international community will
convene in New York at the Review Conference of the
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons (NPT). There we will have to agree
on measures that enable progress towards a nuclearweapon-
free world. For Austria, the following points
are particularly paramount.

First, the prospect of a world without nuclear
weapons must become a goal shared by all States.
Austria supports the idea of a nuclear weapons
convention equipped with a sophisticated verification
mechanism. In the meantime, the NPT remains the core
of the global nuclear disarmament and nonproliferation
regime. But to fulfil its functions
effectively it must be strengthened, it must be
institutionalized, and it must become universal.
Secondly, the nuclear weapon States must reduce
their arsenals. As you, Mr. President, noted in Prague,
“Words must mean something.” The words enshrined
in article VI of the NPT must be taken seriously. There
have been positive developments, yes; but nuclear
weapon States must do more.

Thirdly, we must devise a process for entry into
force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test-Ban Treaty.
Austria and Costa Rica, as Co-Chairs of the Article
XIV Conference, worked hard over the past two years
to promote entry into force. That will be possible,
however, only with the political commitment of the
States that still need to ratify the Treaty.

Fourthly, we must enable the Conference on
Disarmament, in Geneva, to negotiate the fissile
material cut-off treaty. As current President of the
Conference, Austria will make every effort to promote
this goal. But to achieve progress, the support of all the
members is necessary.


Fifthly, our capabilities to prevent nuclear
materials from proliferating to States and to non-State
actors must improve. Security Council resolution 1540
(2004) needs better implementation. Austria welcomes
its comprehensive review next week. Most importantly,
we must enhance the monitoring and verification
capabilities of the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) and ensure strict export control for sensitive
materials and technologies. In view of the presence of
Director General ElBaradei here today, I wish to thank
him warmly and very outspokenly for his excellent
work as head of the Agency over the last 12 years in
Vienna.

Sixthly, finally we must strengthen trust and
confidence. Nuclear-weapon-free zones contribute
significantly to sustainable stability. Regions like the
Middle East would benefit from such a regime.

Ensuring that arms control mechanisms operate in a
fair and transparent manner is crucial. Austria’s
proposal to multilateralize the nuclear fuel cycle under
the control of the IAEA could help to avoid a crisis of
trust, such as those with regard to the Iranian and
North Korean nuclear programmes.

For clarification, I would like to underline that
paragraph 11 of the resolution just adopted refers to
those countries that have decided to use nuclear energy
for peaceful energy reasons, but this is not the case in
Austria.

Austria is very satisfied that this resolution is a
strong text, a positive contribution to the ongoing
disarmament process. But resolutions are not enough.
Every State must accept responsibility and active
participation. I promise that Austria’s support will be
there. The Council can also count on the European
Union, with its well-known position on these issues
and its deep commitment to strengthening the
multilateral system. And we can rely on civil society,
which throughout the years has remained the motor
behind disarmament efforts.

Today we have identified our goals for the future.
We now need the energy, the commitment and the
persistence to move forward. The support by heads of
State and Government at this table today makes me
confident that all together we can reach our goals.
The President: I now invite the President of the
Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, His Excellency
Mr. Nguyen Minh Triet, to take the floor.
President Nguyen Minh Triet: Viet Nam
welcomes the initiative taken by President Barack
Obama of the United States, President of the Security
Council for September 2009, to convene this Security
Council summit on nuclear non-proliferation and
nuclear disarmament.

The twentieth century saw the birth of nuclear
weapons and their deadly devastation. That century
also witnessed an all round nuclear arms race that not
only increased tension in international life and wasted
resources that could have otherwise been used for
development, but also posed to the entire world an
unprecedented danger of extermination.

It was also the twentieth century that witnessed a
world movement with broad participation by
Governments, organizations and individuals
demanding the elimination of nuclear weapons and
opposing nuclear war for the preservation of peace.
Invented by man, right since their birth nuclear
weapons have always been a threat to mankind itself,
and hence strongly rejected.

Yet there still exists a nuclear stockpile capable
of destroying the entire world many times over. The
situation of proliferation of nuclear weapons is
undergoing new and complex developments. The risk
of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of terrorist
groups is increasing. Over the past decade, the world's
military spending has increased by 45 per cent, while
expenditures for nuclear armament have been many
times greater than those for Millennium Development
Goals, which were set to prevent and mitigate, inter
alia, hunger, the degradation of the environment,
adverse climate change and pandemics affecting the
lives of billions of human beings.

Viet Nam supports all initiatives and proposals of
international community to genuine disarmament,
including those contained in the position paper of the
Non-Aligned Movement circulated for this summit and
the five-point proposal of Secretary-General Ban
Ki-moon. I would like to take this opportunity to
emphasize the following points.

First, the prevention of nuclear war and nuclear
disarmament leading to the total elimination of nuclear
weapons continue to be the earnest aspiration and
urgent demand of mankind. Nuclear-weapon States,
military alliances and those countries with major
military capabilities bear primary responsibilities. Viet
Nam shares the international community's desire for
bilateral, multilateral and unilateral plans for early and
substantial reductions of nuclear stockpiles and for the
assurance of security for non-nuclear-weapon States
against the use and threat of use of nuclear weapons.
We call for an early commencement of negotiations on
an international nuclear disarmament agreement in
which those countries having largest nuclear arsenals
must take a leading role in nuclear disarmament,
because that is an urgent task to ensure world peace.

Secondly, the effectiveness of the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, including
strengthening the authority of the International Atomic
Energy Agency, must be enhanced. This Agency is
mandated to prevent the risk of proliferation of nuclear
weapons and to ensure nuclear safety and security, as
well as impartiality and equality among all States, in
accordance with international law. The agreements on
nuclear-weapon-free zones reflect the desire of States
for, and their right to, the reduction of the risk of
nuclear war, and they contribute to the
non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. On this
occasion, Viet Nam calls for States to support the
Protocol to the Treaty on the South-East Asia Nuclear-
Weapon-Free Zone, which entered into force in 1997.

Thirdly, the promotion of the use of nuclear
energy for peaceful purposes should constitute a solid
pillar of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. In this
connection, Viet Nam proposes that an international
conference on the use of nuclear energy for peaceful
purposes be convened for an exchange on issues such
as international coordination, measures to support the
development of policies, science, technology and
regulations aimed at nuclear safety and security.
It is the consistent policy of Viet Nam to oppose
war and promote disarmament for the protection of
peace. This policy reflects the earnest desire of the
Vietnamese people, who have always harboured peace
but have suffered great losses from wars, and who
therefore desire peace not only for themselves but also
for mankind. Viet Nam is party to all international
treaties prohibiting weapons of mass destruction and is
highly appreciated for its serious implementation of its
commitments, including those under Security Council
resolutions.

Humankind, which invented nuclear weapons,
must bear the responsibility for eliminating them so
that we can live in a peaceful world. Viet Nam pledges
to contribute its utmost to our common efforts to
achieve this noble objective.


The President: I now give the floor to His
Excellency Mr. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of
the Republic of Uganda.


President Museveni: I will not read out my
statement, for I would then repeat what other leaders
have said. Instead, I will make four points.
First, I thank President Obama for convening this
special meeting of the Security Council to discuss this
very important topic.

Secondly, it is clear that the possession of nuclear
weapons is the main cause of other countries wanting
to acquire them. It is not logical to say that a few of us
should possess nuclear weapons and others should not.

I am therefore very pleased to hear some countries that
have nuclear weapons say that they are aiming to get
rid of all of them.

Action leads to reaction; reaction leads to
counter-reaction. We therefore need to look at history
to see how all of this began. Germany wanted nuclear
weapons in order to dominate the world with them. The
United States beat Germany and acquired those
weapons first. It then used them. After that, the Soviet
Union had to acquire nuclear weapons in order to
counterbalance the United States; then China had to
acquire them, and so on. Thus, we can see that the
main cause of nuclear proliferation is actually the
possession of those weapons.

Thirdly, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons is based on three principles that I
think are very good: non-proliferation, disarmament
and the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

Finally, I would like to inform the Security
Council that Africa is interested not in nuclear
weapons, but in nuclear energy. The reason for our
interest in nuclear energy is that all the rivers in Africa
have a potential total hydropower capacity of
approximately 300,000 megawatts. In Africa, we
expect to have a population of 1.3 billion by 2020. The
United States, with its population of only 300 million
people, currently uses 1 million megawatts, but all the
rivers in Africa have the potential of only 300,000
megawatts. Even if all the sites on African rivers were
developed, we would not have enough electricity to
sustain our population, unless, of course, it were
scientifically proved that Africans do not need
electricity. However, if one does not come to this
absurd conclusion, it is clear that Africa will have to
use all energy sources available, including nuclear
energy.

Some people speak of solar energy, but a kilowatt
hour of solar energy currently costs about 40 United
States cents, whereas a kilowatt hour of nuclear or
hydropower energy costs about five to six cents.

Therefore, nuclear energy is of great interest to Africa.

The President: I now give the floor to His
Excellency Mr. Hu Jintao, President of the People’s
Republic of China.

President Hu Jintao (spoke in Chinese): The
current international security environment is complex
and fluid. Nuclear proliferation remains a pressing
issue and nuclear disarmament a long and arduous task.

To create a safer world for all, we must first and
foremost remove the threat of nuclear war. I would like
to propose in this connection that we make efforts in
the following five areas.

First, we should maintain global strategic balance
and stability and vigorously advance nuclear
disarmament. All nuclear-weapon States should, in
good faith, fulfil their obligations under article VI of
the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons (NPT) and publicly undertake not to seek the
permanent possession of nuclear weapons. Countries
with the largest nuclear arsenals should continue to
take the lead in making drastic and substantive
reductions in their nuclear weapons.

The Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty
should enter into force at an early date, and
negotiations on a fissile material cut-off treaty should
start as soon as possible. When conditions are ripe,
other nuclear-weapon States should also join the
multilateral negotiations on nuclear disarmament. To
attain the ultimate goal of complete and thorough
nuclear disarmament, the international community
should develop, at an appropriate time, a viable longterm
plan composed of phased actions, including the
conclusion of a convention on the complete prohibition
of nuclear weapons.

Secondly, the international community should
abandon the nuclear deterrence policy based on first
use of nuclear weapons and take credible steps to
reduce the threat of nuclear weapons. All nuclearweapon
States should make a firm and unconditional
commitment not to use or threaten to use nuclear
weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States or nuclearweapon-
free zones, and conclude a legally binding
international instrument in this regard. In the
meantime, nuclear-weapon States should negotiate and
conclude a treaty on the non-first use of nuclear
weapons.

Thirdly, we should consolidate the international
nuclear non-proliferation regime and prevent the
proliferation of nuclear weapons. All countries should
join the NPT and make genuine efforts to uphold and
enhance its authority and effectiveness. The safeguards
functions of the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) should be strengthened. All countries should
strictly comply with non-proliferation obligations,
refrain from resort to double standards, and tighten and
improve export controls to prevent proliferation.

Fourthly, the right of all countries to the peaceful
use of nuclear energy must be fully respected and
active international cooperation undertaken in that
regard. Developed countries should actively assist
developing countries in developing and using nuclear
energy for peaceful purposes. The IAEA should
increase its efforts to promote technical cooperation
and assistance in nuclear power, nuclear safety and
security, and nuclear technology applications.

Fifthly, the international community should take
strong measures to enhance nuclear security and reduce
nuclear risks. Countries should act in strict observance
of all international legal instruments governing nuclear
security, take credible steps to ensure the security of
their nuclear facilities and materials, and effectively
prevent the diversion of nuclear materials. The
international community should intensify cooperation
and combat nuclear terrorism through concerted
efforts.

China has consistently stood for the complete
prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear
weapons. I wish to take this opportunity to solemnly
reiterate that China is firmly committed to a nuclear
strategy of self-defence. We have adhered to the policy
of no first use of nuclear weapons at any time or under
any circumstances, and have made an unequivocal
commitment that we will unconditionally not use or
threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclearweapon
States or nuclear-weapon-free zones. China
does not participate in any form of nuclear arms race.


We will continue to keep our nuclear capabilities at the
minimum level required for national security and make
efforts to advance the international nuclear
disarmament process. China will continue to play a
constructive role in upholding the international nuclear
non-proliferation regime.


The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the French Republic,
to take the floor.


President Sarkozy (spoke in French): France
fully supports your initiative to hold this meeting,
Mr. President, as well as the efforts you have made
with Russia to reduce nuclear arsenals. However, let us
speak frankly. We are here to guarantee peace. We are
right to talk about the future. But the present comes
before the future, and the present includes two major
nuclear crises. The peoples of the entire world are
listening to what we are saying, including our
promises, commitments and speeches. But we live in
the real world, not in a virtual one.

We say that we must reduce. President Obama
himself has said that he dreams of a world without
nuclear weapons. Before our very eyes, two countries
are doing exactly the opposite at this very moment.
Since 2005, Iran has violated five Security Council
resolutions. Since 2005, the international community
has called on Iran to engage in dialogue. A proposal for
dialogue was made in 2005. A proposal for dialogue
was made in 2006. A proposal for dialogue was made
in 2007. A proposal for dialogue was made in 2008.
And another was made in April 2009. President
Obama, I support America’s extended hand. But what
have those proposals for dialogue produced for the
international community? Nothing but more enriched
uranium and more centrifuges. And last but not least, it
has resulted in a statement by Iranian leaders calling
for wiping off the map a Member of the United
Nations. What are we to do? What conclusion are we to
draw? At a certain moment, hard facts will force us to
take decisions. If we want a world without nuclear
weapons in the future, we must not accept violations of
international rules. I completely understand the
differing positions of others. But all of us may one day
be threatened by a neighbour that has acquired nuclear
weapons.


Secondly, there is North Korea — and there it is
even more striking. It has violated every Security
Council decision since 1993. It pays absolutely no
attention to what the international community says.


Even more, it continues ballistic testing. How can we
accept that? What conclusions should we draw? I say
that also in this case, whatever the opposition, at a
certain moment we will all have to unite to adopt
sanctions and to ensure that Security Council and
United Nations decisions are complied with.


Lastly, I share the views of the Presidents of
Uganda and China with regard to access to nuclear
energy for civilian purposes. We the nuclear Powers
must accept the transfer of technology in order that
everyone can have access to this clean energy. I should
add that this should prevent those claiming to be
carrying out nuclear research for civilian purposes
from conflating their activities with military research.
We support the totality of what is contained in the
resolution. We also fully support President Obama’s
initiative. I hope that we will have the courage together
to declare sanctions against countries that violate
Security Council resolutions. In doing so, we will
confer credibility on our commitment to a future world
with fewer nuclear weapons and, perhaps one day, a
world free of nuclear weapons.


The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Blaise Compaore, President of Burkina Faso, to
take the floor.


President Compaore (spoke in French): Today’s
Security Council meeting is addressing a major issue
concerning current challenges in the area of
non-proliferation and nuclear disarmament. This is a
timely meeting in the light of the numerous enormous
potential risks for the planet’s destruction. I would
therefore like to convey to you, Mr. President, as well
as to the entire delegation of the United States, my
gratitude for having taking the initiative to hold this
debate.


International security requires a cessation of
nuclear tests and the elimination of all nuclear arsenals.
In that regard, Burkina Faso calls for strict adherence
to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear
Weapons. The irreversible and devastating effects of
nuclear weapons should be a source of additional
motivation for all of us.


Collective security entails respect by all for
international norms and the values of justice and
equity. It also requires that we consider the following
issues in depth: How are we to dissuade States from
renouncing the acquisition of weapons of mass

destruction when other countries are developing
nuclear programmes and carrying out tests? How can
we contemplate a civilian nuclear programme without
causing suspicion and mistrust? How can we prevent
nuclear material from falling into careless and
irresponsible hands? The possession of and illicit
trafficking in nuclear, biological and chemical weapons
by non-State actors and terrorist groups pose a real
threat for all humankind.

It is therefore important to combine and intensify
our efforts to ensure the effective implementation of
the measures that have been adopted to combat this
scourge. Our collective responsibility is clearly
involved here. We must fully assume that responsibility
courageously and with perseverance. Mobilization by
all States, regional and subregional organizations, civil
society and opinion-makers is essential. The fair,
transparent and responsible implementation of
resolutions will help to reduce antagonism and tension
and, above all, to restore trust between all countries.

Likewise, more rational use of such instruments and
mechanisms as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons, the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-
Ban Treaty and the Conference on Disarmament will
contribute to making the world a safer place.

Mr. President, your dedication to building a world
free from nuclear dangers and the process begun
between the United States of America and the Russian
Federation augur well for the success of the ongoing
negotiations on reducing the nuclear arsenals of both
countries.

The establishment of the International Atomic
Energy Agency responded to the need to protect the
world from the harmful use of the atom and to benefit
from nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Now more
than ever, we must commit ourselves to that goal,
support the Agency and make civilian nuclear
energy — to which all States have a right — an
effective tool for development. That is the will that
justified the 1996 adoption of the Treaty of Pelindaba,
establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in Africa. In
the context of the energy crisis, African States should
thus be given an opportunity to gain access to nuclear
energy for civilian purposes.

The question of nuclear non-proliferation and
disarmament is at the heart of the problems related to
the maintenance of international peace and security.
The Security Council has a particular role to play in
that regard. In accordance with the Charter of the
United Nations, it must assume that role with
objectivity and effectiveness.

Mr. President, aware of the force of your
convictions, your personal commitment to
multilateralism, your opinions and your courageous
initiatives on the problems of disarmament, I remain
convinced that you will be able to assume the
leadership necessary for the implementation of the
outcome of our work. I can assure you of the full
cooperation of Burkina Faso in that regard.


The President: I now invite His Excellency The
Right Honourable Gordon Brown, Prime Minister of
the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland, to take the floor.


Mr. Brown (United Kingdom): With the
unanimous agreement today, under the leadership of
President Obama, and with the great speeches that have
been made around this table, we are sending a united,
unequivocal and undivided message across the world
today that we, as leaders of nuclear-weapon States and
non-nuclear-weapon States, are together committed to
creating the conditions for a world free from nuclear
weapons.


Today’s meeting is also a recognition that we are
at a decisive moment. We face the risks of a new and
dangerous era of new State nuclear-weapon holders
and perhaps even non-State nuclear-weapon holders.


So, as we prepare for next year’s summit in
Washington, D.C., and the Review Conference of the
Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of
Nuclear Weapons — and, I am pleased to say, on the
advice that we have received from the great statesmen
who are here today, Mr. Schultz, Mr. Perry,
Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Nunn, as well as from all the
countries around this table — I believe we should be
prepared to act now to renew and refresh for our times
the global bargain that is at the heart of the nonproliferation
Treaty. It is a bargain under which we
affirm the rights and responsibilities of those countries
which forgo nuclear weapons, and it is a bargain under
which there are tough responsibilities to be discharged
by nuclear-weapon States.

I believe that there are three elements to the
renewal of the non-proliferation Treaty. First, we have
to be clear that civil nuclear power remains an essential
part of any solution to the challenges of climate change
and energy security, that that means that access to this
S/PV.6191
14 09-52314
affordable, safe and dependable energy source must be
expanded and that, as we have heard from Africa today,
we should be prepared to offer access to civil nuclear
power to non-nuclear-weapon States.


In doing so, I believe that we must, as the
international community, be completely confident that
we are able to ensure effective mechanisms for
multilateral control of the entire fuel cycle,
safeguarding fissile material and preventing
proliferation with tough and immediate sanctions for
those who break the rules. Our country recently
published ideas on how that might be done and how we
might establish a new partnership among industry,
academia and Governments to solve the technical and
policy challenges in this area. I hope that others will
join us in this work.


Secondly, accompanied with access of nonnuclear-
power States to civil nuclear power, we must
strengthen the non-proliferation regime, for increased
access to civil nuclear power must not mean increased
risk of the further proliferation of nuclear weapons. I
believe that the lesson of recent months is that we
cannot stand by when Iran and North Korea reject the
opportunities of peaceful civil nuclear power and
instead take steps to develop nuclear weapons in a way
that threatens regional peace and security.

Today, I believe, we have to draw a line in the
sand. Iran must not allow its actions to prevent the
international community from moving forward to a
more peaceful era. And, as evidence of its breach of
international agreements grows, we must now consider
far tougher sanctions together. I believe that, in future,
the onus of proof must be on those who breach the
non-proliferation Treaty, and we must give the
International Atomic Energy Agency the resources it
requires to meet and discharge its responsibilities.
I hope that we can also make more progress on
securing the entry into force of the Comprehensive
Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty and make real advances on a
fissile material cut-off treaty. And we must take
collective action together to enhance nuclear security
globally to ensure that terrorist groups cannot gain
access to nuclear materials. I warmly welcome
President Obama’s initiative to hold a summit on
nuclear security next year. Today, the United Kingdom
deposited with the United Nations our instrument of
ratification of the International Convention for the
Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism, and I hope
that other countries will do likewise.


But there is a third obligation in these future
negotiations. Nuclear-weapon States must pursue
active disarmament with a credible road map that will
command the confidence of all non-nuclear-weapon
States. We should commit to making irreversible the
steps on disarmament that we have already taken; we
should work together to map out the next steps on the
road to the elimination of nuclear weapons. Credibility
is the key, and the International Atomic Energy Agency
already undertakes detailed inspections. We need to be
more transparent if we are rapidly and verifiably to
reduce nuclear weapons globally.


The United Kingdom has already taken some
major steps towards disarmament, reducing by 75 per
cent the explosive power of our stockpile. France has
made important progress too. And, of course, the
United States and Russia have made strong progress on
negotiating a new treaty on strategic offensive arms.
The current plan to reduce warhead stockpiles to fewer
than 1,500 should, in our view, be followed by further
reductions of all nuclear-weapon types. Thereafter, we
believe, the talks should be expanded to include all
other countries. Britain is determined to play its part in
full, making our deterrent part of a broader negotiation.


We stand ready to participate and to act. I pledge
today that the United Kingdom will retain only the
absolute minimum credible and continuing nuclear
deterrent capability. As a demonstration of that pledge,
I can say that today, subject to technical analysis and to
progress in multilateral negotiations, my aim is that,
when the next class of submarines enters service in the
mid-2020s, our fleet should be reduced from four boats
to three. I have therefore directed our National Security
Committee to report to me before the end of this year.

This conference today recognizes that we are at a
watershed moment. The choices being made now by
each nation will determine whether we face a future
arms race or a future of arms control. But if we rise to
this challenge, then our generation — a generation that
has known all too often only the horrors of conflict and
the perils of proliferation — will be remembered not
for the years of tension, but for the years of progress.

And we will be remembered for the time we came
together to secure the future of our world for
generations to come.


The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Yukio Hatoyama, Prime Minister of Japan, to take
the floor.


Mr. Hatoyama (Japan): At the outset, I would
like to express my sincere gratitude to President
Obama for his timely initiative to hold this meeting.

On 6 and 9 August this year, I visited Hiroshima
and Nagasaki and spoke in person with atomic bomb
survivors and their second- and third-generation
descendants. I cannot help feeling choked with emotion
at the fact that just two atomic bombs claimed more
than 200,000 lives, and at seeing people who still
suffer from the after-effects of radiation more than
60 years after the bombings. I would like to encourage
all leaders of the world to visit Hiroshima and
Nagasaki and absorb with their own eyes and ears the
cruelty of nuclear weapons.


As a matter of historical fact, Japan chose not to
possess nuclear weapons even after achieving its postwar
reconstruction. In 1970, Japan signed the Treaty on
the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) and
ratified it six years later. In 1996, Japan signed the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and
ratified it a year later.


Why has Japan chosen to walk a non-nuclear path
when it has the potential to develop nuclear arms?
Japan is the only country that has suffered from atomic
bombing. However, Japan has chosen this path to
prevent the vicious cycle of a nuclear arms race. Japan
made this choice because, as the only victim of nuclear
bombing, it saw moral responsibility in doing so.

Each time neighbouring countries take further
steps in nuclear development, some suspect that Japan
might want to go nuclear. That is only because they do
not understand our firm determination not to acquire
nuclear weapons and to fulfil our responsibility to act
as the State that has suffered from atomic bombing.

I hereby renew Japan’s firm commitment to the
three non-nuclear principles. However, it is not
sufficient for Japan to just renounce the possession of
nuclear weapons. Despite our wish for the elimination
of nuclear weapons, nuclear-weapon-holding States
still possess large nuclear arsenals and the world
remains under the threat of nuclear proliferation.

It is a harsh reality that efforts for nuclear
non-proliferation have come to a critical moment in the
face of challenges such as the nuclear issue of the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran and
the risk of terrorists acquiring nuclear material and
technology. Thus, Japan should take the lead in the
pursuit of the elimination of nuclear weapons.

The vision of a world without nuclear weapons
proposed by President Obama this April has
encouraged and inspired people around the world. It is
high time for us to take action.

First, Japan calls upon nuclear weapon States to
reduce their nuclear arsenals. Progress in ensuring
transparency and in disclosing information will enable
confidence-building, thus creating a virtuous cycle for
further nuclear disarmament. The creation of a nuclearweapon-
free zone, when coordinated between the five
nuclear weapon States — the Permanent Five — and
non-nuclear-weapon States in the region, would also
contribute to nuclear disarmament and
non-proliferation and consequently to global and
regional peace and security, as stated in today’s
resolution.

Secondly, Japan again strongly encourages the
early entry into force of the CTBT and the immediate
commencement of negotiations on a fissile material
cut-off treaty. I recall that a Japanese fishing boat
named “Daigo Fukuryū Maru” encountered the
hydrogen bomb testing at the Bikini atoll in the South
Pacific on 4 March 1954. Freezing the capability of
nuclear Powers to produce nuclear weapons by a fissile
material cut-off treaty would contribute to both nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. It would also
constitute an indispensable measure towards making
the NPT regime more universally equitable. We have
no time to waste.

Thirdly, Japan itself will engage in active
diplomacy to lead international efforts in nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation. For example, Japan
will submit a draft resolution on nuclear disarmament
to the General Assembly, support the activities of the
International Commission on Nuclear Non-Proliferation
and Disarmament co-chaired by Madam Kawaguchi of
Japan and Mr. Evans of Australia, and promote efforts
to strengthen the skills, expertise and resources of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).


I wish to express my respect for the role played
by Director General ElBaradei of the IAEA. I also wish
to express my trust and confidence in and strong
support for the soon-to-be new Director General,
Ambassador Amano.


Fourthly, Japan will make a resolute response to
nuclear proliferation activities. The nuclear
development of the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea poses a great threat to the peace and security of
Japan and the international community and must not be
tolerated. Japan will take necessary measures to
implement Security Council resolution 1874 (2009)
more effectively. Japan is also concerned about the
nuclear issue of Iran. In this regard, the Security
Council plays an increasingly important role, and
Japan calls for the strengthening of the Council.

Furthermore, Japan will contribute to the nuclear
security summit to be held next year.

Fifthly, as stated in the resolution adopted today,
it is necessary to reduce the risk of proliferation and to
adhere to the highest level of standards in each area of
nuclear safeguards, security and safety when using
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes.

The period up to the NPT Review Conference in
May next year will be critically important in testing the
ability of the international community to take
pragmatic steps forward toward nuclear disarmament
and non-proliferation. All the nations of the world,
with or without nuclear weapons, have the
responsibility to take action towards nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation.

The President: I now invite His Excellency
Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prime Minister of the
Republic of Turkey, to take the floor.


Mr. Erdoğan (Turkey) (spoke in Turkish; English
text provided by the delegation): It gives me great
pleasure to be here today. Let me at the outset extend
my sincere thanks to President Obama for his initiative
to convene this Security Council summit focusing on
nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, as well as
nuclear safety and security. The summit gives us an
opportunity to discuss these issues, which require
global attention and attention at the highest level.


Those factors make this meeting very pertinent and
timely. We share a common responsibility towards
humanity on these matters.


Forty years ago, when the threat of nuclear
destruction was hovering over the fortunes of mankind
with a greater magnitude than today, leaders of the
world united to produce the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), which is
indisputably one of the most important treaties of the
twentieth century. The Treaty is very important because
it reflects mankind’s universal and fundamental desire
for peace and security. Today it remains as relevant and
indispensable as it was 40 years ago, with its three
mutually reinforcing pillars: non-proliferation, nuclear
disarmament/general and complete disarmament, and
the peaceful use of nuclear energy.

Over the years, much has been achieved along
these lines. However, there is still a need to bolster the
integrity and credibility of the NPT regime. Therefore,
I believe that today’s meeting is an important
opportunity to demonstrate our readiness to achieve
these goals and demonstrate strong global ownership to
this end. I believe that will re-energize the international
community and lead to new initiatives as we head
towards the NPT Review Conference next year.

There is a need for an incremental and sustained
approach with respect to nuclear disarmament. In this
regard, the unequivocal undertaking by all five nuclear
weapon States to accomplish the total elimination of
their nuclear arsenals is therefore one of the big
achievements of the NPT. This responsibility must now
be upheld, building on article VI of the Treaty and the
13 practical steps for nuclear disarmament agreed upon
in year 2000. It is in this context that we welcome and
encourage the efforts to replace the Strategic Arms
Reduction Treaty (START) with a new legally binding
instrument.

Irreversible progress on nuclear disarmament will
also reinforce the other two pillars of the NPT. In
particular, it is important that nuclear non-proliferation
should go hand in hand with nuclear disarmament
efforts. That should include the entry into force of the
Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, the initiation
of negotiations for a fissile material cut-off treaty in
the Conference on Disarmament and promoting role of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as the
sole multilateral body in advancing the safe and
peaceful use of nuclear technology.

On the other hand, Turkey believes that States in
full compliance with their safeguards obligations
should enjoy unfettered access to civilian nuclear
energy as enshrined in the NPT. We believe that in this
day and age, having weapons of mass destruction is not
going to bring additional safety or security to any
country. On the contrary, those weapons endanger
peace and stability. It is for that reason that Turkey
believes that it is very important to have nuclear-free
zones, especially and starting with the Middle East,
and we continue to support such activities in all areas,
particularly in the Middle East.

It is also very important that the safety of nuclear
resources remain a priority issue for the international
community. There is no doubt that confidence in
nuclear sources will continue to be very important. On
the other hand, nuclear terrorism and illicit trafficking
in nuclear material pose a grave security threat that
needs to be addressed with a global commitment.

Within this framework, we should work on a
comprehensive and mutually reinforcing approach,
making use of available United Nations and IAEA
conventions, as well as other applicable multilateral
instruments. Resolution 1540 (2004) and its effective
implementation is thus of great importance.

Against this background, I would like to take this
opportunity to say that we support the resolution that
we voted upon this morning (resolution 1887 (2009)).
Mr. Shalgham (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (spoke
in Arabic): At the outset, allow me to express the
appreciation of the Libyan delegation for the Council’s
initiative in holding this summit and for the United
States delegation’s preparation of the draft resolution
we just voted upon (resolution 1887 (2009)).

My country undertook an historic initiative when
it voluntarily ceased production of the nuclear bomb it
was on the verge of producing. In so doing, it greatly
served the cause of international peace and security.

The decision was based on our deep belief in the
primacy of peace for all mankind over any limited
national motivations. Libya deserves the thanks and
gratitude of the world. Libya must be helped to use
nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Indeed,
furthermore, because of the great service it made to
international peace and security, Libya deserves a
permanent seat in the Security Council.

All States have the right to develop their
capabilities to use nuclear energy and enrich nuclear
fuel — but for peaceful purposes only. States must be
encouraged to use nuclear energy for peaceful means.
However, the world cannot accept attempts by any
States to produce nuclear weapons.

As brother leader Muammar Al-Qadhafi stated
before the General Assembly yesterday, the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) must
inspect all States, including those possessing nuclear
weapons. Its role must not be limited to non-nuclear
States alone if we wish the Agency to be a truly
effective international agency. However, if its role is
limited to non-nuclear States, the Agency will lose its
global character. The Agency must monitor all States
without exception.


We want the Middle East to be a nuclear-weaponfree
zone, a fully free zone. However, the Israeli
Dimona nuclear plant must be inspected. Israel cannot
remain above the law. The IAEA must have open
access to Dimona. Otherwise, all the States of the
Middle East will say, “We have the right to acquire
nuclear weapons; why Israel alone?”


Nuclear energy is just another type of energy, just
like oil and natural gas. As President Museveni stated,
States requiring energy must be helped to use this
important source of energy, but for peaceful purposes
alone. At the same time, we cannot accept the military
use of such energy, as it is the most dangerous weapon
threatening mankind.

In conclusion, we support the paper presented by
the Non-Aligned Movement to the summit, and I thank
you, Mr. President, for your initiative. Let me express
our appreciation of the United States delegation for
preparing the draft resolution we voted on this morning
(resolution 1887 (2009)).


The President: I shall now give the floor to the
Director General of the International Atomic Energy
Agency, Mr. Mohamed ElBaradei, in accordance with
rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure of the
Council.


Mr. ElBaradei: Mr. President, thank you for
inviting me to address this timely, and I hope
groundbreaking, summit. I would like to thank you,
Sir, for taking this courageous initiative, an initiative
that rekindles hope for a world at peace with itself and
a security system that is balanced, equitable and
humane.

I will limit myself to a few key issues.

First, the global nuclear non-proliferation regime
is fragile and has many shortcomings. The legal
authority of the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA) is severely limited in some countries because
many States have not concluded the required
agreements with the Agency. As a result, in over
90 States the Agency either has no verification
authority at all or its authority is inadequate. That
means we often cannot verify whether or not a country
is engaged in clandestine nuclear activities.

Furthermore, our verification mandate is centred on
nuclear material. If the Agency is to be expected to
pursue possible weaponization activities, it must be
empowered with the corresponding legal authority.

A second issue is the growing number of States
that have mastered uranium enrichment or plutonium
reprocessing. Any one of these States could develop
nuclear weapons in a very short span of time, if, for
example, it decided to withdraw from the Treaty on the
Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT).

To address this, I believe that we need to move
from national to multinational control of the nuclear
fuel cycle. As a first step, I have proposed the
establishment of a low enriched uranium bank to assure
States a guaranteed supply of nuclear fuel for their
reactors so that they might not need their own
enrichment or reprocessing capability. A number of
complementary proposals have also been made in that
regard. Our ultimate goal, however, should be the full
multinationalization of the fuel cycle as we move
towards nuclear disarmament.

A third issue is providing the highest level of
security for nuclear and radioactive material. In my
view, the biggest risk the world faces today is that of
extremists getting hold of such material. More than
200 incidents of illicit trafficking, losses or thefts were
reported to the IAEA last year. And this might be only
the tip of the iceberg. We need to intensify our efforts
to secure vulnerable nuclear and radioactive material.

The Council’s initiative to secure such material within
four years could not be more timely.

A fourth issue is the need to strengthen the IAEA.
I should emphasize that, at the current level of funding,
the IAEA will not be able to fulfil its mission in
nuclear verification and security. The Agency
infrastructure is dilapidated, and we lack state-of-theart
technology key to modern-day verification.

A fifth issue is that the IAEA cannot do its work
in isolation. It depends on a supportive political
process, with the Security Council at its core. The
Council needs to develop a comprehensive compliance
mechanism to address, in a consistent and systematic
manner, cases of non-compliance with safeguards
obligations or of countries withdrawing from the NPT.

This should include giving the Agency the additional
authority it may need to deal with specific cases.
A sixth issue is that the Security Council must put
more emphasis on addressing the insecurities that lie
behind many cases of proliferation, such as endemic
conflicts, security imbalances and lack of trust.

Finally, I am grateful to see nuclear disarmament
back at the top of the international agenda. I would like
to express my gratitude to the “four horsemen” —
George Shultz, Henry Kissinger, Sam Nunn and
William Perry — for their pioneering work, their
statesmanship and their contribution to making this
environment a reality. I am also grateful to see a
recognition of the intrinsic link between nuclear
disarmament and non-proliferation, an idea that you,
Mr. President, have expressed quite often.


By demonstrating their irreversible commitment
to achieving a world free from nuclear weapons, the
weapon States can greatly contribute to the legitimacy
of the non-proliferation regime and gain the moral
authority to call on the rest of the world to curb the
proliferation of these inhumane weapons.


To turn the ideas discussed today into action will
require an environment of mutual trust, which I hope
this summit will help to create.


The President: There are no other speakers
inscribed on my list.


I want to thank all the participants for their
contributions to this meeting. My thanks go
particularly to all the distinguished heads of State and
Government, the Secretary-General and the Director
General of the International Atomic Energy Agency.


The statements that we heard today, I think, affirm our
commitment to a difficult but achievable goal.

I am inspired and encouraged by the seriousness
with which all of you have approached this question. I
am extraordinarily encouraged by the unanimous
adoption of the resolution. Words alone will not get the
job done, but with our having affirmed our stated goal,

I am confident that if we are diligent we can in fact
move this process forward and provide the sort of
peace and security for our children and our
grandchildren that all of us so desperately want.

I want to thank all of you, again, for your
participation.

The meeting rose at 11.20 a.m.