two recent Pew Hispanic reports

[molly]

The Pew Hispanic Center regularly publishes reports on social and
demographic issues affecting Latinos. Liks to these and all of the
reports are available on the website:

http://pewhispanic.org/

http://pewhispanic.org/reports/report.php?ReportID=114
10.7.2009
The Changing Pathways of Hispanic Youths Into Adulthood

by Richard Fry, Senior Research Associate, Pew Hispanic Center
Report Materials

Download PDF Complete Report

Other Resources
Graphic

Young Latino adults in the United States are more likely to be in
school or the work force now than their counterparts were in previous
generations. In 1970, 77% of Hispanics ages 16 to 251 were either
working, going to school or serving in the military; by 2007, 86% of
Latinos in this coming-of-age group were taking part in these skill-
building endeavors, according to a comprehensive analysis of four
decades of Census Bureau data by the Pew Hispanic Center, a project of
the Pew Research Center.

The growth over time in the share of youths involved in such market-
oriented activities is not limited to Latinos. Similar changes have
occurred among black and white youths. But the Latino trends are
particularly noteworthy because their share of the young adult
population has risen so dramatically during this period-to 18% in
2007, more than triple their 5% share in 1970.

The increase in their attachment to school or the work world (which
includes employment by the military) has been driven mainly by the
changes in the endeavors of young Hispanic females. In 1970, only one-
third of young female Hispanics were enrolled in school or college; by
2007, nearly half of young female Hispanics were pursuing schooling.

The labor force participation of young female Latinos has also grown
during this time period, from 40% in 1970 to 54% in 2007.

Even with these gains, however, nearly one-in-five (19%) female Latino
young adults in 2007 were not in school or in the work force. This
figure exceeds the 16% share of young black men who were not in school
or in the work force, a surprising comparison in light of the fact
that the labor market and schooling difficulties of young black men
have received much more public attention than have those of young
Hispanic women.

In the case of young Latinas, motherhood accounts for some-but not
most-of their detachment from work and school. Birthrates among young
Latino women are higher than those of whites or blacks, but these
rates have been falling for decades. In 1970, two-thirds of the young
Hispanic women who were not in school or the work force were mothers;
by 2007, this share had dropped to less than a majority.

Looking more broadly at the changing pathways into adulthood across
all dimensions of race and ethnicity, Hispanic youths (young men and
women combined) lagged behind white youths in 2007 by about the same
gap that their counterparts trailed whites in 1970. In 2007, 93% of
white youths were either in school or working, compared with 86% of
Hispanic youths. Hispanics also had a lower school enrollment rate
(44%) in 2007 than either white (58%) or black (53%) youths. The labor
force participation rate of young Hispanics in 2007-62%-also trailed
the rate of white youths (66%), due to the lower labor force
participation of young Hispanic females.

Meanwhile, engagement rates for Hispanic and black youths were
identical in 2007 (86%), and they were also very close in 1970 (77%
and 78%, respectively).

The report presents a comprehensive analysis of the basic activities
or pathways of Hispanic, white and black youths ages 16 to 25. Using
data on youths from the Decennial Census micro data files of 1970,
1980, 1990 and 2000 and the comparable U.S. Census Bureau's 2007
American Community Survey (ACS), all youths residing in the United
States are analyzed and thus the important pathways of service in the
military as well as incarceration in correctional facilities can be
quantified.

______________________

1This report refers to those who are ages 16 to 25 as "young adults"
or "youths."


Other Resources

Lopez, Mark. "Latinos and Education: Explaining the Attainment Gap,"
Pew Hispanic Center, Washington, D.C. (October 7, 2009).

National Center for Education Statistics. Dropout and Completion Rates
in the United States: 2007. September 2009. NCES 2009-064. Washington,
DC: National Center for Education Statistics.

Holzer, Harry J. and Paul Offner. 2001. Trends in Employment Outcomes
of Young Black Men, 1979-2000. Washington, DC: Georgetown University
Public Policy Institute.

Ahituv, Avner and Marta Tienda. "Employment, Motherhood, and School
Continuation Decisions of Young White, Black, and Hispanic Women,"
Journal of Labor Economics, vol. 22, no. 1 (January 2004).

http://pewglobal.org/reports/display.php?ReportID=266
Most Mexicans See Better Life in U.S. - One In Three Would Migrate
Troubled by Crime, the Economy, Drugs and Corruption

Released: 09.23.09

Overview

Download Complete Report

Facing a variety of national problems - crime, drugs, corruption, a
troubled economy - Mexicans overwhelmingly are dissatisfied with the
direction of their country. With drug-related violence affecting much
of Mexico, large majorities describe crime (81%) and illegal drugs
(73%) as very big problems, and Mexicans overwhelmingly endorse
President Felipe Calderón's tough stance against drug traffickers.

Most believe life is better in the United States. Close to six-in-ten
(57%) say that people who move from Mexico enjoy a better life in the
U.S., up from 51% in 2007. And the vast majority of those who are in
regular contact with friends and relatives living in the U.S. say
those friends and relatives have largely achieved their goals.

A substantial minority of Mexicans say that if they had the means and
opportunity to go live in the U.S. they would do so, and more than
half of those who would migrate if they had the chance say they would
do so without authorization.

Nonetheless, immigration data show a drop-off in recent years in the
annual flow of Mexican immigrants to the U.S. 1 This decline may be
tied in part to the economic downturn in the U.S., which has resulted
in fewer jobs for immigrants. Four-in-ten Mexicans say they know
someone who left for the U.S. but returned because they could not find
a job, although even more (47%) report knowing someone who returned
because they were turned back by the border patrol.

And some may see expanding job opportunities in the Mexican economy.
Although 69% say the current economy is bad, most are upbeat about the
future: 61% expect the national economy to improve over the next 12
months, while only 14% think it will get worse.

The close ties between people in the U.S. and Mexico are reflected in
the survey's findings - 39% of Mexicans have friends or relatives in
the U.S. Nearly one-in-five (18%) Mexicans say they receive money from
relatives living in another country, although this represents a slight
decline from 2007, when 23% said they received money from outside.

These are the latest findings from the 2009 survey of Mexico by the
Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project. Face-to-face
interviews were conducted with 1,000 adults in Mexico between May 26
and June 2, 2009. The sample is representative of the country's adult
population, and the margin of sampling error for the results is plus
or minus three percentage points.2 The Mexico poll is part of a
broader survey of 25 publics conducted by the Pew Global Attitudes
Project (Mexico was surveyed as part of the Spring 2009 Pew Global
Attitudes Survey, which included 24 nations and the Palestinian
territories. For more findings from this survey, see Confidence in
Obama Lifts U.S. Image around the World; Most Muslim Publics Not So
Easily Moved, released July 23, 2009).
Support for Tough Stance Against Drug Gangs
There is a widespread concern about illegal drugs in Mexico, and broad
support for using force to combat the violent drug gangs plaguing much
of the nation. With more than 10,000 deaths from drug-related violence
since President Calderón took office in December 2006, Mexicans
clearly see this issue as one of the main challenges facing their
country: 95% rate it a big problem.

Calderón has responded to the drug traffickers with unprecedented
force, deploying the army to major cities to combat the gangs. As the
survey illustrates, the public overwhelmingly backs this strategy: 83%
support using the Mexican army to fight drug traffickers, while just
12% oppose the idea.

Moreover, most Mexicans believe the efforts are effective - 66% say
the army is making progress against the traffickers, while only 15%
think it is losing ground. The popularity of the tough stance against
drug gangs seems to be bolstering support for Calderón. Roughly two-
thirds (68%) have a favorable opinion of the president, while only 29%
express an unfavorable view.

There is also considerable support for U.S. assistance in fighting the
drug war. Almost eight-in-ten want the U.S. to train Mexican police
and military personnel, and 63% want the U.S. to send money and
weapons to the Mexican police and military. However, there is little
appetite for having American troops on Mexican soil - only 30% want
U.S. forces deployed to Mexico to fight drug traffickers.

The survey makes clear the extent to which Mexicans want law and order
in their country. A majority (56%) believe that, right now, law and
order should be a more important priority for the government than
protecting personal freedoms. Only 18% believe individual freedoms
should be the bigger priority, while about one-quarter (24%) volunteer
that both are equally important.

The survey also reveals serious differences in how some of the main
institutions involved in the drug war are perceived. Mexicans largely
approve of the job the military is doing - 77% say it is having a good
impact on the country. On the other hand, the court system (37% say it
is having a good impact) and the police (35%) receive generally poor
reviews.
U.S. Image Improves
The Pew Global Attitudes survey found that America's overall image
improved significantly across much of the world over the last year,
and Mexico is no exception. While slightly less than half (47%)
expressed a positive opinion of the U.S. in 2008, 69% do so now. Views
of the American people also have become more positive since 2008.

And in a pattern found throughout much of the world, President Barack
Obama receives considerably more favorable reviews than his
predecessor, George W. Bush. Interestingly, however, Mexico is one of
the few countries included in the survey where the U.S. as a country
receives higher marks than President Obama or the American people.

Overall, Mexicans believe they benefit from the deep economic ties
between the U.S. and their country - about three-in-four (76%) say
that these ties are good for Mexico. Nonetheless, many see America's
economic crisis spilling across the border, and most say that, right
now, the U.S. is having a negative economic impact on Mexico.
Government Gets Good Marks for Handling Swine Flu
When the survey was conducted in late May and early June, nearly all
of those surveyed (93%) had heard of the swine flu (also known as the
H1N1 virus). And most of those who had heard of it were worried that
they or someone in their family could be exposed to the illness. Even
so, despite the fact that the first outbreak of the 2009 swine flu
began in Mexico, concern about the disease was lower among Mexicans
than among several other publics included in the spring 2009 survey -
in eight of the 25 publics, the level of concern about swine flu was
higher than in Mexico.

The Mexican government received high marks for its handling of the
swine flu outbreak. Roughly three-in-four (76%) of those who had heard
about the virus said the government was doing a good job of dealing
with it. Support for the government's handling of the crisis was
widespread, both among those who identify with President Calderón's
National Action Party (PAN) (83% approve) and those who identify with
the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) (77%).

Also of Note:

* The economic downturn has not led to a decrease in support for
trade. In fact, the share of the public who believes growing trade and
business ties between nations are good for Mexico has increased,
rising from 69% in 2008 to 79% in 2009.
* Mexicans are less enthusiastic about the free market than many
others around the world. Just 52% say people are generally better off
in a free market system, even though this means some may be rich while
others are poor; about four-in-ten (41%) disagree with this point of
view. Only four of the 25 publics in the survey express less
enthusiasm for the free market.
* Almost universally, political corruption is considered a
problem. Fully 94% of those surveyed say corrupt political leaders are
a big problem, and 68% say they are a very big problem.
* Despite seeing a host of problems afflicting the country, the
vast majority of Mexicans (87%) say they are very or somewhat
satisfied with their own lives.
* The economic downturn is having an impact on the lives of
Mexicans - 54% describe their personal economic situation as good,
down six percentage points from last year.
* Most Mexicans think their country has a poor image abroad - 61%
say Mexico is poorly regarded by people around the world.
Notes

1 For more on Mexican immigration patterns, see "Mexican Immigrants:
How Many Come? How Many Leave?" Pew Hispanic Center, released July 22,
2009.

2 For more details, see the Methods Section of this report.