COSATU Media Monitor, 17 May 2012

Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi sent a warning to the ANC yesterday, saying the party needed to get its house in order or face a revolt similar to the 1976 riots against Bantu education.

Vavi said the ruling party had landed itself in a "very dangerous place" and needed to do some serious introspection to salvage its losses and improve the lives of ordinary citizens.

The warning was given a day after thousands of DA supporters marched on Cosatu's headquarters in Braamfontein, Johannesburg. The march ended in chaos following violence between DA and Cosatu supporters.

In a keynote speech at the trade union federation's international policy conference, in Kempton Park, on the East Rand, Vavi warned against the ANC's policies which, he said, were failing the poor and unemployed.

Criticising some of the ruling party's recent controversial decisions - including the reinstatement of crime intelligence chief Richard Mdluli - Vavi said the ANC must focus on the poor and not on fights for leadership.

The ruling party will in December hold an elective conference in Mangaung at which President Jacob Zuma is expected to fight for re-election.

"South Africa as a country is sitting on a ticking bomb that one day will explode ... Another 1976 is waiting to happen.

"If we preoccupy ourselves with palace politics while Rome is burning, then history will judge us equally and harshly."

Vavi's critique of the ruling party was sparked by Tuesday's march by DA supporters - mainly black youths - in protest at rising unemployment and the government's failure to introduce a youth wage subsidy.

"A country that has this magnitude of unemployment in the midst of this opulence workers see every day, a country that tolerates for 18 years those kind of inequalities to just grow and grow and deepen, and with the poverty that not only grinds but humiliates such a huge number of the population - we are sitting on a ticking bomb indeed."

Earlier this month, the International Labour Organisation released statistics that showed that unemployment in South Africa was at 23.9% and that 70% of the unemployed were between 15 and 34.

Vavi warned that, if radical policy changes were not effected, the ANC could see the D A gaining more sympathy from the working class.

"If we don't stop the real crisis, then those 3000 [DA marchers] will become 6000.

"It will eventually succeed. Eventually all of us will be in very, very hot water in no time."

In addition to the DA's march, Vavi said the intensity of violent service delivery protests should be a sign that South Africans are losing faith in the ANC's policies.

"That ticking bomb is starting to explode, judging by the number of service delivery protests all over the country.

"Unless we break with what is currently unfolding - I'm not an alarmist - we may see [the events that have been] unfolding in Europe in the past two years being revisited here in South Africa."

The ANC will hold its policy conference next month. This will be an opportunity for it to address these issues.

"It can't be business as usual. We offer nice rhetoric but in practice we are not very different.

"We can talk about the Freedom Charter and this history and nice things we hear about now, but in essence there is no difference in the content."

Cosatu - which was instrumental in pressuring the ANC into delaying the controversial e-tolls, which would have hit motorists hard in the pocket - said unemployment was still too high.

"Is this not a reality that a growing number of those 72% unemployed in the country are beginning to lose hope because they have been waiting for far too long? If they are losing hope they find new heroes," said Vavi, referring to the sea of blue T-shirted DA supporters who descended on the Johannesburg city centre on Tuesday.

He said the march was significant and that nobody could claim that the thousands of black DA supporters were ill-informed and there merely to support "the white madam".

Describing the march as a "very critical thing that happened", Vavi said it boiled down to the fact that "an empty stomach has no ideology, has no logic, no rationality. [A] stomach is desperate.

"[For] me, the significance of that march is far bigger because the DA has seen the need for itself to exploit this desperation of the most marginalised ."

While Vavi was launching his vitriolic attack on the ANC, President Jacob Zuma, in a response to a DA parliamentary question, confirmed that Cosatu remained the stumbling block to the implementation of the youth wage subsidy scheme.

DA parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko said: "This is a president who is afraid to make the tough choices that would benefit so many unemployed young people.

"So what is the hold-up?

"Why does the president need to seek further buy-in from Cosatu?"

1.2 ANC will lose vote of born-frees, warns Vavi

Gaye Davis & Gcina Ntsaluba, IOL, 17 May 2012

Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi has condemned the violence that claimed casualties among labour federation and DA demonstrators in Johannesburg on Tuesday – while DA leader Helen Zille has vowed to continue pushing for a youth wage subsidy, saying she will unveil a plan for this at Parliament on Thursday.

Addressing Cosatu’s international policy conference on Wednesday, Vavi referred to the bloody confrontation as “frustrations from both sides of the most marginalised sections of our society playing themselves out”: on the one hand, organised workers, “extremely angry and frustrated by poverty wages”, and on the other, “largely unemployed African youth… mobilised by a right-wing party”.

According to Timeslive, Vavi warned against the ANC's policies which, he said, were failing the poor and unemployed.

“South Africa as a country is sitting on a ticking bomb that one day will explode ... Another 1976 is waiting to happen. If we preoccupy ourselves with palace politics while Rome is burning, then history will judge us equally and harshly,” Vavi was quoted as saying.

“A country that has this magnitude of unemployment in the midst of this opulence workers see every day, a country that tolerates for 18 years those kind of inequalities to just grow and grow and deepen, and with the poverty that not only grinds but humiliates such a huge number of the population - we are sitting on a ticking bomb indeed.

“Unless we break with what is currently unfolding - I'm not an alarmist - we may see (the events that have been) unfolding in Europe in the past two years being revisited here in South Africa.”

For Vavi, the “pro-business and anti-poor” DA was trying to make political capital by appealing to the “born frees” – young South Africans who had not experienced apartheid – to challenge the political dominance of the ANC.

”If we don't stop the real crisis, then those 3 000 (DA marchers) will become 6 000,” Timeslive quoted Vavi as saying.

“It will eventually succeed. Eventually all of us will be in very, very hot water in no time.”

“The DA was demanding “that we should accept that the taxes we pay must be handed over to capital so that they can employ young workers as part of a strategy to address the youth unemployment crisis in the country. What nonsense,” Vavi said.

But Zille was adamant.

“We are going to persist with calls for the youth wage subsidy,” she said. “We want it front and centre.”

Zille dismissed as a “red herring” suggestions that the stance taken by the DA was making impossible any compromise between the government and labour.

Zille said Cosatu had been shown up to be intolerant and holding policy positions “designed to keep the youth marginalised”.

She would not give details of the plan she was to unveil on Thursday.

The DA said it marched on Cosatu House to try to compel the union to stop opposing the youth wage subsidy, which the party believes would create about 400 000 jobs.

Cosatu says such a subsidy would exploit the youth, while employers would fire older workers to create space for them.

Analysts were critical of the DA and of Cosatu.

Professor Steven Friedman said the DA had intended to provoke Cosatu as part of its effort to discredit the federation and imply it was responsible for the lack of job creation and the high unemployment rate.

“Cosatu made a serious error in allowing its members to cut off the march because it sent out a message that (it is) intolerant.”

Friedman said Cosatu’s mandate was not job-creation, but to protect the interests of workers.

Zwelethu Jolobe, a politics lecturer at UCT, said the march had shown the DA was capable of street politics, which it was not known for, and where the battle lines were drawn on the wage subsidy issue.

Political commentator Keith Gottschalk said the DA was well within its rights to march as Cosatu had been the biggest critic of the youth wage subsidy – even after the proposal had gained the government’s backing and after Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan had allocated funds for its initial implementation.

1.3 Cosatu-DA conflict significant: Vavi

IOL, 16 May 2012

Conflict between the DA and Cosatu at a protest in Joburg was a politically significant event, Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi said on Wednesday.

The DA-organised march was an attempt to pit workers against workers when it was in fact a class battle, he said in Joburg at an international meeting of trade union federations hosted by the Cosatu.

He said the confrontation with the DA made clear the differences between the two groups, and that their guiding principles were “fundamentally different”.

“Yesterday (Tuesday) was significant because it showed the frustration of the most marginalised in our society.”

Rocks flew when DA supporters marched to express support for a youth wage subsidy near Cosatu headquarters in the city centre. Police used teargas and water cannons to disperse Cosatu members.

The confrontation was an indication of what could come unless joblessness and poverty were not addressed in a radical and different way.

“We are sitting on a ticking bomb,” Vavi said.

“Unemployment and poverty are worse now than ever before.”

Workers in minibus taxis, described by Vavi as “glass coffins”, on their way to work, saw the wealth of others and their frustration was growing.

He said the DA protest was an attempt by a political party that represented the rich and company bosses to exploit the country's poor.

The most critical issues facing the country were now deepening unemployment, dehumanising poverty, and inequality.

“The leadership debate and Mangaung is not the major focus,” Vavi said, referring to the venue of the ANC's elective conference later this year.

“We need to decide where we are going and bring back the Freedom Charter.”

He chastised the media for what he labelled as one-sided reporting on Tuesday's protest, claiming the DA had come to the protest with a truckload of rocks.

Four Cosatu members were badly injured, which was unreported, Vavi claimed.

“I condemn violence, all violence even from Cosatu members. It is not good for anyone.” Sapa

1.4 ANC lose as DA vs Cosatu clash ends in a tie

Phillip de Wet, Mail & Guardian, 16 May 2012

There were no winners in the clashes in Jo'burg on Tuesday. But the main protagonists at least balanced out their losses, unlike the ANC and police.

Members of the Democratic Alliance (DA) were sent a clear message: If you want to wear blue and espouse the opposition’s viewpoint, you’d better be prepared to take a literal beating for it. But at least the party managed to prove that it is capable of standing its ground and engaging in street politics.

The Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) entrenched a reputation for thuggish behaviour and a intolerance towards those who disagree with it, be it employers or political parties – or at best a complete inability to control its members.

But it gained a unifying enemy, and a sense of victory.

Police and the African National Congress (ANC), however, saw nothing good come out of the DA march that ended in stone-throwing and teargas on Tuesday.

The ANC, faced with the embarrassing prospect of its political arch-enemy marching on one of its alliance partners in support of a nascent government policy, first tried to publicly dissuade the DA from its plan.

“The only way in our view that any of the parties can influence one another and even influence government around these matters is through meaningful engagement,” the ANC said on Monday, implying that the kind of public displays both it and Cosatu regularly use serve no purpose.

ANC’s deafening silence
Then, in the aftermath of the violent confrontation between those who support its youth job-creation policy and the group that supposedly helps it create policy, the ANC’s silence was deafening. That alone will be enough to have its commitment to multiparty democracy and the free expression of opposition questioned.

On the streets, meanwhile, a woefully inadequate number of SAPS and metro police members found themselves insufficiently equipped and unable to handle a rapidly changing situation, due to what seemed to be a combination of bad planning and worse command.

Police preparations suggested the expectation that an emotional Cosatu crowd of more than a thousand people would patiently wait for the arrival of a demonstrative DA marching group of closer to two thousand people, and that the groups would then consent to be kept 30m apart, mostly by yellow plastic police tape.

Nobody, it seems, considered that the Cosatu group would have a clear line of sight of the approaching DA group, and would decide to head them off at the pass. If either of the groups had been armed (beyond the combination flashlight and stun-stick brandished by an inebriated young man in ANC Youth League gear, or the plastic whip of a DA marshall), the police would have been unable to prevent serious injury.

As it was, only the fact that neither group had a real appetite for violence stopped rock-throwing from escalating into hand-to-hand combat. That reflects poorly on a police force that already has a record number of sometimes violent service-delivery protests under its belt, and faces the continuing threat of renewed xenophobic attacks.

Gathered at the national headquarters as part of a hostile welcoming committee, some lower-level leaders of Cosatu unions were clear on what they stood to gain from the day: a clear target.

At last, a proper target
The organisation had too often found itself criticising the ANC for corruption or opposing the nebulous concept of labour broking, a shop steward confided. “Now we can point to these people and say, ‘There is the DA, they want to take your jobs,’ and our people can mobilise.”

After the clashes, several union members said they would be celebrating the successful protection of their turf – meaning Cosatu House rather than the idea of protest marches – against the DA interlopers.

But the benefits of a territorial victory over an unambiguous enemy were outweighed by the public relations disaster the confrontations represented.

Cosatu is already fighting against being held liable as an organisation for vandalism committed during the wage marches it organises, arguing variously that doing so would suppress its freedom of expression and that it can’t be held responsible for the actions of either provocateurs or non-members who spontaneously join its actions.

And while it is difficult to say who was more responsible for triggering the violence, Cosatu members at a Cosatu rally actively sought out the DA group – and attacked DA supporters as they retreated.

Innocent victim of intolerance
The DA, on Tuesday, tried to portray itself as the innocent victim of intolerance, ignoring both the fact that it chose deliberate provocation, and the stones its supporters threw.

However, it did for the first time show an ability to use the time-honoured South African tradition of taking to the streets to make a point, an important step in transforming its image. Trying to face down a hostile crowd in what it considers a pro-poor action will also gain it kudos.

Yet the images of people in blue fleeing a storm of bricks can’t do much for the confidence of DA members and voters, notably those in townships in Gauteng.

Such members already regularly express worry that they will be targeted by numerically-superior and organised pro-ANC groups if they express their loyalty, and some marchers were already worried about the consequences they could face before things turned nasty.

“Please don’t take my picture,” a marcher said before the start of proceedings on Tuesday morning. “I have to go home tonight, and I don’t want trouble.”

1.5 DA vs Cosatu: Charges laid against union federation

Nickolaus Bauer, Mail & Guardian, 17 May 2012

DA national spokesperson Mmusi Maimane has laid charges against Cosatu after a protest by the party turned violent in Johannesburg.

Charges of incitement of violence, intimidation and illegal gathering were laid at the Hillbrow Police Station at noon.

The DA would also analyse footage of the march to try and identify individual perpetrators, DA spokesperson Kelly Miller said.

“We hope, first of all, that we must all accept the rule of law and we must accept that everything we do must be within legal parameters,” Maimane said.

Miller said four party members were hospitalised and a number of others injured in Tuesday’s clashes.

Blame game
Neither the DA nor Cosatu were willing to accept blame for Tuesday’s chaos on Johannesburg’s streets.

And the ANC finds itself in the uncomfortable position of having to choose sides between its political enemy – which was marching to muster support for the ruling party’s own policies – and its traditional ally – which has publicly denounced the same policies.

The march to Cosatu’s headquarters was organised by the DA to canvass support for (and protest against Cosatu’s opposition to) the ANC-backed youth wage subsidy.

It quickly turned ugly as opposing supporters exchanged insults and hurled missiles at each other.

The march to Cosatu’s headquarters, organised by the DA to canvass support for (and protest against Cosatu’s opposition to) the ANC-backed youth wage subsidy, quickly turned ugly as opposing supporters exchanged insults and hurled missiles at each other.

The police attempted to intervene, using barricades, tear gas and with stun grenade to try to disperse the warring groups.

Aftermath
In the aftermath, both sides registered injuries with several DA and Cosatu supporters and a Mail & Guardian journalist being treated for injuries that ranged from cuts and bruises to head wounds.

The DA was quick to lay blame at the feet of Cosatu, who the party said had gathered illegally, incited violence and committed acts of intimidation.

Cosatu said it was considering legal action against the DA.

“We are certainly considering laying criminal charges against the DA and we will make that decision when we need to,” Cosatu spokesperson Patrick Craven told the Mail & Guardian.

Craven said the confrontation arose as a result of “confusion” about the direction which the march was taking and suspicions of the “underlying action” being committed by their “class enemies”.

“The main reason for the confrontation that took place is the fundamental gulf in political views between Cosatu and the DA,” he said. “This is not only about the youth wage subsidy, it is about their views on relaxing labour laws, protecting labour brokers and other capitalist centred programs they support.”

Media bias
Cosatu further claimed that the media had shown a distinct bias towards the DA in its coverage of Tuesday’s skirmish.

“There were people from both sides of the confrontation who were injured and in many cases the media failed to report that,” Craven said.

Cosatu president S’dumo Dlamini went further on Wednesday, claiming that the DA had arrived looking for a fight.

“Cosatu was portrayed as beating the DA, which was not the case.

1.6 DA vs Cosatu, the day after

Sipho Hlongwane, Daily Maverick, 17 May 2012

True to its word, the Democratic Alliance has laid criminal charges against Cosatu leaders following the violence that marred Tuesday’s march. According to the DA, this is a fight over the rules of engagement. Cosatu says this is more nebulous politicking. The ANC says nothing. What’s going on?

After failing to get within a stone’s throw of Cosatu House thanks to the violence of red-clad protestors, even though they were legally permitted to do so, leaders of various DA formations promised to lay charges against Cosatu.

On Wednesday, the DA made good on its promise, and the national spokesman Mmusi Maimane, the DA Youth federal chairwoman Mbali Ntuli and DA Gauteng leader John Moodey laid charges of incitement of violence, intimidation and illegal gathering.

The charges are motivated by comments made by metalworkers union leader Irvin Jim prior to the march, wherein he made a veiled threat against the DA.

“Numsa wants to serve a timely warning to the DA and the vested white capitalist class interests it represents: they are embarking on a dangerous and unwinnable class struggle with the power of the black and African working class,” Jim said.

The DA avers that Cosatu had no permission to gather – about 1,000 people dressed in the red colours of Cosatu and its affiliate unions gathered outside Cosatu House to block the DA from getting close – and thus its leaders should be held responsible for an illegal gathering.

The DA will also be examining footage in an attempt to identify individual perpetrators of violence.

On the whole, the DA believes union leaders ought to be held individually responsible for failing to condemn, if not tame, the violence of the crowd that protested in their names.

“Numsa made strong statements that were incitement to violence. Irvin Jim spoke about our march as being an invitation to war,” Maimane said. “None of the union federation members were there on Tuesday. Why did [Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi] remain in his office as the violence escalated? They made no effort to stop the crowd or to condemn the violence. So why are they washing their hands of this?”

Maimane said the DA’s ultimate goal was to put the youth wage subsidy on to the negotiation table. But that couldn’t happen if the “other side” resorted to violence. “A crime was committed and surely it must be policed? We can’t let thugs get away with this. To be clear, I don’t mean that Cosatu are thugs. I’m talking about those who committed acts of violence on Tuesday,” he said.

The DA spokesman also said Cosatu needed to explain how such a large throng gathered without asking the police to do so, as is required by law. “Cosatu must clarify for all of us why their march was organised. They had no legal permission to do so. We simply fail to understand why this was permitted to take place.”

However, according to Cosatu national spokesperson Patrick Craven, there was nothing innocuous about Jim’s comments. “That is the kind of colourful language that has always been a part of the trade union movement,” he said.

Craven said the federation totally condemned the DA’s decision to lay charges against Cosatu. “This is an assault on the leadership of the federation. They cannot possibly be held responsible for isolated incidents that occurred. The DA should rather individually target those who allegedly carried out acts of violence,” he said.

He hinted that Cosatu might take legal action against the DA, but would not specify the type of action or the grounds for it.

Craven said the DA’s decision to lay charges means that the federation would never negotiate with them on the youth wage subsidy. He also said the discussion avenue was never open – a view that has been upheld by the DA’s claim that their efforts to initiate talks had been met with stony silence.

“The avenue of debate was always closed as far as we are concerned,” Craven said. “But we totally condemn this latest action and the doors are even more tightly closed now. We can never sit and negotiate with people who are taking us to court.”

Not unsurprisingly, the ANC Youth League has blamed all the violence on the DA. This statement is as close to a reaction from the ANC as we can expect. It is quite odd to have the main ally of the ruling party fight viciously to stop the main opposition party from demonstrating in favour of a policy of the ruling party without it intervening in any meaningful way.

Two DA captains have told iMaverick that Cosatu simply does not understand how the contestation of ideas occurs in a democracy. Maimane said the decision to report Cosatu to the police would mature the country’s political engagement. “Part of the way in which we debate politically is to hold public demonstrations,” he said. “And everyone is entitled to hold marches. Surely it must be in our new democracy that marches must be held legally and peacefully?”

DA Youth leader Makashule Gana said, “Cosatu seem to think that they have a monopoly on protests and that no other organisation can demonstrate.”

While the original issue – that of the youth wage subsidy – seems to have retreated into the background, the DA believes Tuesday’s action will have managed to convince the unemployed youth of the country that the DA has the right idea. Vavi was quick to ensure that the DA didn’t have that space all to themselves.

Speaking at the Cosatu international policy conference on Wednesday, he said, “The DA has identified the ‘born frees' who are deeply marginalised as a base they should work on to challenge the hegemony that the ANC and liberation forces have enjoyed for the past 100 years.”

The rest of his speech was littered with worried references to the “liberation forces” and their ability to speak for the poor and marginalised of South Africa. The large number of blacks at the march who were there for the DA suggests that Vavi has reason to be worried. The ANC, for its part, seems completely unconcerned.

1.7 ANC failures ‘help DA to get black vote’

Natasha Marrian, Business Day, 17 May 2012

The African National Congress (ANC) must diverge from the Democratic Alliance (DA) in both policy and posture or risk losing votes, Congress of the South African Trade Unions (Cosatu) general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi warned yesterday.

Mr Vavi’s comments came in the wake of a march by the DA — marred by violent altercations between Cosatu members and DA supporters — to voice its displeasure over the federation’s opposition to the youth wage subsidy, a policy that the government had sought to implement.

Cosatu has used its alliance with the ANC to push forward worker friendly and pro-poor policies, but often clashes with the ruling party over its economic stance. It has accused the ANC of talking left but walking right.

At its international relations policy conference in Kempton Park yesterday Cosatu congratulated workers for "defending" it on Tuesday, forc ing the DA to abandon its bid to hand over a memorandum.

Mr Vavi said the failure to address unemployment, inequality and poverty left many vulnerable to exploitation by "demagogues who pretend to be the left while pursuing their own narrow interests" or "the right wing who see acres of space to occupy for themselves to agitate for a change of direction".

"We can say anything we want, comrades — that they (the DA marchers) were ill-informed young people abused by the white madame, we can say all that, but that also talks to the extent of their marginalisation; an empty stomach has no ideology, no logic, not rationality. An empty stomach is desperate.

"To me the significance of that (the march) is much more bigger. Clearly the DA has seen that there is a niche for themselves to exploit this desperation of the working class."

It was not an "easy thing to swallow", Mr Vavi said, watching young unemployed Africans "who made most of the noise". This, and the DA holding a Workers’ Day rally with an audience of about 98 % young Africans were "not a small matter".

"This is a dangerous place we are finding ourselves in … and it goes back to the point that the ANC must go back in posture and in policy and must be different to the DA.

"We can’t be fighting the youth wage subsidy with these forces and then fight other forces inside the house," he said.

"We can’t be fighting the commodification of even our roads with the DA and then fight with our own forces inside the house," he said.

This was the reason many left-leaning parties in Europe lost power in the past, because "in the eyes of the ordinary people" there was little difference between the labour party in the UK, for instance, and the conservatives.

Mr Vavi said another "own goal" was the fact that now-shifted crime intelligence boss, Richard Mdluli was still in the police. He questioned the logic of having a policeman facing "that magnitude of allegations" in the South African Police Service.

The ANC’s policy conference next month was the perfect opportunity to go "back to basics". He warned against viewing everything through the narrow prism of the succession in the party’s election year.

1.8 Zuma backs youth wage but Cosatu stands firm

Sam Mkokeli, Business Day, 17 May 2012

President Jacob Zuma has given the assurance that the government intends going ahead with its planned wage subsidy to cut youth unemployment, but its final design could still be negotiated.

Mr Zuma also hinted that rules could be established to address concerns raised by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (Cosatu). This is likely to fuel claims by the Democratic Alliance (DA) that Cosatu rather than the African National Congress (ANC) is driving government policy.

The issue of the wage subsidy was thrust into the limelight when DA and Cosatu supporters were involved in street battles this week, as the DA tried to march on Cosatu House to highlight Cosatu’s opposition to the scheme.

The union federation appears unlikely to budge. Emboldened by recent government climb-downs at its insistence, Cosatu said yesterday it would continue to try to influence economic policy, which includes persuading the government to abandon the subsidy.

A three-year pilot of the R5bn subsidy was meant to start in April last year but was halted when Cosatu objected during talks at the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac).

In a written reply to a question by Democratic Alliance (DA) parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko, Mr Zuma said this week the government had undertaken to resolve the concerns raised at Nedlac, which included that the subsidy scheme would result in older, higher-paid workers being replaced by younger workers.

Mr Zuma said the rules could be thrashed out during talks so risks could be reduced. "For example, firms will only be able to access … the incentive if they create additional jobs for young and inexperienced South Africans above current employment levels. The incentive targets a net rise in youth and overall employment."

He said existing labour law prevented the retrenchment of older workers.

But Cosatu’s economic policy adviser, Chris Malikane, who also teaches economics at the University of the Witwatersrand, said the government could not visit every factory to see whether employers were abiding by labour laws.

Mr Zuma said the tax system would monitor the number of jobs created and ensure young employees hired were additional staff.

Yesterday, the DA laid a complaint of intimidation against Cosatu after Tuesday’s march turned violent.

Ms Mazibuko said yesterday that Mr Zuma had " put the politics of the tripartite alliance ahead of the interests of millions of unemployed South Africans. Instead of showing leadership, he has chosen votes at Mangaung (the ANC’s conference in December)."

Prof Malikane said the subsidy was a shortsighted initiative, when SA’s unemployment crisis needed government intervention at a broader, macroeconomic level.

Cosatu has shot down key parts of the government’s New Growth Path, introduced in November 2010 as a policy guide to creating 5-million new jobs by 2020. It has been punting its own policy, which calls for more state intervention in the macroeconomy. It wants inflation targeting to be dropped, in favour of a pegged rand.

As the DA questions who is in charge of economic policy in the alliance, Mr Zuma faces growing pressure to manage the battle for dominance, especially in the build-up to leadership elections.

The government has proposed that the youth subsidy be made available for workers under the age of 30, whose salaries are below the personal income tax threshold. It will be paid for a maximum of two years and have a maximum value of R12000.

1.9 Patel to take control of Youth Wage Subsidy

Paul Vecchiatto, BusinessLive, 17 May 2012

Responsibility for implementing the R5 billion Youth Wage Subsidy will be placed in the hands of the Economic Development Department (EDD), says President Jacob Zuma.

In a written reply to a Parliamentary question from Democratic Alliance Parliamentary Leader Lindiwe Mazibuko, Zuma said the subsidy was part of an overall plan by government to solve the issue of youth unemployment in the long and short terms.

Zuma said that Cabinet did not intend to abandon the policy, however discussions with social partners, alongside public comments received on the discussion paper would help create a revised document and design the youth employment incentive.

He said that government had resolved to undertake concerns raised by social partners, in particular organized labour in Nedlac (National Economic Development and Labour Council).

Zuma first announced the Youth Wage Subsidy last year and Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan then announced it would become effective from April 1 this year.

However, labour movement Cosatu has been opposed to it saying that it would encourage employers to hire young people at a lower wage than more experienced older workers.

The DA has been pushing for the implementation of the subsidy as a key means to reduce the 72% unemployment rate among the youth.

Cosatu and the DA are so bitterly opposed to each other's standpoint that it culminated in clashes between the supporters of both organisations in Johannesburg on Tuesday.

In his Parliamentary reply Zuma said firms would only be able to benefit from the incentive if they created additional jobs for young and inexperienced South Africans above current employment levels.

Also on Tuesday, National Treasury officials told Parliament's Standing Committee on Finance that the design of the subsidy would be completed by the end of June.

Committee chairperson Thabadiawa Mufamadi said during the hearing: "It is time that we sorted this issue out, as we (Parliament) had appropriated the money and it is not being used."

DA finance spokesperson Tim Harris said he welcomed the news

that the subsidy's design would be finished and that it was still supported by Cabinet.

However, Harris expressed concern that the Economic Development Department would implement it.

"That Department has no successful history of implementing policy as the National Treasury has. Furthermore it is headed by Minister Ebrahim Patel a former leader of Cosatu and, a person whom many consider to be that organisations's point man in Cabinet," Harris said.

In her reaction to Zuma's reply Mazibuko said: "This is a President who is afraid to make the tough choices that would benefit so many unemployed young people."

Mazibuko said the DA has calculated that if the Youth Wage Subsidy had been implemented by the original deadline, about 300,000 young people would have been provided with job opportunities by now.

"And, contrary to the claims of Cosatu, this would not have been at the cost of existing jobs," she said.

Cosatu Secretary General Zwelinzima Vavi reiterated his organisation's stance against the subsidy in a speech on Wednesday saying: "Yesterday the DA marched to Cosatu essentially to reinforce this onslaught on the working class, demanding that we should accept that the taxes we pay must be handed over to capital so that they can employ young workers as part of a strategy to address youth unemployment crisis in the country. What nonsense!"

1.10 ANCWL slams Cosatu racism, sexism

TimesLive, 17 May 2012

ANC Women's League president Angie Motshekga has criticised the "sexist and racist" insults of Cosatu members towards DA leader Helen Zille and parliamentary leader Lindiwe Mazibuko

This is according to a Beeld report.

Cosatu members said during Tuesday's DA protest in Johannesburg over a youth wage subsidy that they wanted to "strip Zille naked". They called Mazibuko "the madam's sidekick".

Several female Democratic Alliance supporters who took part in the march were injured as a result of rough treatment by Cosatu men.

Motshekga told Beeld on Wednesday that the DA had provoked Cosatu, and that it would have been better for them to march to a government department. The government made policy, while Cosatu only had opinions.

"However, Cosatu should not have behaved in such a militant fashion. It would have been better for them to simply accept the memorandum," Motshekga was quoted saying.

"What worries me more, is the sexism and racism that emerged. As an advocate of women's rights, this upsets me. It's unacceptable, and people should desist from this kind of thing.

"It's the same reprimand we've always given Julius Malema and the youth league concerning Zille -- focus on her politics, not on her as a woman. Leave her sex and her race out of it."

1.11 Ramphele hits out at Cosatu

Musa Mohamed, Citizen, 17 May 2012

Respected academic and struggle icon Mamphela Ramphele has slammed Cosatu over its conduct during Tuesday’s DA march to the union federation’s HQ in Braamfontein.

Clashes broke out between members of the federation and those of the DA when the latter protested against Cosatu’s blocking of the proposed youth wage subsidy.

Briefing the media at the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory in Johannesburg yesterday, Ramphele said Cosatu had violated the rights it had struggled for.

“By preventing the DA from marching and protesting, Cosatu has violated the very democratic rights that it fought for during apartheid,” Ramphele said.

She added that the violence had been “totally unacceptable” and that Cosatu should have defended the DA’s right to protest, even if held radically different views.

Ramphele said that when Cosatu had staged its own marches and strikes it did so in terms of a right guaranteed under the Constitution. “The DA should be accorded that same right to march as often as it wants,” she added.

Ramphele said that the DA was seen as illegitimate.

“Even if the DA had 80% black membership, it would still be seen as a white party and therefore as illegitimate by Cosatu and the dominant political party...” she said.

She also slammed the “completely inadequate” police reaction to the march.

“I shudder to think what would happen if a major disaster hits our country (what with) such under-trained and unprofessional police,” she said.

1.12 DA thrashes Cosatu online

Paul Vecchiatto, BusinessLive, 16 May 2012

The street fight between the Democratic Alliance and labour movement Cosatu moved into the virtual world where about 16 million people witnessed the invective cast between the two sides.

Internet monitoring company BrandsEye reported on Wednesday that early analysis showed that interest in the events were continuing almost 24 hours after the DA started its march to Cosatu's Johannesburg head office.

The march was to protest Cosatu's continued opposition to the implementation of a youth wage subsidy that the DA argues would reduce the country's 72% unemployment rate among young people.

Cosatu's main opposition to the subsidy, it argues in return, was that it would prejudice older workers who would be replaced by younger ones at cheaper rates.

The march erupted into violence about an hour after it started with Cosatu members actively blocking the route and several people were injured.

Those who supported either side of the march used social media network Twitter.com extensively.

Joanne Doyle, BrandsEye MD, said: "The Twitter conversation started off as an information place. The time and date and place of the march was mentioned and there appeared to be very little in the way of opinions."

However, once the march turned violent the social media network literally exploded with value based comments.

Doyle said that caused a massive spike in Twitter mentions with people actively attacking each other for their views or claims.

She said this continued on Wednesday morning once people started to see how the print media portrayed the incident.

"Headlines such as 'Blood on the Streets' and the picture of a DA female supporter being assaulted by a Cosatu male supporter added to the invective used on the site," she said.

BrandsEye's analysis showed that total twitter mentions were 13,920 on Tuesday, which had surged to 18,393 by 10:15 on Wednesday morning.

"This showed that there is still a keen interest in the situation. The fact that the volumes have remained fairly high beyond the day of the march shows a genuine interest in the event and the resulting physical attacks," Doyle said.

The analysis showed that 98% of the online conversation was consumer-driven, portraying a genuine interest and need to spread the word of the event and opinions about it.

"They contributed to conversation initiated and supported by the people who were physically there, such as (DA leader) Helen Zille and people in general," Doyle said.

She said that people took the conflict from the streets, between Cosatu and the DA, to an online space, where a high majority of the conversation was negative, where criticism flew between the DA and Cosatu supporters, with more criticism towards Cosatu.

"Interesting to note here that Helen Zille's presence in an online space was much higher than Cosatu's."

BrandsEye's analysis showed that of the most influential people on Twitter (having a rating of 7 and about out of 10), Helen Zille occupied 29% of the mentions, creating transparency to her followers of the situation - defending the accusations that the DA started the violence.

"Very interestingly, Cosatu has had a very limited online presence," Doyle said.

General themes around the online conversation include: violence, democracy, rocks/stones, protesters, and supporters.

2. Workers

2.1 CWU protests against Post Office

Phuti Mosomane & Sapa, The New Age, 17 May 2012

Protesting Communication Workers Union members attacked a Post Office van in central Johannesburg on Wednesday morning.

They pelted it with stones in Jorissen Street. The driver first tried to get out as protesters stormed the vehicle, but then reversed away. Johannesburg metro police intervened.

About 100 of the union's members, employed by the SA Post Office (Sapo) in Gauteng, converged on Cosatu House in Braamfontein to protest against an unresolved labour broking agreement.

Most of them were dressed in Sapo uniforms. The CWU is affiliated to the Congress of SA Trade Unions.

But the Communication Workers Union dismissed the report saying that they were only aware of a Post Office van incident that took place yesterday during the DA protest.

“As far as I am concerned the demonstration was more peace, metro police can confirm that..” CWU Gauteng Provincial Secretary Aubrey Tshabalala told The New Age.

CWU national spokesman Matankana Mothapo said all Post Office depots and mail centres in Gauteng would be closed on Wednesday.

"The protest is as a result of the unresolved 2005 agreement entered into by both CWU and Sapo to convert labour brokers to permanent positions in the company."

He said the CWU wanted the dismissals of Pieter Swart, senior general manager of mail delivery, as well as Janras Kotsi, the group's mail business executive.

"Both of them are the culprits in sabotaging the 2005 agreement," he claimed.

Protesters marched to Sapo's regional office to hand over a first memorandum, and then to the premier's office to hand over another.

CWU is meeting the SA Post Office on Friday to engage the organisation at the highest level on issues such as labour broking, deliver and corruption.

2.2 Nurses' protest halts life-saving operations

Mhlaba Memela, Times, 17 May 2012

Patients were left unattended for seven hours when nurses protested at Durban's Inkosi Albert Luthuli Central Hospital yesterday.

The nurses refused to go back to work until health MEC Sibongiseni Dhlomo accepted their memorandum.

However, Dhlomo sent a delegation led by health general manager Mandla Mhlongo to accept the list of grievances, which included a demand for the removal of the hospital's human resources manager and systems manager.

In their memorandum, the nurses said there was evidence of corruption and fraud in the human resources department but no action had been taken.

The protesters refused to hand the memorandum to Mhlongo and chased him away.

Confused patients sat on benches waiting for help .

Sibusiso Cheake, 27, was scheduled to undergo a critical operation in the morning but sat waiting in a queue for four hours.

"The surgeons have been waiting for me in the theatre for hours and I could not go up because I have not been registered as an in-patient. The process to save my life has been delayed," he said.

National Education, Health and Allied Workers' Union organiser Elliot Malunga said the protest has been suspended but will restart next week if Dhlomo did not address the nurses' grievances.

KwaZulu-Natal health department spokesman Desmond Motha said the department was unaware of the grievances.

"The nurses refused to give their memorandum to the managers sent by the MEC."

2.3 59 graduates sit idle at home

Alex Matlala, Sowetan, 17 May 2012

Fifty nine University of Limpopo graduates are idling after the Limpopo government failed to employ them at the beginning of the year.

The students, who were sponsored by the provincial government, obtained their B.Admin in Local Government at the university's Turfloop campus last year.

The graduates were to be absorbed into the Department of Roads and Transport, which funded their studies.

The move was aimed at wooing an adequate workforce and to impart transport related skills to young graduates in the province.

Since the contract was signed in 2005, 170 graduates have been employed by the department.

The department said yesterday the programme was supposed to run for seven years from 2005 until December 2011.

Spokesman Joshua Kwapa said: "We have already spent about R16.4-million on student accommodation, meals and tuition fees for three years.

"We have also spent an additional R300,000 on the development of the curriculum, which was outsourced by the university and provided by the Council for Science and Industrial Research."

But the same treatment could not be extended to last year's students, who were supposed to be absorbed by the department at the beginning of this year. The students are now forced to sit at home doing nothing.

Karabo Manaka, one of the affected graduates, said: "Other institutions have refused to take us because the degree we studied for was province-based. We are even unable to work anywhere outside the province".

Another student, France Malatji, said even recruitment agencies could not recognise the degree, let alone other government departments.

Kwapa said the department was fully aware of the predicament faced by the graduates.

"We are currently waiting for approval from the provincial treasury and we are confident this matter is being attended to with the priority it deserves."

The department was one of the five in the province that had been placed under administration.

Other departments that suffered the same fate are education, health and social development, public works and treasury.

All their finances are currently being run by administrators.

2.4 Motor producers add 509 jobs in quarter

Roy Cockayne, Business Report, 17 May 2012

A total of 509 new jobs were created in the motor manufacturing industry in the first quarter despite a downgrade to vehicle export projections for this year.

This month’s 10 percent downward revision to export forecasts to 270 000 units because of the economic problems in Europe could have been expected to result in stable employment levels and possibly even job shedding.

However, the growing importance of Africa as a new vehicle export destination is highlighted in the latest quarterly review of business conditions in the motor manufacturing industry released by the National Association of Automobile Manufacturers of SA (Naamsa) yesterday.

The report said total industry employment improved by 1.8 percent to 28 656 jobs in the last week of March from the 28 147 jobs at the end of December.

It said two major vehicle manufacturers recruited new workers during the first quarter while employment trends at the other plants remained stable.

An average of 28 292 people were employed by the industry last year.

The report added that new vehicle exports into Africa rose year on year by 58.6 percent to 67 442 units last year from 42 533 units in 2010.

By contrast, new vehicle exports to Europe increased last year by 7.9 percent to 97 882 units from 90 734 units in 2010.

South Africa’s automotive industry exported a total of 272 457 vehicles to 80 countries last year.

Exports to the euro zone accounted for 35.9 percent of the total while exports destined for African countries represented 24.8 percent of the total.

Vehicle exports to Africa have grown by 74 percent in the past four years from 38 767 units in 2007, to 67 442 units last year.

In the same four-year period, vehicle exports to Europe have rocketed by 214 percent from 31 191 units in 2007 to 97 882 units last year.

Nico Vermeulen, Naamsa’s executive director, said despite intense competition in African markets from Chinese and Indian vehicle importers and second-hand vehicles supplied from Japan, the anticipated relatively high economic growth projections for Africa “should support further growth in South African vehicle exports to African countries, while the recession in Europe is likely to impact negatively on export sales into that region”.

Vermeulen stressed that export sales would remain a function of the performance and direction of global markets.

This led to the downward revision of Naamsa’s export forecast.

Vermeulen added that vehicle exports into Europe were likely to soften because of the recession and debt crisis in the euro zone.

However, Vermeulen said that projected higher exports to African countries and factoring in the contribution of the new Ford global compact vehicle programme and the new BMW 3-Series export programme over the balance of the year should enable the industry to achieve export numbers similar to or slightly below those of last year.

“Light commercial vehicle export sales in particular should register strong growth,” Vermeulen added.

3. South Africa

3.1 Government to appeal against e-tolling interdict

Linda Ensor, Business Day, 17 May 2012

The government will appeal against the interim court order that halted the implementation of e-tolling on Gauteng’s freeways, government spokesman Jimmy Manyi said on Thursday.

"The Cabinet reiterated its commitment to the user-pay principle and its decision on e-tolling as an efficient mechanism of collection," Mr Manyi told reporters in a post-Cabinet briefing.

A mass public campaign against e-tolling, mounted over what was seen as exorbitant toll fees, resulted in a successful interdict application in the North Gauteng High Court last month that stopped the launch of e-tolling pending a full court review of the system.

On Thursday, Mr Manyi said the Cabinet was unequivocal in its commitment to meet all contractual obligations, including repaying the R20bn the South African National Roads Agency (Sanral) incurred in construction costs as part of the Gauteng Freeway Improvement Project.

It also confirmed "its confidence in Sanral's demonstrable capacity to manage large contracts and deliver world-class road infrastructure" and said the roads agency had proved itself to be a valuable institution of the state.

Mr Manyi added that Sanral would be given a financial lifeline so that it could continue building road infrastructure.

He said the government "will take the necessary steps to ensure Sanral's financial soundness pending the outcome of the legal and consultation processes" related to the delay in the implementation of e-tolling.

The decision emerged from the work of the special committee set up by the Cabinet a few weeks ago to find an alternative funding solution for Sanral after the court ruling on e-tolling.

Mr Manyi said the committee, chaired by Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe , was "exploring interim measures to assist Sanral in meeting its financial obligations".

Earlier this month, the Treasury had warned that Sanral would meet its financial obligations for the next six months, but only by making "huge sacrifices" and jettisoning projects.

3.2 Minister silent on mounting calls for Mdluli's axing

Graeme Hosken, Times, 17 May 2012

Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa has refused to respond to mounting attempts to have the controversial reinstatement of crime intelligence boss Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli overturned.

Renowned human rights activist Mamphela Ramphele on Tuesday launched an urgent high court application to have Mdluli removed from office and charged with murder and fraud.

Mdluli is believed to enjoy President Jacob Zuma's protection.

Last week, Mdluli confirmed that he had written to Zuma promising to assist him in his bid for re-election as ANC president .

The letter sparked outrage and led to a row between Mdluli and four senior police officials - including suspended national police chief Bheki Cele - whom he had accused of conspiring against him and trying to block his rise to the position of national police commissioner.

The row led to Mthethwa temporarily removing Mdluli as crime intelligence chief and placing him in the operational division while the saga was being investigated.

Ramphele's court action was launched on behalf of the families of alleged victims cited in the murder allegations against Mdluli, and by civil rights lobby group Freedom Under Law.

Ramphele's affidavit asks that four decisions concerning Mdluli, made in the past year, be reviewed. These include the withdrawal of charges of murder, kidnapping, intimidation, assault, defeating the ends of justice, fraud, corruption and money laundering, as well as internal disciplinary issues, and the controversial reinstatement.

Mthethwa's spokesman, Zweli Mnisi, said: "We cannot comment on our position until the matter has been heard in court.

"We do not want parallel media commentary."

Freedom Under Law director Jeremy Gauntlett, an advocate, said the non-profit organisation "got tired of sitting back and watching" developments around Mdluli unfold.

"While 658 police members are suspended for far less serious allegations, this policeman remains in the service. The decisions taken around Mdluli were arbitrary, offended the rule of law by exemplifying impunity of people in high places, and [were] not transparent.

"Where in the world has a police general remained in daily service with charges of murder levelled against him? This is intolerable," Gauntlett said.

"The minister's reaction to this, and whether he is going to 'tough it out' or act consistently against Mdluli will be interesting."

3.3 Mdluli saga drags in high-level ANC MP

Dominic Mahlangu, Times, 17 May 2012

More dirt surfaced yesterday into the crime intelligence unit once headed by Lieutenant-General Richard Mdluli.

According to a 24-page document compiled by Colonel Kobus Roelofse, who is attached to the Hawks, there has been a high-level intervention within the security sector to stop the murder and fraud investigation against Mdluli and other officers within his unit.

The document also reveals how the chairman of parliament's joint standing committee on intelligence, Cecil Burgess, was apparently "lobbied" by Major-General Solly Lazarus to dismiss the Hawks' investigation.

Lazarus, according to Roelofse, visited Burger several times to convince him that the investigation into Mdluli and the police's slush fund, which he managed, "compromises national security".

Lazarus, another key figure in the Mdluli saga, previously faced internal disciplinary charges for allegedly plundering the crime intelligence unit's secret service account.

Roelofse's document now forms part of the high court application by rights group Freedom Under Law , which wants Mdluli's murder and corruption charges reinstated.

In its court application, FUL's Mamphela Ramphele wants the court to review all decisions made during the past year to withdraw damning charges against Mdluli.

In his report, Roelofse says a number of attempts had been made to derail the investigation related to Mdluli and those close to him.

He says those willing to help with the investigation were intimidated and in some cases interrogated.

During the Hawks investigation, the elite unit discovered how Lazarus allegedly abused the crime intelligence's slush fund to benefit his family.

And when the Hawks pursued the case, Roelofse states, Lazarus, together with his associates within the police intelligence unit, tried to remove evidence and, in some instances, intimidated informants.

Roelofse says not only were witnesses intimidated, but one member of the unit, who had come forward with detailed information against Lazarus, was "exposed".

"Due to these actions, the member and his family were placed in the witness protection programme", Roelofse states.

In another instance, the witness stated how he was asked by Lazarus's close associates to tamper with travel documents so as not to show names of Lazarus's family members.

Roelofse also reveals how a senior Hawks officer, Major-General Shadrack Sibiya, told him of being taken to task by "certain generals" within SAPS for allowing the Mdluli investigation to drag "beyond its scope of murder investigation".

Roelofse says the level of interference with respect to this investigation has already reached a level that necessitates the use of a complaints mechanism.

"Without a complaints mechanism, the integrity of the investigation cannot be maintained," he says.

The question arises as to what would be the next step in ensuring that due process takes its course.

While the Mdluli saga drags on, Cosatu general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi yesterday warned government to deal with the matter decisively.

"The own goals have to end comrades, including this Mdluli own goal. Where have you seen a policeman facing that magnitude of accusations not being dealt with?

"It's a crisis, and I can make many examples of own goals. We're scoring them over and over again."

The redeployment of Mdluli last week has sparked widespread criticism.

Yesterday, Mthethwa, the National Prosecuting Authority and Mdluli were served with papers to respond to Freedom Under Law's court challenge against Mdluli's reinstatement.

3.4 'No need for alarm' on Mdluli: Zuma

Times, 17 May 2012

There was "no need for alarm" regarding former crime intelligence boss Lt-Gen Richard Mdluli, President Jacob Zuma said in Bloemfontein.

There was "concern" over recent negative publicity related to crime intelligence, despite the "sterling" work police continued to perform, he said at a business briefing.

Zuma did not mention Mdluli by name, but referred to "the matter affecting the police crime intelligence unit".

"Our country has enough instruments to ensure that there is no abuse of power or resources to further any objectives, especially by our intelligence and security services."

Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa had established a task team to look into the matter, and a report was expected within a month.

"In addition, the inspector general of intelligence has the legal mandate of oversight with regard to the financial management of crime intelligence."

The inspector general, Faith Radebe, was also empowered to look into any other matters that could be brought to light by the investigation, Zuma said.

Last week, the presidency said reports that Zuma interfered in Mdluli's investigation, and that he attended a party to celebrate Mdluli's acquittal, were "complete fabrications".

"We wish to urge the media to be cautious and stick to the facts when reporting such matters," it said.

Last Wednesday, Mthethwa announced Mdluli would be move from head of crime intelligence to another position within the police.

Non-profit organisation Freedom Under Law applied for an urgent interdict on Tuesday preventing Mdluli from serving in the police. It also wanted to interdict Mthethwa from moving Mdluli to a new position before a review of his reinstatement.

Last year, Mdluli faced fraud and corruption charges relating to the alleged misuse of a crime intelligence fund, the purchase of luxury vehicles and the hiring of family members. He also faced a murder charge following the murder of a former lover's boyfriend, Oupa Ramogibe.

Both sets of charges were withdrawn and Mdluli was reinstated as head of crime intelligence. The murder investigation became an inquest.

4. International

4.1 Swazi queen’s R17k a night hotel splurge

Solly Maphumulo, Star, 17 May 2012

The second wife of Swazi King Mswati III has been living at an exclusive hotel in Joburg paying more than R17 000 a night for her stay, The Star has learnt.

For at least a month, Sindi LaMotsa has been living in the presidential suite of the Westcliff Hotel to be close to her son, who is being treated at a private Joburg hospital.

The king’s son, Prince Majaha, is recovering in a Netcare hospital in Joburg after he was involved in a motorbike accident last month and critically injured.

When contacted for comment, a manager at the hotel, who refused to give her name, denied LaMotsa was at the hotel.

She said it was against their policy to divulge information about their guests.

She confirmed, however, that LaMotsa had stayed at the Westcliff before. But several hotel sources and individuals close to the queen confirmed that LaMotsa was staying at the luxurious hotel, where the presidential suite costs R17 250 a night, and includes breakfast.

For a 30-day stay the bill would be a whopping R517 500, or more than half a million rand.

On Wednesday, Swaziland government spokesman Percy Simelane said the royal family was paying for Prince Majaha’s medical expenses and for the queen’s accommodation at the hotel.

“This is a private matter. It is handled by the royal family privately,” Simelane said.

According to a report in the Swazi media, the Swazi government allocates a budget of R400 million a year to the upkeep of the royal family.

When questioned about how the royal family could justify spending thousands on luxury accommodation and private healthcare in SA while ordinary citizens were struggling to get medication from public hospitals, Simelane said: “We have our own challenges, but the situation hasn’t come to a complete standstill.”

Simelane said Mswati, who has been criticised for his lavish lifestyle, was the head of state and could afford to pay for his son’s wellbeing and the queen’s stay in SA.

“If President Zuma’s son was admitted to Milpark I would not ask who is paying for his medical expenses,” he retorted.

Simelane said the prince had to be treated in SA because he had “complicated injuries”.

Majaha was injured a few days before his father’s birthday on April 19, when he turned 44, and got a private jet, in spite of the country’s financial collapse.

Simelane, however, denied there was a crisis in the country.

He said it was an exaggeration to say that.

The queen’s accommodation expenses in Joburg and her son’s private healthcare have caused outrage among ordinary Swazis in the poverty-stricken country.

A Swazi citizen, who refused to be identified, said she had recently taken a relative to a public hospital after a car accident, but was offered only painkillers.

“When the king’s son is involved in an accident, he is rushed to South Africa to get the best treatment at a private hospital. This is unacceptable,” she said.

Meanwhile, Swaziland Diaspora Platform spokeswoman Ntombenhle Khathwane has slammed the Swazi government.

“We hope the government will realise there are many other Swazis like Prince Majaha who face life-threatening medical emergencies, but do not have the luxury of a prompt medical response like the young prince.

“These are the Swazis who die every day in ill-equipped Swazi hospitals owing to the government’s neglect of our health system,” Khathwane said.

Swaziland Solidarity Network spokesman Lucky Lukhele said the health system had collapsed in Swaziland.

“You can get sick at your own risk in Swaziland.

“There is no country that can allow people to die from TB, which is a curable disease,” he said.

He added there was no doubt that it was the taxpayers who were paying for the queen’s stay at the hotel as well as Majaha’s medical expenses.

4.2 'Exotic dancers' go on strike in pay protest

Reuters, 16 May 2012

Topless dancers at the renowned Crazy Horse night club in Paris have gone on strike, saying they are not being paid enough to take the shirts off their backs.

The Crazy Horse, one of the most popular establishments of its kind in the world, said it was forced to cancel performances on Tuesday and again on Wednesday for the first time since the cabaret was created in 1951.

The night club, which declined to give details on salary demands or current wages, said in a statement that it had always taken the wellbeing of its artists very seriously and that talks were continuing to resolve the dispute.

"It's an exceptional place which has the specialty of presenting a fully naked show," Suzanne, one of the dancers, told RTL radio.

"What's wrong is that we are asked to work 24 days per month for a pay that is worse than miserable," she said.

The cabaret's management said it was doing everything possible to reopen.

"Everything is done to give the Crazy Horse show back to its public," it said.

In the meantime, clients with tickets for a show on Tuesday or Wednesday will be offered a new date or a refund, a spokeswoman said.

The Crazy Horse, Lido and Moulin Rouge - where topless dancers perform in carefully orchestrated shows - have been top attractions for generations of tourists and locals.

5. Comment

5.1 Surveys help to explain trauma in the ANC

Tim Cohen, Business Day, 17 May 2012

Two important surveys were published this week, both of which had interesting twists for reasons that are hard to explain. Both were done by research house TNS among 2000 adults in the seven major metropolitan areas, they were weighted to race and income group and are claimed to have a 2,5% margin of error. This is not a huge sample group, but it’s reflective and probably the best indication we have of popular sentiment.

The first was a simple approval/disapproval measure for President Jacob Zuma , which has been done regularly over the past three years. A similar survey was done for Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe . The result showed Zuma’s approval rating has declined to less than half of SA’s voters. It’s not quite the lowest it’s been, but it’s pretty close. His "approvals" are now at 46%, down nine percentage points in a few months. But really worrying are his "disapprovals", which have never been higher. They are also currently pegged at 46%. The "don’t know" column has been shrinking and, unfortunately for Zuma, is being added to the "disapproval" column. This means the more people make up their minds, the less they approve of him.

Even worse for Zuma, when asked the same question about Motlanthe, the opposite is true: the more they get to know him, the more they like him. Motlanthe’s popularity, at 49%, is now a bit higher that Zuma’s. This is the first time this has happened too. In 2008, 40% of respondents offered no opinion on Mot lanthe. Now, only 15% respond "don’t know" and most of those who have made up their minds have boosted Mothlante’s positives, although it must be said his negatives rose between October last year, from 25% to 36%. Still, he can boast 13% net positives about his performance, which Zuma can’t.

Looking at these numbers, it easy to understand why there is such trauma in the African National Congress (ANC) over leadership, and why Tokyo Sexwale has reportedly decided it is time to t ake a stand. If voters vote along these lines next year ( they won’t, of course), the ANC could find itself having to rule in coalition — an extraordinary thought.

So, why has Zuma been losing support? The most instinctive response would be that he is suffering from taking on the ANC Youth League and Julius Malema. But this is the interesting thing. The data suggest this is not the problem at all; quite the opposite actually. The age group most positive about him are people 18 to 34 years old — 51% — and this has been steady over the past four poll readings going back to last September. Zuma is losing support among adults and his biggest problem is people older than 60.

I think there is one positive for Zuma that comes out of all this: his political radar seems to be operating pretty well. He must have weighted the possibility that expelling Malema would cost support and correctly rejected it. I suspect the decline was actually the consequence of the police drama, and once again, Zuma did respond after the poll was taken, demoting crime intelligence head Richard Mdluli.

But of course, it is not poll numbers that matter to Zuma, it’s constituents at the ANC’s conferences. Interestingly, Malema’s post-expulsion support has actually risen a bit in some areas, perhaps out of sympathy, notably in Johannesburg and Soweto. But his positives still remain low, at about 21%, and his negatives remain high.

The second survey is even more cryptic, showing that a narrow majority (41% to 39%) feel the constitution should be changed.

The twist is that the majority of black South Africans (a narrow majority, it must be said) feel the constitution should not be changed.

Other race groups are much more pro-change. The pollsters tell me that they, too, were surprised by this result and that they have not yet investigated the reasons so many people want the constitution to be changed.

These polls demonstrate a huge distance between SA’s political class and popular views.

Some popular notions of the political class (that SA has a "fabulous" constitution, for example) are much more contentious than they believe. That’s not unusual internationally, but it is a concern.

• Cohen is contributing editor.

Patrick Craven (National Spokesperson)

Congress of South African Trade Unions

110 Jorissen Cnr Simmonds Street

Braamfontein

2017

P.O.Box 1019

Johannesburg

2000

South Africa

Tel: +27 11 339-4911 or 010 219-1339

Mobile: +27 82 821 7456

E-Mail: pat...@cosatu.org.za

image001.gif

Reply all

Reply to author

Forward

0 new messages