Here is ECO for today. Special
thanks to Inga, Lutz, Claire,
Julie-Anne, Carlos, Eddy, Teresa, Adam, Syaqil, Barbara, and
Katharina, as well as all those
who contributed through the working groups and on CAN-Talk.
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12 years left: What have you done to respond
to the SR1.5?
ECO was blown away by the SBSTA-IPCC presentation yesterday. The IPCC
started off with a presentation that not only woke up weary delegates in the
plenary but also woke them up (if they had somehow missed it previously) to the
urgency of the need to act. The IPCC stressed that if Parties want to stay below
1.5°C and cut CO2 emissions in half by 2030, immediate action on every level is
needed. They cannot start in 2029. Each year matters, just as each tenth of a
degree does as well.
Some Parties questioned the feasibility of these scenarios. The SR1.5
report contains a number of pathways that could be followed to limit warming to
1.5°C, some being riskier than others. Ultimately, however, feasibility is
not a question the IPCC can answer as it comes down to political will.
In terms of responding to the SR1.5, ECO expects to see the growth of
political will throughout these two weeks, as negotiators streamline the text
for the rulebook and when Ministers arrive to set the course to strengthen NDCs.
Pursuing the most ambitious pathway to limit warming to 1.5°C has several
co-benefits for people, biodiversity and future generations, and should be the
moral imperative for any leader on this planet.
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Planning for a Koronivia bumper
crop
Koronivia is a long way from Katowice, but progress on the Koronivia Joint
Work on Agriculture (KJWA) at COP24 is well within reach.
Every farmer knows that success depends on maximizing the time available
within the growing season. This means knowing the landscape within which you are
working, assembling the resources you need to do your work, and planting and
harvesting according to a clearly structured plan.
The same applies to the KJWA.
In order to make the most of the short negotiating season available here,
ECO suggests Parties consider the following ways of bringing clarity to the work
ahead of them:
1- Ask the Secretariat to undertake a mapping of the work of the
Constituted Bodies, and a review of available means of implementation - both
financial and non-financial. This will allow Parties to identify and discuss
existing gaps related to each of the workshop topics.
2- Ask the Secretariat to simultaneously undertake a review of available
means of implementation, both financial and non-financial.
3- Agree that a key deliverable of the KJWA could be criteria or guidance
for NDCs, GCF, Adaptation Fund & Constituted Bodies, to ensure they reach
five overarching objectives: food security, adaptation, absolute and equitable
emission reductions, ecosystem integrity and gender responsiveness.
4 - Identify questions that Parties and observers can address in
submissions and discuss them in the workshops. These could include: which
Constituted Bodies are most relevant to the current submission/workshop topic?
What guidance or support has your country sought from Constituted Bodies
regarding this topic? What are the gaps in the guidance or support provided by
Constituted Bodies? What role can Constituted Bodies play to address gaps in
knowledge and means of implementation and to support the identification of good
practices and the development of guidance for action?
The KJWA was a major achievement after years of difficult talks. It is
critical that work now gets underway in a structured way to ensure Parties and
observers can move together towards having some sense of the tangible outcomes
the work program can deliver.
Oh, and as we’re talking about agriculture, here’s some more food for
thought: the KJWA is the success of a multilateral process that, for all its
shortcomings, is the best bet to ensure that a diversity of perspectives are
represented. Hosting workshops anywhere but at formal UNFCCC sessions would be
like closing the barn to all but the biggest livestock.
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3 billion reasons to freak out about
Brazil
Brazil, the birthplace of UNFCCC and a so far trusted broker of the Paris
Agreement negotiations, is about to become one of the world’s climate rogues.
All thanks to president-elect Jair Bolsonaro and his set of very peculiar ideas
about climate change and the Amazon rainforest.
Bolsonaro is not even in power yet and has already embarrassed Brazilian
delegates here in Katowice by backtracking on hosting COP25 less than 10 days
before the start of COP24. It’s, for sure, a shame, but let’s stay positive and
keep an eye on the silver linings: can you imagine a COP President who thinks
global warming is nothing but a Marxist plot to transfer power to China? No, you
haven’t read it wrong, and those are Ernesto Araújo, the incoming Brazilian
Foreign minister, words.
Even if Bolsonaro doesn’t follow the steps of his BFF Donald Trump and
keeps Brazil in the Paris deal, his grand vision for the Amazon is
gut-wrenching: drop deforestation control, open up Indigenous lands for
agribusiness and mining, scrap protected areas and crack down on activists, just
for good measure.
The cost for the climate would be nothing short of catastrophic:
deforestation has already increased by 32% between August and November.
According to Brazilian scientists, it could climb to mind-boggling 25 thousand
square kilometres (nearly one Belgium) a year, with resulting emissions of 3
billion tons of CO2. This would be like adding nearly ten Polands to the
atmosphere – and a sure blow to any chance of the world staying below 1.5
degrees.
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Fred: a generous guy or a dickhead? It’s all
about context
If Fred told you that he was paying $500 towards helping Ginger with
repairs to her home, you may tend to think that Fred was a really generous guy.
But, if you found out that Fred had run his truck into Ginger’s house, you might
be slightly less convinced of Fred’s generosity. If you then found out that Fred
was drunk at the time this event occurred, and that it wasn’t even the first
time that Fred had drunkenly driven into Ginger’s house, in fact he was a serial
offender, you might be even more disinclined to see it from Fred’s
perspective. And THEN you found out that Fred’s damage to Ginger’s house
this time was way more than $500, plus the damage in the past, well suddenly the
real Fred is revealed. It gets even worse, this $500 payment is already being
counted towards Fred’s child support payments. Now Fred looks like the real
dickhead he is.
This is a tortured analogy of the situation with the Warsaw International
Mechanism’s (WIM) for Loss and Damage planned technical paper on sources of
finance for loss and damage – rich countries are going to get to double count
their aid, humanitarian and adaptation finance, in fact any money they think
seems to vaguely smell of ‘loss and damage’, without any assessment of actual
loss and damage occurring or the needs of vulnerable countries. Unless the
terms of reference for the paper are changed, the outcome will be as meaningful
as “Fred’s a generous guy, he gave Ginger $500” and will engender just as much
trust.
The WIM has to really and truly start working on finance for loss and
damage, to provide input into the review next year. It’s going to require the
COP to not push it off but to kick goals.
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KP2: the Good, the Bad, and the
Paradoxical
ECO has a full meal waiting for you just here: we have some good news, some
bad news, and to finish, a paradox.
The good news is that our host, Poland, has finally ratified the Doha
Amendment to the Kyoto Protocol. Together with the Cook Islands, Guinea-Bissau,
St. Lucia, Togo, Tonga, and Uruguay, the other recent ratifiers, this brings the
total number of ratifications up to 122.
The bad news, however, is that this is not yet enough: in order for the
second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) to enter into force 22 more
countries are needed.
And that’s where the paradox comes in. We find well over 22 ratification
candidates among some of the countries and groups which most frequently raise
the issue of the urgent need for Doha ratification and pre-2020 action. Even
Qatar, the birthplace of the Doha Amendment at COP18, has not ratified it yet.
What signal does that send to future hosts and presidencies?
It is worth noting that KP2 entry into force will make it possible to hold
developed countries to their pre-2020 commitments, and that failure to ratify
and implement the KP2 sets a worrying precedent for the Paris Agreement. It’s
been six years, Parties. It’s past time to walk the talk.
ECO strongly suggests you use our helpful table below as input to your
interventions and discussions at today’s technical part of the Pre-2020
Stocktake, and especially at Monday’s high-level event.
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From
the Front Lines